Wieringa's 2011 article condensing her research: the army's sexual slander of Gerwani was the spark without which the genocide would not have happened; reconstructs the Lubang Buaya night (about 70 women and girls, mostly Pemuda Rakyat volunteers) and reads the monument mural. Programmatic synthesis.
Tempo report (1 Oct 2012) on killing sites in Lumajang (Pandanwangi, Curah Mayit, Srebet) and Magetan (Puhrancang well, Gangsiran forest), with testimony from Ansor/Banser participants and villagers. Notes NU leaders called it jihad, army backing, and that many victims were not PKI. Gerwani is not mentioned.
Pohlman's 2014 article arguing the 1965-68 killings were political genocide and that the military's post-coup propaganda, including fabricated stories, constituted incitement to genocide; critiques the exclusion of political groups from the Genocide Convention.
PhD dissertation in History (UCLA, 2014) by Dahlia Gratia Setiyawan on U.S. anti-communist operations and the 1965-66 purge in Surabaya. Gerwani appears in context: as the PKI's women's affiliate (ch. 1), through the Surabaya women's coalition GOWS in the 27 September 1965 Grahadi demonstration (ch. 4), and in the Army
Jess Melvin's 2018 monograph arguing the 1965-66 killings were a genocide planned and coordinated by the army, based on about 3,000 pages of Aceh military records and interviews. Key evidence on army responsibility.
Geoffrey Robinson's 2018 synthesis of the 1965-66 violence (about 500,000 killed, a million detained), arguing the army provoked and organised it, the US and allies facilitated it, and colonial and Cold War history set the preconditions. Context; Gerwani in the propaganda chapters.