CIA intelligence memorandum, 6 October 1965, an early US assessment of the 30 September Movement; names Gerwani as reportedly involved and relays Suharto's 4 October claim that Pemuda Rakyat and Gerwani volunteers trained near Halim. Early US echo of the Lubang Buaya narrative.
JPRS translation of Kompas, 12 Jan 1971: Emi Marijam, 24, described as a Jakarta Gerwani activist, testifies as witness in the subversion trial of Pemuda Rakjat secretary-general Sukatno. She says she and three women were assigned to torture the generals at Lubang Buaja, gouging eyes for one million rupiah, after train
Gerry van Klinken's 2001 article mapping the post-Suharto contest over the national past: statist New Order history (film, Lubang Buaya rituals, book bans), versus societal streams including Sulami's 1999 truth-seeking organisation and Pramoedya. Historiographical context.
Michele Ford's 2010 article arguing the New Order consciously rewrote Indonesian labour history to justify a single state union (FBSI, 1973), comparing sixteen labour histories. Context on labour historiography; not Gerwani-specific.
Wieringa's 2011 article condensing her research: the army's sexual slander of Gerwani was the spark without which the genocide would not have happened; reconstructs the Lubang Buaya night (about 70 women and girls, mostly Pemuda Rakyat volunteers) and reads the monument mural. Programmatic synthesis.
John Roosa's 2020 book, from nearly 400 interviews, arguing the typical 1965-66 killing was army execution of detainees (hence mass disappearance); dissects army propaganda including how Gen. Sugandhi sexualised Lubang Buaya from 9 Oct 1965. Key scholarship.
Journal article by Gilang Desti Parahita and Vissia Ita Yulianto (Archipel 99, 2020, pp. 47-73) on how YouTube reproduces the New Order's 'Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI' as monumental memory while alternative 1965 films circulate far less. Gerwani appears on p. 63: filmmaker Lexy Rambadetta, after meeting former Gerwani membe