Short Indonesian essay by 'Stanley' (probably Stanley Adi Prasetyo) for a 1999 history seminar, quoting the canonical army account of Gerwani at Lubang Buaya and showing from the autopsy reports (Anderson, Dr Arief Budianto) that the genitals were intact and eye damage came from the fall into the well. Debunking the sl
Page 271 of the Sydney-published Review of Indonesian and Malayan Affairs (vols 1-2, 1967-68), on the arrest and release of lawyer Yap Thiam Hien. It reports Djohan Arifin's claim that the Mahmillub trials had been infiltrated by the 'FKI', referring to Trees Sunito (Njono's defence counsel) and Yap, which Mahmillub ch
Saskia Wieringa's 1992 article comparing Gerwani and the New Order's PKK to criticise Molyneux's practical/strategic gender interests; contrasts Gerwani's alliance with Sukarno/PKI and democratic centralism with PKK's subordination via husbands. Foundational theoretical comparison.
Wieringa's 1993 article comparing Gerwani and PKK: Gerwani's growth from 500 Gerwis members in 1950 to a claimed 3 million, its campaigns, an eyewitness account of Lubang Buaya and the army's slander, ideology and a composite life history. Early comparative study.
Wieringa's Nov 1996 ISS working paper, the first English version of her argument that the New Order was born from a sexualised propaganda campaign against Gerwani (Oct 1965-Mar 1967 an 'extended coup'), with an interview with a former Gerwani cadre. Early statement of the thesis.
Published RIMA version (1998) of Wieringa's 1996 paper, revised after Suharto's fall: the New Order legitimated itself through the army's slander campaign against Gerwani, part of an 'extended coup' of Oct 1965-Mar 1967, with a compact Gerwani history. Companion to the 1996 draft.
Wieringa's 2000 article on communism and women's same-sex practices, prompted by Kowani chair Ine Sukarno's 1999 claim that Gerwani supported lesbianism; argues Gerwani's morality was puritan and heterosexual and that 'militant motherhood' threatened conservatives. Links Gerwani slander to sexuality politics.
Front matter only (title, contents, abstract) of Wieringa's ISS working paper 332 (Feb 2001) arguing the New Order legitimated itself through sexual politics, the military's 30-year slander of Gerwani. Body of the paper missing from the scan.
Gerry van Klinken's 2001 article mapping the post-Suharto contest over the national past: statist New Order history (film, Lubang Buaya rituals, book bans), versus societal streams including Sulami's 1999 truth-seeking organisation and Pramoedya. Historiographical context.
Leslie Dwyer's 2004 article on the gendered violence of 1965-66 in Bali, framed by Ibu Ari, whose husband and brother were taken by PNI paramilitaries and who was sexually 'inspected'; argues women's silence is a culturally specific semiotics, not absence of memory. Fieldwork-based gender analysis.
McGregor and Hearman (2007) read Gerwani leaders Sulami's and Sudjinah's memoirs as political rehabilitation: distancing from the PKI, rebutting the Lubang Buaya slander, socialist critique and claims to citizenship. Key scholarly analysis of survivor memoirs.
Drakeley's 2007 article analysing the army's Oct-Dec 1965 psywar 'Lubang Buaya horror story' as a misogynist attack on Gerwani and a driver of the killings, tracing escalating claims in Angkatan Bersendjata, Antara and others, including the 'confessions' of Djamilah, Sujati and Saina. Core analysis of the slander.
McGregor and Hearman's 2007 article reading Sulami's and Sudjinah's memoirs as political rehabilitation: both arrested 1967, tried 1975 for subversion; they distance Gerwani from the PKI and answer the sexual slander. Second copy of the paper (South East Asia Research).
Annie Pohlman's 2008 article adopting the Latin American genre of testimonio to analyse women's narratives of genocide, torture and detention in the absence of official inquiry; examines collective voice and discursive strategies around sexual violence.
Katharine McGregor's 2009 article on NU's support for the 1965-66 killings (e.g. its 5 Oct 1965 call to ban the PKI, Gerwani and others), their celebration under the New Order and Syarikat's post-1998 reconciliation work. Context on religious-organisation role.
Michele Ford's 2010 article arguing the New Order consciously rewrote Indonesian labour history to justify a single state union (FBSI, 1973), comparing sixteen labour histories. Context on labour historiography; not Gerwani-specific.
Wieringa's 2011 article condensing her research: the army's sexual slander of Gerwani was the spark without which the genocide would not have happened; reconstructs the Lubang Buaya night (about 70 women and girls, mostly Pemuda Rakyat volunteers) and reads the monument mural. Programmatic synthesis.
Mursidah's 2012 survey of Indonesian women's organisations as a 'feminist movement', from Kartini to the New Order and left activism today; about two pages on Gerwani. Thin general overview.
2012 article by Hamdan Tri Atmaja using Gadamerian hermeneutics and interviews with seven survivors (two women held at Plantungan) on how they interpret state actions after G30S: readings of the coup, groundless arrests and interrogation.
2013 article by Taufik Ahmad on about 911 ex-political prisoners (BTI, Lekra, CGMI, Gerwani activists) held at Moncongloe, South Sulawesi: their 1975-77 release and post-release control through reporting, Pancasila courses, ET identity-card code and screening. Context on stigma.
Vannessa Hearman's 2013 article on memories 'under duress', from interviews with over thirty ex-prisoners: screening and stigma forced concealment, name changes and silence; Gerwani appears via 'Leila' and 'Tuti' and Sukarno-era WIDF internationalism. Oral history methodology.
Pohlman's 2013 article, from about 150 interviews, on women's stories of pregnancy, childbirth, raising, losing and aborting children during 1965-66 and detention, including cooperative childcare and a former Gerwani leader (Ibu Astuti). Gendered history of survival.
Pohlman's 2014 article arguing the 1965-68 killings were political genocide and that the military's post-coup propaganda, including fabricated stories, constituted incitement to genocide; critiques the exclusion of political groups from the Genocide Convention.
Wieringa (2014) uses The Act of Killing to argue Indonesian indifference to the film reflects the enduring success of the military's sexual moral panic against communism; discusses a director's-cut scene and levels of silence about Gerwani. Memory and silence.
Vannessa Hearman's 2014 reflection on the absence of victims in The Act of Killing, concluding that this dominance of perpetrators vividly shows impunity and its continued narrative. Context on film and advocacy.
Pohlman (2015) on 'janda PKI': women widowed in 1965-66 were doubly stigmatised as widows and as 'PKI' women demonised by Gerwani propaganda; four testimonies show sexual violence and exploitation. Gendered stigma analysis.
Wieringa (Indonesian Feminist Journal, Aug 2015): the 'confession' of 'Jamilah, Srikandi of Lubang Buaya' printed identically in four army papers on 5-7 Nov 1965, and the real Jemilah (arrested by mistake for Gerwani leader Atikah, tortured, lost her baby), from Juki Ardi's Aku bukan Jamilah.
Anett Keller's German briefing (March 2016, Stiftung Asienhaus) on the neglected gender dimension of 1965: Lubang Buaya slander, the film and monument, tattoo hunts, sexual torture, forced marriages of widows, Plantungan and 'State Ibuism'. Written after the IPT 1965.
Pohlman (2016) argues the demonisation of Gerwani created an enduring 'pathological discourse' constraining women's sexual and political citizenship; perpetrators invoked the slander to justify violence, as in the cases of Ibu Susiani and others.
Release page for Dialita's free album Dunia Milik Kita (17 Aug 2016, Yes No Wave): ten songs, most written in prison camps (Bukit Duri, Plantungan, Ambarawa, Salemba) or by Lekra composers, arranged by young indie musicians. Documents the choir of women ex-prisoners.