Peking Review No. 41, 9 Oktober 1964 (National Day guests incl. Suharti of Gerwani)

=== [PDF page 1] === 41 October 9, 1964 Hold High the Revolutionary Banner of Marxism-Leninism Renmin Ribao editorial commemorates centenary of the. First International (p. 8). A Cambodian and Congolese (B) Leaders Visit China fb, ye Shanghai—Growth of a Socialist Industrial Centre AM (p. 19). “The East Is Red’’— A Pageant Of China’s Revolution A WEEKLY MAGAZINE OF CHINESE NEWS AND VIEWS === [PDF page 2] === Works of Mao Tse-tung IN HANDY ENGLISH POCKET EDITIONS The following titles are now on sale Why Is It That Red Political Power Can Exist in China? A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War Problems of Strategy in Guerrilla War Against Japan On Protracted War Problems of War and Strategy The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan On the Chungking Negotiations Talk With the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong The Present Situation and Our Tasks On Some Important Problems of the Party’s Present Policy Carry the Revolution Through to the End Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Parity of China On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship On the U.S. White Paper Comrade Mao Tse-tung on “Imperialism ond All Reactionaries Are Paper Tigers” Chairman Mao Tse-tung’s Important Talks With Guests From Asia, Africa and Latin America The above are also available in French and Spanish Published by: FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS, Peking, China Distributed by: GUOZI SHUDIAN (China Publications Centre), Peking, China Order from your local dealer or from the Mail-Order Department, GUOZiI SHUDIAN P. O. Box 399, Peking, China PEKING REVIEW An authoritative weekly that gives China's views on international questions and covers developments in China, In English, French, Spanish, German, Japanese and Indonesian. Airmailed to subscribers the world over Subscribe NOW for 1965 Send your orders and payment to your local dealer LLL LALLA LALA AAA LLLP A a A a A A Ot ia acs === [PDF page 3] === PEKING THE WEEK REVIEW |) num cncuwwn The 15th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China was pe ae fA A celebrated with great rejoicing throughout the land. © Renmin Ribao marked the centenary of the First Interna- = tional with the editorial “Hold High the Revolutionary Banner of (BELJING ZHOUBAO) Marxism-Leninism,” A WEEKLY MAGAZINE OF CHINESE © The Governments of China and Cambodia issued a joint com- NEWS AND VIEWS munique on October 5. © China and the Congo (Brazzaville) signed a treaty of friendship and agreements on economic and technical co-operation, cultural co-operation and maritime transport. Ovtober 9, 1961 Vel. VIL No. 41 CONTENTS A joint communique of the two Governments was issued on October 3. THE WEEK 3 © Diplomatic relations were established between China and ARTICLES & DOCUMENTS the Central African Republic. Renmin Ribao in its October 3 editorial hailed this event as Chairman Mao and Other another contribution to Asian-African solidarity. Leaders Receive Distin- © Premier Chou En-lai sent a message of greetings to the Secguished Guests 6 ond Conference of Non-Aligned Countries in Cairo. © China and Nepal signed a protocol on the construction of irrigation works, © Ina note to the Indian Embassy in Peking on September 28, the Chinese Foreign Ministry strongly protested against intrusions into China’s Tibet region by Indian troops crossing the China-Sikkim border. ® Hsinhua Commentator’ refuted the Brazilian authorities’ trumped-up indictment before a military tribunal of the nine Chinese personnel arrested in Brazil. Hold High the Revolutionary Banner of Marxism-Leninism — Renmin Ribao Editorial 8 New Bonds of Friendship 10 China-Cambodia Joint Communique 11 China and the Congo (B) Sign Friendship Treaty 14 Joint Communique of China Published every Fridoy by PEKING REVIEW Pai Wan Chuang, Peking (37), Chino Cable Address: Peking 2910 Post Office Registration No. 2-922 Printed in the People’s Republic of Chine October 9, 1964 President Keita Leaves China President Modibo Keita of Mali shortly return to China to continue his state visit. The great crowd gathered at Peking Airport gave President Keita and his party a brilliant send-off. They waved flowers, beat drums and gongs and cheered: “Long live Sino- Malian friendship!’ “Long live the solidarity between Asian and African peoples!” Chinese and Malian and the Con B 14:. national flags fluttered around the go ®) and his wife left China by special tarmac Accompanied by Chairman “Indictment” Against Ar- plane on October 4 to the farewell Liu and Premier Chou Presisient rested Chinese in Brazil waves of Chairman Liu Shao-chi and:;: :: Keita reviewed a guard of honour of Denounced his wife, Chairman Chu Teh, Pre- the three services of the PLA. As —Hsinhua Commentator 16 mier Chou En-lai and other high gov- the Sresitin’ eich hi ee China Strongly Protests Ss officials, anaes anes Chairman Liu and other leaders Against Indian Troops’ ons of the: Chines; ace one 7. “ warmly shook his hands and wished Intrusions into Chinese tion Army and thousands of Peking 150 pon voyage, Territory 18 citizens. Shanghai—Growth of a ine Malian al attended Bromiere of “The East Is Red” Socialist Industrial Centr China’s National Day celebrations in ’ Ts ‘e Ti hi ~ ee 9 Peking. During his brief stay, he A highlight of the National Day [Unreadable] a i held talks with Chairman Liu and entertainments in Peking was the ROUND THE WORLD 23 | Premier Chou and visited places of premiere in the Great Hall of the PEKING FESTIVITIES 25 interest in the capital. He will People of the song and dance pageant of China's revolution, The Eust Is Red, en October 2. Peng Chen was host to the distinguished guests from many lands who attended the performance. Among them were Prince Norodom Sihanouk and his wife. President Modibo Keita and wife, President Alphonse Mayor his === [PDF page 4] === English Translation of “Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung,” Vol. |, Published N English version of the first A volume of the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung was published by the Forcign Languages Press in Peking on the eve of National Day. Distribution of the book. beginning October 1, will be handled by the Foreign Languages Bookstore for readers in China by Guozi Shudian (China Publications Centre) for readers abroad. The English version was translated from the Chinese edition published by the People’s Publishing House in July 1952. It consists of 17 articles written by Mao Tse-tung during the First and Second Revolutionary Civil Wars in China. Included are such important works us “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society,” “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” “Why Is It That Red Political Power Can Exist in China?” and “On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party,” “A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire,” “Be Concerned With the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Attention to Methods of Work,’ “On Tactics Against Japanese Imperialism.” “Problems of Strategy in China’s Revolutionary War,’ “On Practice” and “On Contradiction.” An earlier English translation of the first volume of the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung was published in Britain in 1954. In the course of the work on the new English translation done in China, reference was made to several existing versions in English and important changes were made in wording in an effort to convey more faithfully the thinking and style of Mao Tsc-tung. New English versions of the second and third volumes of the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung will be published by the Foreign Languages Press. The English translation of the fourth volume done in China came off the press in 1961. Russian Translation of “Selected Military Writings of Mao Tse-tung” Published A RUSSIAN translation of the Selected Military Writings of Mao Tse-tung by Foreign Languages Press in Peking on the eve of National Day. lations in English and French came off the presses earlier. was issucd the Trans- The Russian version will be distributed, beginning on October 1, by the Foreign Languages Bookstore for readers in China and by Guozi Shudian (China Publications Centre) for readers abroad, Twenty-nine articles written by Mao Tse-tung during the various periods of the Chinese people's democratic revolution are included. Such important military works as “Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War,’ “Problems of Strategy in Guerrilla War Against Japan,” “On Protracted War,” “Problems of War and Strategy” and “Concentrate a Superior Force to Destroy the Enemy Forces One by One” are some of the articles included. Massamba-Debat, President Choi Yong Kun, Chairman Ion Gheorghe Maurer, Premier Pham Van Dong, Prince Moulay Abdallah, the delegations from the socialist countries and the fraternal Parties, and the government delegations from various Asian and African countries. Prolonged, stormy applause grected their entrance in company with Liu Shao-chi, Tung Pi-wu, Chu Teh, Chou En-lai, Teng Hsiao-ping and other Chinese leaders. The audience gave the performers a great ovation as they sang Workers of All Lands, Unite! and People of the World, Unite! in a final scene picturing the solidarity of the Chinese people with the people all over the world. The next evening, at another performance of the pageant, Mayor Peng Chen was host to foreign experts helping with China’s construction, foreign students studying in China, overseas Chinese visiting their mother country, compatriots from Hongkong and Macao, representatives of China’s national minorities, outstanding workers and model farmers and combat heroes from the P.L.A. China and Central African Republic Establish Diplomatic Relations China and the Central African Republic have agreed to establish diplomatic relations at the ambassadorial level, This was announced in a joint communique signed by representatives of the two Governments in Bangui. the capital of the Central African Republic on September 29. Notes exchanged carlicr belween the two sides in Peking confirming the discussions held on the establishment of relations were also released simullaneously in the capitals of both countries. Premier Chou En-lai and Foreign Minister Chen Yi sent messages of grectings to President David Dacko and Foreign Minister Antoine Guimali of the Republic of Central Africa respectively. Hailing the occasion as a happy one for the people of the two countries, Renmin Ribao in an editorial expressed confidence that, after the establishment of diplomatic relations, the friendship and co-operation between the two countries would be strengthened under the guidance of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and the Bandung spirit. Guinea’s National Day On the eve of the sixth anniversary of the founding of the Republie of Guinea (October 2), Chairman Liu Shao-chi and Premier Chou En-lai sent a joint message to President Sekou Toure warmly congratulating him on the happy occasion. In Peking, Guinean Ambassador to China Camara Mamady gave a reception which was attended by Vice- Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 5] === Chairman Tung Pi-wu, Premier Chou En-lai, Vice-Premiers Chen Yi and Po I-po, and many other guests. President Alphonse Massamba-Debat of the Congo (Brazzaville) was also present. Vice-Premier Chen Yi paid tribute to the great achievements of the Guinean people in defending their country’s independence and sovereignty and developing their national economy and culture. Referring to the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries in Cairo, he expressed the hope that it would yield positive results and assist the cause of opposing imperialism and new and old colonialism, supporting the national independence movyements and preserving world peace. He pledged that China. along with the other Asian-African countries, would make active preparations and work for the success of the Second African-Asian Conference to be held in Algeria next year. He pointed out that the Second Conference of Non- Aligned Countries and the Second African-Asian Conference should promote and advance cach other and not exclude or counteract each other. “We note with satisfaction,” said Vice-Premier Chen Yi, “that this view of ours has become the common view of an increasing number of Asian-African countries.” Speaking of Asian-African | solidarity, the Vice-Premier recalled that the peoples of the Asian and African countries had had a similar historical experience and were confronted with a common [fighting task. “We need to strengthen still more our solidarity, co-operation and mutual support in opposing imperialism and new and old colonialism. upholding national independence. developing the national economy and defending world peace,” said Vice-Premier Chen Yi. Ambassador Camara Mamady, in his speech, reiterated his people's support for the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist struggle the world over. Speaking of Sino-Guinean friendship. the Ambassador said: “The Guinean people sincerely rejoice over the victories won by the Chinese people and wish them new and greater successes. The plot of imperialism to isolate China has met October 9, 1964 Chinese Leaders Greet G.D.R. National Day Chinese Communist Party and state leaders on October 6 sent a message to Walter Ulbricht, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the German Socialist Unity Party and Chairman of the State Council of the German Democratic Republic: Willi Stoph, Chairman of the Council of Ministers; Dr. Johannes Dieckmann, President of the People’s Chamber; and Dr. Erich Correns, President of the National Council of the National Front of Democratic Germany. greeting the 15th anniversary of the founding of the G.D.R. The message was sent by Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China; Liu Shao-chi, Chairman of the People’s Republic of China; Chu Teh. Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National Pcople’s Congress; and Chou En-lai, Premier of the State Council and Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. It reads: “On the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the founding of the German Democratic Republic, we extend our warm greetings to the people of the G.D.R., the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and_ the Government of the G.D-R. We congratulate the G.D.R. on its splendid achievements in building socialism. “U.S. imperialism is at present actively supporting West German militarism, unscrupulously carrying out activities hostile to the G.D.R. and for isolating it, violating its sovereignty, and threatening peace in Europe and the world. The Chinese Government and people reaffirm their resolute support for the just struggle of the people of the G.D.R. aguinst the US. imperialist policies of agsuression and war, against West German militarism and revanchism, for the conclusion of a German peace treaty and in defence of their national sovereignty. “A profound friendship exists between the Chinese and German peoples; to safeguard and strenethen this friendship not only fully conforms to the fundamental interests of our two peoples but is also conducive to the unity of the socialist camp and the common = struggle against imperialism. On the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and in accordance with the revolutionary principles of the 1957 Declaration and the 1960 Statement, the Chinese people will, as always, struggle to strengthen the friendship and unity of the Chinese and German peoples. uphold the unity of the socialist camp, oppose imperialism and defend world peace. “May the people of the G.D.R. achieve new successes in the cause of building up their country. May the friendship between the Chinese and German peoples consolidate and develop.” with abject defeat. and China has become greater, has won respect in the world and has more and more friends.” Premier Chou Greets Conference Of Non-Aligned Countries Premier Chou En-lai on October 4 sent a message of greetings to the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries which opened in Cairo on Monday (October 5). The message reads: “The First Conference of Non- Aligned Countries held in 1961 has played a positive role in the cause of the people of the world against imperialism, for national independence and in defence of world peace. We ave happy to see that many countries have gained independence in the past few years, and that the majority of the newly independent states have declared that they will pursuc a policy of peace, neutrality and nonalignment in the hope that such a policy will help climinate colonialism and consolidate their own inde- At present, there are still many countries which have not gained independence while many independent countries are still threatened with aggression, intervention, pendence. (Continued on p. 17.) === [PDF page 6] === Chairman Mao and Other Leaders Receive Chairman Mao Tse-tung, Chairman Liu Shao-chi and other Chinese leaders, before and after National Day, received distinguished guesis from many lands who came to Peking to attend celebrations of the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Pecple’s Republic of China. They included the delegations from 12 socialist countries. These were: the Party and Government Delegation of the Korean Democratic People’s Republic led by Choi Yong Kun, Member of the Political Committee and Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee of the Korean Workers’ Party and President of the Presidium of the Supreme People’s Assembly, and Pak Keum Chul, Member of the Political Committee and Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee of the Korean Workers’ Party; the Party and Government Delegation of the Viet Nam Democratic Republic led by Pham Van Dong, Member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Viet Nam Workers’ Party and Premier of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam; the Party and Government Delegation of the People’s Republic of Rumania led by Ion Gheorghe Maurer, Member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Rumanian Workers’ Party. Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Vice-Chairman of the State Council; the Party and Government Delegation of the People’s Republic of Albania led by General Beqir Balluku, Member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labour. First Vice- Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Defence; the Party and Government Delegation of the Seviet Union led by Viktor Vasilye- Distinguished Guests vich Grishin, Alternate Member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U. and Chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions; the Cuban Party and Government Delegation led by Isidoro Malmierca Peoli, Organizing Secretary of the Havana Provincial Committee of the United Party of Socialist Revolution of Cuba; the Government Delegation of the Mongolian People’s Republic led by Sonomyn Lubsan, First Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers; the Government Delegation of the German Democratic Republic led by Lothar Bolz, Vice- Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Foreign Affairs; the Delegation of the Hungarian People’s Republic led by Komocsin Zoltan, Chairman of the editorial committee of Nepszabadsag and Member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party: the Delegation of the All-Poland Committee of the Polish People’s United Front led by Witold Jarosinski, Member of the Presidium and Secretary of the All-Poland Committee of the People’s United Front: the Czechoslovak Delegation led by Vaclav Pasek, Secretary of the Central Council of Czechoslovak Trade Unions; and the Bulgarian Delegation led by Dimiter Dimov, chairman of the China department of the Bulgarian Liaison Committee for Friendship and Cultural Relations With Foreign Countries and People’s Depuly, The Chinese leaders also received delegations and friends from friendly countries of Asia and Africa. They were: the Delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco led by His Royal Highness Prince Moulay Abdallah. representative of His Majesty King Hassan 11 of Morocco; Prince Souphanouvong, Chairman of the Neo Lao Haksat and Vice-Premier of the Laotian National Union Government, and Phoumi Vongvichit, Minister of Information, Publicity and Tourism of the Laotian National Union Government; the Government Delegation of the Kingdom of Nepal led by Surya Bahadur Thapa, Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Finance, Economic Planning, Law and Justice and Administrative Management; the Algerian Party and Government Delegation led by Amar Ouzegane, Member of the Central Committee of the Algevian National Liberation Frent and Minister of State: the Burmese Government Delegation led by Colonel Tin Oo, Member of the Revolutionary Council of the Union of Burma: the Pakistan Friendship Delegation led by Khan A. Sabur Khan, Minister the Ceylonese Parliamentary Delegation led by Hugh Fernando, Speaker of the House of Representatives. of Communications: The Chinese leaders also received Tjoo Tik Tjoen. Member of the Central Committee of the Indonesian Communist Party and acting head of the Indonesian Communist Party Delegation, and other members of the Indonesian delegation: the Japanese Communist Party Delegation led by Sukeharu Yeshida, Chairman of the Central Control and Auditing Committee of the Japanese Communist Party: the New Zealand Communist Party Delegation led by Den McCarthy, Chairman of the Wellington District Committce of the New Zealand Communist Party; and the delegation of the Vietnamese journal Hoc Tap led by Vu Tuan, chief editor of the journal. Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 7] === The Chinese leaders also received guests from Indonesia, the Congo (Brazzaville), Cambodia and Cuba. They were: Indonesian Air Chief Marshal Suryadarma. Minister and Military Adviser to the President, and his wife; the Military Goodwill Delegation of the Congo (Brazzaville) led by Major Mouz Abakani Felix, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Congo (Brazzaville); the Cambodian Military Delegation led by Colonel Duong Sam O}, Vice-Chief of General Staff of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces: and the Cuban Naval led by Captain Jorge Arcos Bergnes. Delegation The Chinese leaders also received than 70 foreign five continents. more friends fram They were: the Joint Friendship Delegation of the Neo Lao Haksat and the Laotian Neutralists led by Sithon Koumadam, Vice-Chairman of the Neo Lao Haksat; the Delegation of the South Viet Nam National Front Liberation led by Tran Van Thanh, Member of the Central Committee of the South Viet Nam National Front for Liberation; Nguyen Ven Hieu. Member of the Central Committee of the South Viet Nam National Front for Liberation; the for Delegation of the African Independence Party of Portuguese Guinea and Cape Verde Island led by Aristides Pereira. Member of the Political Burenu and Deputy General Secretary of the Party: Robert Williams, American Negro and his wife; Duong Quoc Chinh, Member of the Central Committee of the Viel Nam Workers’ Party and Minister of Agriculture; Ha Que, Member of the Central Committee of the Viet Nam Workers’ Party and Vice-President of the Union of Vietnamese Women; Agim Mero. First Secretary of the Central Commiitee of the Union of Working Youth of Albania; Spiro Bakalli, Director of the Albanian leader, October 9, 1964 State Bank; Dhimiter § Shuteriki, Chairman of the Writers and Artisis Union of Albania: Kim Eun Soon, Vice-Chairman of the Central Comof the Korean Democratic Women’s Union; Kim Bong Il, Vice- Chairman of the Central Committec Korean Socialist Working Youth League: Constantin Mateescu, Chairman of the Central Federation of the Rumanian Consumers’ Cooperatives. and his wife; Naibaho, editor-in-chief of Harian Rakjat, organ of the Central Committee of the Indonesian Communist Party; Professor Soenarjo S.H., Rector of the Diponegoro University; A. Karim, President of the Indonesian Jour- Association: Siauw Giok Member of the Indonesian Supreme Advisory Council and of the Co-operation Parliament, and his wife; Mme. Suharti, Member of the Central Committee of the Indonesian Communist Party and First Vice-Chairman of the Women’s Movement of Indonesia (Gerwani); Mme. Chairul Saleh, Liaison Chairman of the Women’s Union of the Indonesian Republic and wife of the Third Vice-Prime Minister of Indonesia; Mme. Sukahar, one of the presidents of the Indonesian Women’s mittee of the nalists Tjhan, Congress; Mme. Djuanda, widow of the late Chief Minister of Indonesia; Nouphan Thipphasay. General Secretary of the Laotian Employees’ Federation; Khamma Phoukong, Member Culture and Education Department of the Cenof the Information, tral Committee of Neo Lao Haksat: Abdullah Mashnuq, Director of Beirut Al Masa of Lebanon, and his wife; Jiichiro Matsumoto, President of the Japan-China Friendship Association; Kenzo Nakajima, Chairman of the Council of the Japan- China Cultural Exchange Association, and his wife: Seiichi Ishida, Member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Japan and deputy chief editor of Akahata; Mme. Kyoko Asanuma, widow of late Chairman of the Japanese Socialist Party Inejiro Asanuma; Kazuo Suzuki, Director-General of the Japan-China Trade Promoting Association; Takeo Kimura, Japanese Liberal Democratic Member of the House of Representutives: Hosei Yoshida, Mayor of Kitakyushu of Japan, and his wife; Chuji Kuno, Japanese Liberal Democratic Member of the House of Representatives, and his wife: Kinkazu Saionji, honorary head of the delegation of the Japan-China Cultural Exchange Association, and his wife; Kwasi Amoako-Atta, Minister of Finance of Ghana; Louis Negre, Governor of the Bank of the Republic of Mali; Ahmed Hussein Al Marouny, Minister of Information and National Guidance of Yemen; Belazoug Abdelaziz. General- Secretary of the Algerian Journalists Union; Tracisus George Silundika, Secretary for Publicity and Information of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union of Southern Rhodesia; Ali Abdel Lahman El Amin, noted Islamic scholar of Sudan; Manuel Galich, former foreign minister of Guatemala, and his wife; Bernardo Kordon, Chairman of the Argentine Association of Friends of the Chinese People. and his wile; Cedric Cuthbert Ralph, Australian jurist; T.M. Cherry, President of the Academy of Sciences of Australia; Magnus Kjartansson, Member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the United Socialist Party of Iceland, and editorin-chief of Thjodviljinn of Iceland, and his wife; George Thomson, professor at the University of Birmingham, and his wife; Joseph Needham, President of the Britain-China Friendship Association, and his wife: Patrick Maynard Stuart Blackeit. Member of the Council of the Royal Society of Great Britain. and his wife; Alfred Castlerd, noted French scientist, and his wife; Swedish editor Nils Holmberg and his wife: Mme. Esther Chapa, head of the Mexican Women's Delegation; and Abel Gance, welilknown French film director. === [PDF page 8] === Ait a fh RENMIN RIBAO Hold High the Revolutionary Banner Of Marxism-Leninism — Commemorating Centenary of the First international— Following is a translation of “Renmin Ribao’s” September 24 editorial. Subheads are ours. — Ed. Cy hundred years ago, on September 28, 1864, the first international revolutionary organization of the proletariat, the International Working Men’s Association, was set up in London. The international communist movement since that time has overcome all obstacles and developed apace with unparalleled vitality. The radiance of communism has illumined mankind’s road of advance. The First International Is Immortal Under the leadership of Marx and Engels the First International closely integrated scientific socialism with the international workers movement and mapped out the correct line for the proletarian revolution. Influenced by the First International, the working class of Paris staged an armed uprising and set up the Paris Commune, the first revolutionary regime of the prolelariat in history. Marx and Engels summed up the experiences of the Paris Commune and enriched the Marxist theory concerning the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Throughout the period of the First International, Marx and Engels waged a principled and uncompromising struggle against opportunism and splittism of every shade and hue. As a result of the success of this struggle, Marxism became predominant in the international workers’ movement. Evaluating the First International, Lenin said: “It will not be forgotten, it will go down in the history of the workers’ struggle for their own emancipation.” “The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian. international struggle [for socialism.” The Second International was esiablished in 1889. During its existence, Marxism was propagated on a larger scale and the international workers’ movement made greater progress. At the same time, however, opportunism, infatuated with the legal. parliamentary read, spread within the Parties of a number of countries. Engels fought it uncompromisingly. After his death. the revisionists gradually usurped the leadership of the Second International. As Lenin pointed out: “The period of the Second International was a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass extension of the workers’ movement in a number of countries.” “But the workers’ leaders in the majority of the Parties, accustomed to the times of peace, lost their ability to wage revolutionary struggle.” “They betrayed the workers... they became enemies of socialism, they crossed over to the capitalists.” Following the betrayal by the leaders of the Second International, the grave responsibility of defending Marxism and persevering in the revolutionary line of the proletariat fell on the shoulders of Lenin who, inheriting the Marxist revolutienary traditions of the First International, completely demolished the revisionist fallacies and defended and developed Marxism with regard to a series of fundamental questions concerning proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Holding aloft the revolutionary banner of Marxism, Lenin led the Russian proletariat to the victory of the Great October Revolution and founded the first socialist country in the world. In March 1919, Marxists of various countries rallied under Lenin's leadership and founded the Third International. that is, the Communist International, which carried on the positive work of the Second International, cleared it of the opportunist, social-chauvinistic, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois rubbish, and began realizing the dictatorship of the prolelariat and ushered in a new epoch in world history. Developing the First International's Revolutionary Traditions and Combating the Reactionary Traditions of Revisionism The history of the international communist movement of the last hundred years proves that Marxism- Leninism is incompatible with opportunism and revisionism and that if is in the course of the constant and victorious struggle of Marxism-Leninism against all sorts of opportunism and revisionism that the international communist movement forges ahead. The historical experience of the international workers’ movement tells us that whether or not to recognize violeni revolution as the universal law of the proletarian revolution, whether or not to recognize the need to smash the old state machinery and to replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie by the dictatorship of the proletariat. in short. whether to make revolution or not to make revolution and even Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 9] === to oppose revolution has always been the watershed between Marxism and all sorts of opportunism and revisionism and between proletarian revolutionaries and all renegades from the proletariat. What are the traditions of the First International founded by Marx? Clearly, they are the traditions of revolution, the traditions of the revolutionary workers of the Paris Commune. In his speech “On the Seventh Anniversary of the International,” Marx pointed out that “the Commune was the latest and greatest of all movements that have taken place. The Commune was—and there can be no two opinions about this — the conquest of political power by the working class.” He added: “But the dictatorship of the proletariat is indispensable, before the realization of such changes (the transfer of all the means of labour to the producers—editor) becomes possible, and the first and foremost condition for the dictatorship is an army of the proletariat. The right of the working class to its own emancipation must be won on the battlefield. The task of the International is to organize and unite the forces of the working class for the coming siruggle.” Who are the successors to the revolutionary traditions of the First International, and of the Paris Commune? No doubt, they are Lenin, Stalin and all other Marxist-Leninists. It is common knowledge that Leninism is Marxism in the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution. The quintessence of Leninism is the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin explicitly pointed out, “Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat.” This principle advanced by Lenin remains an incontrovertible truth. Now, as ever, only those who adhere to the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat are Marxist-Leninists and fighters abiding by the revolutionary traditions of the First International. In the period of the First International, all the anti-Marxist groups, the Proudhonists, the Bakuninists, the Syndicalists and the Lassalleans did not understand at all and did not want to understand the experience and lessons of the Paris Commune and they all refused to recognize the need for the working class to replace the old, crushed state machinery by a new one. They had all sunk to opportunism and become renegades from the proletariat and lackeys in the service of the bourgeois reactionaries. Hence, standing opposed to Marxist revolutionary traditions of the First International is the opportunist tradition, the tradition of opposing and liquidating the revolution, the tradition of the renegades and the tradition of being slaves of the bourgeois reactionaries. Who have inherited these traditions? The old-line revisionists such as Bernstein, Kautsky and their ilk and the modern revisionists headed by Khrushchoy, October 9, 1964 These revisionists’ betrayal of Marxism and the proletariat finds its concentrated expression in their opposition to violent revolution, to the dictatorship of the proletariat and in their pleas for peaceful transition of capitalism to socialism. They indulge in the illusion about the parliamentary road and renounce the revolutionary task of seizing power, turning the proletarian party into an electioneering party, a parliamentary party, an appendage of the bourgeoisie and an instrument for supporting the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The modern revisionists also want to liquidate the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist countries and turn the dictatorship of the proletariat into the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. In commemorating the centenary of the founding of the First International, we must resolutely carry forward the revolutionary traditions of Marxism-Leninism and oppose the reactionary traditions of opportunism and revisionism. Struggle Between Upholding Unity And Creating a Split Since the founding of the First International, the struggle between the upholding of unity and creating a split has never ceased in the international communist movement. In essence, this is a struggle between Marxism and opportunism, between adherence to Marxism and its betrayal. The unity of the international communist movement is built on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and revolutionary principles. Perseverance in principle is inseparably linked with the upholding of unity. To renounce principle and collude with opportunism and revisionism is betrayal of Marxism-Leninism. History shows that every split in the communist movement has invariably been caused by the opposition to and betrayal of Marxism by the opportunists and revisionists and by their jettisoning the principle of proletarian internationalism and practising national chauvinism. The splittism we condemn is the breaking away from Marxism-Leninism, from the revolutionary party of the proletariat and from the revolutionary proletariat and the broad masses of the labouring people. The opportunist groups in the period of the First International, and the Bakuninists in particular, were splitters, precisely because they violently attacked Marx’s revolutionary theory, tried to force their own factional preachings on and conduct schismatic activities against the Marxists in the International. The revisionists of the Second International were splitters also because they rammed their own revisionist programme down the throat of the workers’ parties, usurped the leadership of the International and opposed the Marxist-Leninists and the revolutionary struggles they led. The modern revisionists have betrayed Marxism-Leninism and the fundamental interests of the proletariat and the working people. They are bent on pushing ahead with their revisionist line and are doing all they can to split and disintegrate the socialist === [PDF page 10] === camp and disrupt the unity of the fraternal Parties. The chief of the modern revisionists is the No. 1, outand-out splitter. Integrating Universal Truths of Marxism-Leninism With Revolutionary Practice All the three Internationals went through their own processes of birth, growth and dissolution. They played different historical roles under different historical conditions. But under conditions where the international communist movement has developed in depth and scope and where the revolutionary struggle in each country has become increasingly complex, such an organizational form as the Communist International, such centralized leadership for the international workers’ movement, has become unnecessary and impossible. The entire history of the international communist movement shows that as far as the Communist Parties of various countries are concerned, the most important thing is that they should be able to integrate the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice in the revolution of their own countries, persist in the revolutionary line of Marxism-Leninism and carry out revolutionary struggles independently. The Parties following this line will be able to lead the revolutionary cause of the people in their own countries step by step to viciovy and make great contributions to the revolutionary cause of the international proletariat. And those Parties which fail to do this and especially those which just dance to the baton of revisionism, will only run into difficulties and bring setbacks and defeat to the revolutionary cause. Today relations among fraternal Parties can only be those of independence, complete equality, mutual association and mutual support based on Marxism- Leninism and proletarian internationalism. Questions of mutual concern can only be settled by reaching unanimous agreement through consultation on the basis of equality. These principles governing relations between fraternal Parties have long been clearly stipulated in the 1957 Declaration and the 1960 Statement. Only by observing these principles can the unity among fraternal Parties be guaranteed and _ continuously strengthened. The danger of a split in the international communist movement brought on solely by the modern revisionists is also manifested in their crude violation of these norms, their imposition of the revisionist line on fraternal Parties, their wanton interference in the internal affairs of fraternal Parties and their various sabotaging and subversive activities against them. It is imperative to struggle resolutely against modern revisionism and splittism if the unity of the international communist movement is to be safeguarded. The sparks of revolution kindled by Marx and Engels, the creators of the First International, have now developed into a world conflagration. The international communist movement has become an irresistible torrential tide promoting the steady advance of the cause of mankind’s emancipation. Today, the socialist countries where the working class has won victory have formed the powerful socialist camp, Marxism-Leninism has spread to all continents and the Majority of the countries in the world have Communist or Workers’ Parties. The revolutionary Marxist-Leninist forces in various countries are growing stronger and the struggle of the people in the world, especially the national-liberation movements of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples, is surging forward with the power of a thunderbolt. In contrast, the imperialist bloc led by the United States is weakening rapidly and the ugly features of the modern revisionists who oppose revolution are fully exposed. They are becoming more and more isolated and finding things increasingly difficult as the days go by. Looking back on the past and looking ahead to the future, we see before us an excellent situation. Holding high the revolutionary banner of Marxism-Leninism and the banner of internationalist unity of the proletariat and leading the revolutionary people of the world, the revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat standing in the forefront of the struggle is bound to overcome all obstacles in the path of advance and carry forward the revolutionary cause started by the First International until final victory is achieved. New Bonds of Friendship — Prince Sihanouk’s Fifth China Visit — Te just concluded fifth state visit by Cambodian Head of State Prince Norodom Sihanouk, which included attending National Day celebrations, was looked upon by the Chinese people as a new expression of the friendly relations existing between China and Cambodia. While in Peking, Prince Sihanouk had very cordial and friendly talks with Chairman Liu Shao-chi and Premier Chou En-lai, and a joint communique was released on October 5. Signed by Chairman Liu and the Cambodian Head of State, it declared that the 10 leaders of the two countries held identical views on all the questions discussed, including the current international situation — the Indo-China situation in particular, and that both desired to further develop relations of friendly co-operation between China and Cambodia. In the communique both sides strongly condemned the U.S. imperialists’ violation of the 1954 and 1962 Geneva agreements and their intensified aggression against Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam. They pointed out that the question of Indo-China could be settled only by the convocation of a meeting of the countries Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 11] === concerned with the Geneva agreements. They warned that if U.S. imperialism insisted on going its own way and extended the flames of war, it would in the end reap what it sowed. (Sce below.) The communique also munifested the comradeshipin-urms between the two peoples in their common struggle against imperialism. The Chinese side thanked Prince Sihanouk for his just stand in repudiating the slanders and calumnics heaped on China by imperialism and its followers; the Cambodian side thanked the Chinese people for its full support for Cambodia's light to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The joint communique reiterated their suppurt fer the final communique of the Second Afvo-Asian Conference preparatory meeting in Djakarta last April. Both parties expressed the hope that the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries in Cairo would contribute to the cause of opposing imperialism, old and new colonialism, supporting the movements for national independence and defending world peace. Renmin Ribao in its October 6 editorial spoke highly of the joint communique, describing it as “a new chapter in Sino-Cambodian friendly relations and the crystallization of a militant friendship between the Chinese and Cambodian peoples in their fight against imperialism.” After signing the joint communique, Prince Sihaneuk presented the Chinese leaders with medals of honour: the Order of the Grand Medal of Independence for Chairman Liu Shao-chi and Premier Chou En-lai; the Grand Cross of the Royal Order of Cambodia for Vice-Chairmen Soong Ching Ling. Tung Pi-wu and Chairman Chu Teh of the N.P.C. Standing Committee. Others who received Cambodian medals were Peng Chen, N.P.C. Standing Committee Vice-Chairman and Mayor of Peking: Vice-Premiers Ho Lung and Chen Yi; and Chang Han-fu, Vice-Foreign Minister. Prince Sihanouk said that he presented the medals in the name of the Khmer people and the Cambodian Government. He thanked the Chinese leaders. Government and people for their friendship and support to the Cambodian people. “We always stand by your side. The solidarity between us is unbreakable. U.S. imperialism can never separate Cambodia from China. We firmly oppose U.S, imperialism,” he stated. Chairman Liu Shao-chi thanked Prince Sihanouk, the Cam- Document China-Cambodia Following is the full text of the joint communique of the People’s Republic of China and the Kingdom of Cambodia, signed on October 5, 1964, by Liu Shao-chi, Chairman of the People’s Republic of China, and Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Head of State of Cambodia. — Ed. (i) At the invitation of Chairman Liu Shao-chi and Premier of the State Council Chou En-lai of the People’s Republic of China, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, Head October 9, 1964 bodian Government and people and declared: “Let us unite and support each other in the common struggle against U.S. imperialism.” The Cambodian Head of State is also a music-lover. On the morning of October 5, he and his wife, accompanied by Premier Chou En-lai, visited the Central Conservatory of Music where a performance in honour of the Cambodian visitors was given by students and teachers. Included in the performance was the Cambodian Suite arranged by the conservatory according to a melody composed by Prince Sihanouk. In the evening, Premier and Mme. Chou invited Prince and Mme. Sihanouk to dinner at their residence. Before dinner was served. Prince Sihanouk, in the name of the Queen of the Kingdom of Cambodia, presented Mme. Chou En-lai and Mme. Chen Yi with the Grand Cross of the Order of Her Majesty the Queen. He also presented medals for Mme. Mao Tse-tung, Mme. Liu Shao-chi, Mme. Chu Teh and Mme. Peng Chen which were received by Mme. Chou En-lai and Mme. Chen Yi on their behalf. On October 6 Prince Sihanouk and his wife left Peking for home. via Kunming. carrying with them the profound friendship of the Chinese people. The Cambodian leader was seen off at the airport by Chairman and Mme. Liu Shao-chi, Chairman Chu Teh of the N.P.C. Standing Committee and Mme. Chu Tech, Premier and Mme. Chou En-lai, other senior government leaders, as well as thousands of Peking citizens. In a written farewell speech issued at the airport the Cambodian Head of State said: “For us Cambodians, China is our No. 1 friend, and the No. 1 friend of all the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America who are in a situation similar to ours and who share our aspirations and hopes.” The Cambodian Head of State stressed that the Cambodian and Chinese peoples were not only friends but brothers-in-arms. “This solidarity, this determination to co-operate closely with you,” he added, “is shared by all the peoples of the world. We are certain that your final victory will also be ours.” Prince Sihanouk and his party were accompanied by Vice-Premier Chen Yi on their Peking-Kunming flight. — by Our Correspondent Joint Communique of State of Cambodia, paid a state visit to China from Sepiember 26 to October 7, 1964. and attended the celebrations of the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Pcople’s Republic of China. (2) Accompanying the Head of State of Cambodia on his visit to China were: Samdech Penn Nouth, Private Adviser to the Head of State: Prince Norodom Montana, Speaker of the Royal Council, Mr. Kou Roun, Minister of === [PDF page 12] === Staie for National Security and Surface Defence: Major- General Ngo Hou, Technical Adviser to the Head of State and Chief of Staff of the Royal Cambodian Air Force; Mr. Ung Mung, First Vice-President of the National Assembly; Mr. Sarin Chhak, Minister-Counsellor of the Cambodian Embassy in France; a cultural delegation composed of Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, Minister of State for National Education, head of the delegation; Mr. Phuong Ton, Director of Higher Education, member; and Mr. Yim Ven, Director of Arts, member: and a military delegation composed of Colonel Duong Sam Ol, Viee-Chief of General Staff of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces, head of the delegation; Lieutenant-Colonel Lay Chhay, member; Captain Ea Chhong, member; Commissioner of the Ist Class of the Royal Cambodian Navy Su Pong, member; Commandant Khuth Khoan, member; Captain Thach Sary, member; und Medical Captain Kien Truong Thai, member. (3) During their visit in China, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk and the other distinguished guests from Cambodia were accorded most warm and grand reception by the Chinese Government and people, which gave full expression to the fraternal fighting friendship between the peoples of China and Cambodia. 4) In the course of the visit, Mao Tse-tung. Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, received Samdech Norodom Sihanouk and the other distinguished Cambodian guesis and had cordial and friendly conversations with them. (3) Chairman Liu Shao-chi and Premier of the Staite Council Chou En-lai of the People’s Republic of China held talks with Samdech Norodom Sihanouk. Head of State of Cambodia. on the current international situation. particularly the situation in Indo-China, and the question of further developing the relations of friendship and co-operation between China and Cambodia. Also taking part in the talks on the Chinese side were: Tung Pi-wu, Vice-Chairmun of the People’s Republic of China; Chen Yi, Vice- Premier of the State Council: Chang Han-fu, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs: Peng Shao-hui, Deputy Chief of General Staff of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army: Chen Chung-ching, Vice-Chairman of the Commission for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries; Yang Lin, Vice- Chairman of the Commission for Economic Relations with Foreign Countries: Chen Shu-liang, Ambassador Extraordinary and Flenipotentiary of the People’s Republic of China to the Kingdom of Cambodia; Yao Kuang, Director of the Second Department of Asian Affairs of the Ministrv of Foreign Affairs: and Tai Ping. Deputy Director of the Projecol Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Also taking part in the talks on the Cambodian side were: Samdech Penn Nouth, Private Adviser to the Head of State; Prince Norodom Montana, Speaker of the Royal Council: Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, Minister of State for National Education; Major-General Ngo Hou. Technical Adviser to the Head of Stute and Chicf of Staff of the Royal Cumbodian Air Force; Mr. Truong Cang, Cumbodian Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China; Mr. Ung _ Mung, First Vice-President of the National Assembly; Colo- 12 nel Duong Sum Ol. Vice-Chief of General Staff of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces; and Mr. Sarin Chhak, Minister-Counsellor of the Cambodian Embassy in France. The talks were conducted in a most cerdial and friendly atmosphere. The results of the talks showed that the two sides held agreed views on all the questions which had been discussed. (6) Samdech Sihanouk expressed the warmest congratulations on the great achievements scored by the People’s Republic of China in all the ficlds of its national construction in the 15 years since its founding and held that the growing might of the People’s Republic of China was conducive to the defence of peace in Asia and the world. The Chinese side warmly praised the heroic struggle waged by the Cambodian Government and people under the leadership of Samdech Sihanouk against aggression and interference by U.S. imperialism and its lackeys and in defence of state sovereignty and territorial integrity, and highly appraised the results achieved by the Kingdom of Cambodia in economic reforms and the development of its national economy after rejecting US. aid. The Kingdom of Cambodia resolutely pursues an independent foreign policy of peace and neutrality and upholds international justice and is playing an increasingly important rele in the cause of safeguarding world peace. The Cumbodian side expressed prefound thanks for the generous military aid rendered by the People’s Republic of China to Cambodia in the latter's defence against imperialist aggression and for China’s most valuable contribution to the efferts and sacrifices made by the Cambodian people in national construction, and particularly in industrialization. (7) The leaders of the two countries expressed deep concern over the present grave situation in Indo-China. Eoth parties strongly condemned U.S. imperialism for its violations of the 1954 and 1962 Geneva agreements and ils intensified criminal acts of aggression and intervention in Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam. The United States and its lackeys have long been carrying on subversion, sabotage and armed provocation against the Kingdom of Cambodia, thus seriously jeopardizing its security. Having suffered repeated setbacks in southern Viet Nam, the United States is stepping up its preparations for exiending the war and has carried out successive war provocations against Cambodia and the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, with the result that the flames of war in Indo-China is in danger of spreading. All the peace-loving countries and people of the world must maintain high vigilunce against this eventuality. Both parties emphasized that the question of Indo- China could be settled only in accordance with the 1954 and 1962 Geneva agreements and through a conference of the countries concerned with them: no other way is of any avail. The attempt of U.S. imperialism to carry out aggression and intervention in Indo-China by means of the United Nations will surely meet with the resolute opposi- Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 13] === tion of the peoples of Indo-China. Should U.S. imperialism continue to act wilfully and extend the [Hames of war, it would ultimately have to take the consequences of its own action. The Chinese side reiterated the Chinese Government's resolute support for the proposal repeatediy put forward by the Government of the Kingdom of Cambodia for convening an international conference to ensure the independence, neutrality and territorial integrity of Cambodia. Both parties held that a conference of the 14 signatories to the Geneva agreements should be convened as quickly as possible to seek a peaceful solution of the Laotian question, and that the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference are duty-bound to take active measures to promote the early convening of the conference. Both partics were of the view that the question of southern Viet Nam should be solved, without forcign interference, by the south Vietnamese people themselves through consultation in accordance with the provisions of the 1954 Geneva agreements and the will of the south Vietnamese people. The United States must withdraw at once all iis troops. military personnel and military equipment from southern Viel Nam and dismantle all its military bases there. South Viet Nam must abide by the provisions in the Geneva agreements about noen-participation in any military alliances so as to facilitate the peaceful reunification of Viet Nam. The two parties stated that China and Cambodia would continue to co-operate closely with all the countries willing to see a peaceful solution of the Indo-China question, and work together with them for the relaxation of tension in this area. (8) Both parties extended grectings to the Second Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Countries meeting in Cuiro, und expressed the hope that this conference would contribute to the cause of opposing imperialism and old and now colonialism, supporting national-independence movements and safeguarding world peace. The two parties expressed full support for the final communique of the Preparatory Meeting of the Second African-Asian Conference held last April in) Djakarta, which meeting had laid a good foundation for the Second African-Asian Conference. Both parties expressed the firm belief that the Second African-Asian Conlerence scheduled to open in March next year in Algiers will carry forward and develop the Bandung spirit and make new contributions to the cause of opposing impcrialism and old and new colonialism, winning and safeguarding national independence, developing national economy and national culture. promoling Asian-African solidarity and defending world peace. (9) The two parties noted with great satisfaction that big advances had further been made in recent vears in the relations of friendship and co-operation between China and Cambodia. Both the mutual support of the two countries in international affairs and their co-operation in the fields of economy and culture were closer than ever before; there were more and more conlucts between the leaders of the two countries and friendly exchanges between the two peoples. October 9, 1964 The Kingdom of Cambodia has consistenUy opposed the plot of “two Chinas” and actively demanded and worked for the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations. In particular, when the imperialists and their followers stirred up anti- Chinese campaigns, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk spoke out boldly for justice, solemnly refuted the slanders and calumnies against China and resolutely defended the friendship between China and Cambodia. The Chinese Government and people expressed their deep gratitude for this timely and forceful support. The Cambodian side reaffirmed the resolute opposition of the Kingdom of Cambodia to the US. imperialist oecupation of Taiwan, Taiwan is an inalienable part of China's territory and must be returned to China immediately and unconditionally. The Chinese side reaffirmed that the Chinese people would continue to give unswerving support to the Cambodian people in their just struggle in defence of their country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and to oppose the aggression and interference by the U.S. imperialists and their lackeys against the Kingdom of Cambodia. China aril Cambodia are friendly fraternal neighbours. In the event that the peace-loving Kingdom of Cambodia meet with foreign armed aggression, the 650 million Chinese people will give it all-out support and assistance. In the name of the people, the Government and the State of Cambodia. Samdech Norodom Sihanouk expressed his deepest gratitude for the «all-out support given by the People’s Republic of China, its Government and the erent Chinese people, which will greatly help safeguard the independence, neutrality and territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Cambodia and will accelerate the restoration of peace in Indo-China. The Cambodian side expressed heartfelt thanks to the People’s Republic of China for its unconditional support, which is strengthening Cambodian-Chinese solidarity in the struggle against imperialism, (10) The Chinese leaders expressed their gratitude to Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, Head of State ef Cambodia, and the other distinguished Cambodian guests for coming to attend the celebrations of the 15th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The present visit of His Royal Highness the Prince has a great significance and far-reaching influence for further strengthening the relations of friendship and co-operation between China and Cambodia. Peking. October 5, 1964. (signed) (signed) LIU SHA )D-CHI NORODOM SITANOUK Chairman of the Peoplé’s Republic of China Hend of State of Cambodia 13 === [PDF page 14] === Congolese (B) President in China China and the Congo (B) Sign Friendship Treaty JHEN President Alphonse Massamba-Debat of the . Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) arrived in China on Sept. 28 for a state visit at the invitation of Chairman Liu Shao-chi. the Chinese press, welcoming him editorially, predicted that his visit would forge a stronger link between the two countries. The publicalion of a joint communique by the Governments of China and the Congo (B) on October 3 has confirmed this. (See below.) Expressing agreement of views on the question of developing friendly co-operation between the two countries and on international questions of common inlerest. the joint communique declared, among other things, ® China’s firm support for the people of the Congo (B) in their heroic struggle against imperialist threats, interlerence and subversion: ® China's support and assistance to the Government end people of the Conge (B) struggling to carry forward their revolution and build their country: ® The Congolese (B) support for the restoration of China's legitimate rights in the U.N. and China's struggle for the liberation of its territory Taiwan and the Congolese (B) opposition to the imperialist plot to create “two Chinas”; ® Both parties support to the struggle for independence and freedom by those African peoples still under colonial domination and their condemnation of racial discrimination in South Africa and elsewhere: ® Both parties’ readiness to take an active part in the 1965 Second Afrvo-Asian Conference. On October 2. a treaty of friendship between China and the Congo (B) was signed in the Chinese capital by Chairman Liu Shao-chi and the Congolese President. The two Governments also concluded on the same day three other documents: agreements on economic and technical co-operation, on cultural co-operation and on Navigation. This, as the joint communique stated, Document signified that “the relations of friendship and co-operalicn between China and the Congo (B) had entered a new stage and that the present visit of President Massamba-Debat to China had made an important contribulion to the strengthening of the [riendship and solidarity between the peoples of the two countries.” Concluded on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the friendship treaty says explicitly that the two centraciing parties undertake to respect each other's sovercigniy, independence and tervitorial integrity. It affirms that the two countries. in the spirit of friendly co-operation, will develop their economic and cultural relations in accordance with the principle of equality, mutual benefit and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Formal diplomatic relations between China and the Congo (B) were established only some six months ago. yet the relations of friendship and co-operation between the two counties have alveady made much satisfactors progiess. Now such relations have been formalized in a treaty which will open up new and wider prospects for friendly co-operation. The Renmin Ribao October 4 editorial. commenting on the President's visit and the signing of the treaty and the agreements. viewed the treaty “a major event.” “a milestone” in the history of Sino-Congolese (B) friendship. It called the treaty “an important sign” marking the growing unity between the Chinese and Alvican peoples. While some of the Congolese President's parity remained in China to continue their friendly visit. the President and the rest of his entourage left Peking on the morning of October 3. They were seen off at the airport by Chairman Liu Shao-chi; Vice-Chairman Tung Pi-wu; Chairman Chu Teh of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress; Premier Chou Enlai and other Chinese government leaders. Also bidding them farewell were thousands of Peking citizens. — hy Our Correspondent Joint Communique of China and the Congo (B) Following is the text of the joint communique of the Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville). made public on October 3.— Ed. T the invitation of Chairman Liu Shao-chi of the Peoples Republic of China, President Alphonse Massamba- Debat of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) paid a 14 stale visit to China from September 28 to October 3, 1964. Accompanying him on the visit were Edouard Ebouksa- Rabackas. Minister of Finance, Post and Telecommunientions; Madame Alice Mahoungou. Vice-Treasurer of the Political Bureau of the National Revolutionary Movement: Jean-Aime Makosso, Member of the National Assembly: Samuel Tehicumboud. Member of the National Assembly: Mariin Beri, Member of the National Assembly and First Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 15] === Vice-President of the Executive Commitice of the Youth Organization of the National Revolutionary Movement: and other members of the delegation. During their stay in China, President Massamba-Debat and his party, who visited Peking and Kunming. were accorded grand reception and warm welcome by the Chinese Government and people. This fully demonstrated the profound friendship existing between the peoples of China and the Congo (B). President Massamba-Debat and all the other distinfuished guests from the Congo (B) attended the celebrations of the 15th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China and conveyed to the Chinese people the friendly greetings and warm congratulations of the peuple wf! the Congo (B). Chairman Mao Tse-tung of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China received President Massamba- Rebat and the other distinguished guests from the Congo (ei ond held cordial and friendly conversations with them, Chairman Liu Shue-chi and Premier of the Stile Council Chou En-lui of the People’s Republic of China held sincere and friendly talks with President Alphonse Massaiba-Debat of the Republic of the Congo (B) on the qucstion of developing the relations of friendship and cooperation between the two countries and on international questions of common interest, and reached agreed views on the questions that had been discussed. ‘The two sides noted with great satisfaction that friendly ceoperation between the two countrics has developed rapidly in the political, economic and cultural fields since the establishment of diplomatic relations. They expressed the determination to work jointly to further consolidate und develop the friendship between the two countries. The Chinese side highly praised the great victory of the August Revolution of the people of the Congo (B) and held that the August Revolution was not only an important mark of the further development of the national and demeeratic revolution in the Congo (B) but also a major event in the history of the African people’s revolutionary struseles. The Chinese side highly appraised the untiring effort and remarkable achievements made by the people of the Conge (B) under the leadership of President Massamba- Debat in opposing imperialism and old and new colonialism, sufeguarding national independence and developing the national economy and culture. It expressed firm support for the people of the Congo (B) in their heroic struggle against the imperialists’ threats, interference and subversion against the Congo (B) with the Congo (Leopoldville) as the base, and praised the just stand of the Government ef the Congo (B) in pursuing a policy of peace, neutrality and non-alignment and supporting the national-liberation movements in Africa. The Chinese side expressed deep sympathy with the people of the Congo (B) in the difficult position caused by the sabotage of the old and new colonialists and their lackeys and pledged to give vigorous support and assistance October 9, 1964 to the Gevernment and people of the Congo (B) in their arduous struggle to overcome all the obstacles in the way of their advance, carry forward their revolution and build their country. The Congolese side expressed appreciation of the Chinese Government's consistent pursuance of a foreign policy of peace; it expressed its support for the restoration of China's legitimate rights in the United Nations and the just struggle of the Chinese Government and people for the liberation of their own territory Taiwan as well as its opposition to the imperialist plot of creating “two Chinas.” Both sides held that the current international situation Was most favourable for the people of all countries in their struggle against imperialism and old and new colonialism. Both sides were greatly heartened by the great victories won by the national-liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and held that the revolutionary strugzles of the peoples of Asia, Afriea and Latin America were a mighty force defending world peace in our time. Both sides expressed firm support for those African peoples who are still under colonialist domination in thei struggle for independence and Treedem, and strongly condemned racial discrimination in Seuth Africa and anywhere else. Both sides extended grectings to the forthcoming Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries and expressed the hope that it would make contributions to the cause o! opposing imperialism and old and new colonialism, supporting the national-independence movements and safeguarding world peuce. Afro-Asian solidarity is a reliable guarantee of the Victory of the common cause of the people of Asia and Africa, and the Bandung spirit is the unshakable basis of the solidarity and co-operation among the Asian and African countrics. The two sides expressed full support for the final communique of the Preparatory Meeting of the Second African-Asian Conference and would take an active part in the Second African-Asian Conference scheduled to be held in Algeria in March 1965. During the visit, the two sides sinned the “Treaty of Friendship Between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville).” the “Agreement on Economie and Technical Co-operation Between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville),” the “Agreement on Navigation Between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzavilley” and the “Agreement on Cultural Co-operation Between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville).” This signified that the relations of friendship and co-operation between China and the Congo (B) had entered a new stage and that the present visit of President Massamba-Debat to China had made an important contribution to the strengthening of the friendship and solidarity between the peoples of the two countries. October 3, 1964 15 === [PDF page 16] === “Indictment” Against Arrested Chinese In Brazil Denounced by HSINHUA COMMENTATOR The nine Chinese illegally detained in Brazil for more than five months were committed to trial by the Second Military Tribunal of Brazil's First Military District on September 4, despite strong condemnation by world public opinion. The “indictment” against them had been published by the Brazilian press two weelss earlier. It contained nothing but fabrications, forgery and trumped-up evidence. A commentary by Hsinhua commentator (September 28) follows. Subheads are ours. — Ed. HE nine Chinese personnel now on trial before a Brazilian military tribunal are being charged with trying to “start a mass revolution” and attempting to “change the [Brazilian] regime” — both crimes punishable under the Brazilian “State Security Aci.” These charges contained in the “indictment” to the Military Tribunal are trumped up and cannot hold water. The “indictment” failed to give any evidence to substantiate the charges, and is therefore wholly untenable in itself. The “indictment” lists some news dispatches sent out by the Hsinhua correspondents from Brazil about the possibility of the former Joao Goulart government entering into diplomatic relations with China, activities of political parties and social developments in Brazil, etc. It also mentions the Chinese trade personne! making arrangements for a commodity exhibition and carrying out Sino-Brazilian trade transactions, Does not all this prove that the pursuits ef the Chinese were quite proper to their occupations as newsmen and businessmen? Apart from the interpreters. the other Chinese hardly know the language used in Brazil. How can they, nine in all, attempt to “start a mass revolution” und “change the [Brazilian] regime’? Can an established regime be casily changed by means of a few news dispatches or a trade exhibition? Instead of answering such questions. the “indictment” alleged that the Chinese “developed Chinese communism with the covert co-operation of some accused Brazilians and with the overt cc-operation of others.” and that they “had several secret mectings with [Brazilian] Communists and among themselves.” This, it said, “shows thal they have a secret organ for intelligence” and “have conducted profound indoctrination to achieve the same end, that is, to change the [Brazilian] regime with the help of their country.” Fabrication Pure and Simple All this is fabrication pure and simple. terial cited by the The ma- “indictment” in this respect is the printed matter found in the residence of the Chinese, that is. books and periodicals. which introduce New China to the world and which are easily obtained in bookstores. How could this become “incriminating evidence”? The sc-called co-operation with the Brazilians actually refers to contacts the Chinese had with the former. These contacts are natural and necessary for reporters covering news and trade personnel making preparations for an exhibition. They had entered into centacts with government officials as well as the public. Are such contacts forbidden by law? How can the open and above-board professional pursuits of the Chinese be charged as espionage and how it can be said that the meetings they held among themselves “show that they have a secret organ for intelligence”? The world knows that indeed there are people who “helped” in changing the Brazilian regime, but they are not the Chinese. The “indictment.” packed with stock political calumnies against China and against the Communists. is devoid of any legal ground. Let us look more deeply into the charge: which regime is meant by the “indictment” when it charges that the Chinese were attempting to “change Brazil's regime"? The nine Chinese arrived in Brazil when President Joao Goulart was in office. Wang Wei-chen has beer residing in Brazil for more than two years in conformity with Brazil’s legal requirements. It was with the Brazilian Government's approval that Hou Fatseng went to prepare for an exhibition in Brazil. The wrilten approval was published in Brazil's Government Gazette on June 12, 1961. Wang Yao-ting arrived in Brazil on January 14, 1964, for trade negotiations and preparations for the establishment of a representative’s office of the China Council for the Promotion ef International Trade in Brazil. He was arrested on April 3 before he could conclude any business transaclions or cemplete the preparatory work for establishing the office. As they were granted the right to reside in Brazil by the Goulart government, why should they want to “change” the Goulart regime? It was after the coup detat which overthrew the Goulart regime that the Chinese were thrown into prison. After their arrest, the Brazilian police announced that they had all along been under close surveillance and that even their daily menu had not escaped police observation, How did it happen then that the Goulart government knew nothing about the Chinese personnel's altempt to “change Brazil's regime”? And since such an atlempt, if it existed, would be a danger to the Goulart government, why had not President Goulart expelled or arrested the Chinese but instead had al- Peking Review, No, 41 === [PDF page 17] === lowed them to reside in Brazil and invited them to dinner? The 1953 Brazilian “State Security Act” invoked in the “indictment” was also in force when Goulart was in office. Why then did the Goulart government not accuse the Chinese of violating this act? If the Chinese were charged with attempting to “change” not the Goulart government but its successor, how could they possibly know beforehand that a new government was to be formed in Brazil? Moreover. since they were thrown into prison immediately after the coup, how could they have time to “change” the Brazilian regime? All this shows that the charges mentioned in the “indictment” are completely groundless. Among the nine Chinese are newsmen who have been engaged in journalistic work for many years, trade personnel well known in trade circles of various countries, people whose job is to appraise the quality of cotton, and interpreters. To link up their normal pursuits with the political questions of Brazil is an obvious attempt te incriminate them falsely and a deliberate political persecution. The exhibition on China's achievements in construction has been held in many countries in the world and has been highly praised. Before and afier the coup d'etat in Brazil, there were Chinese exhibitions in Mexico and Chile which were warmly welcomed by those attending. How can onc claim that the regime of a country is decisively influenced by a foreign exhibition? Mexico and Chile remain what they are and what is there to be afraid of? Can nine Chinese “start” as they please a “mass revolution” to “change the established regime” in Brazil, a country with more than eight million square kilometres of territory and more than 70 million people? Is not such an assertion far too absurd? The nine Chinese are foreign citizens residing in Brazil according to legal procedure. Although a coup d'etat occurred, the Brazilian authorilies should not arrest them groundlessly in violation of international good faith. This is a big mistake. The truth of the matter has become very clear but they are still under detention. This is one mistake on top of another. How can if escape condemnation by world public opinion? The “indictment” also mentioned two trumped-up pieces of “evidence of crime”: a letter and a pistol. These were exposed long ago by world public opinion. Moreover, the journal Do Brazil published an article on July 12 revealing the letter to be a forgery. This can only prove that the U.S.-Chiang Kai-shek special agents have a hand in the frame-up which has nothing to do with the arrested Chinese. Brazilian Authorities Should Correct Their Mistakes More than five months have passed since the Brazilian authorities illegally arrested and detained the Chinese. The “indictment” preduced after five months’ “investigation” is completely a fig of the imagination based on false evidence. This means that the Brazilian authorities themselves have proved that the arrest and detention of the Chinese were truly unjustified and their trial all the more could not hold water. The “indictment” itself amounts to announcing the innocence of the Chinese. The Brazilian authorities have no longer any reason to detain them but must immediately restore their freedom in accordance with the principles of international law. The Chinese people have always acted in accordance with the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. We would like to see that the Brazilian authorities correct their mistakes and immediately release the nine arrested Chinese. THE WEEK (Continucd from p. 5.) control and subversion by impevrialism and new and old colonialism. We hope that the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries will, on the basis of the positive results of the first conference, make fresh contributions to the great cause of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples in opposing imperialism and new and old colonialism and in winning and safeguarding national independence, and to the great cause of the people of the world in opposing imperialist policies of aggression and war and in defending world peace.” Sino-Nepalese Friendship China and Nepal signed a protocol on October 4 on the construction of October 9, 1964 canal headworks and a main canal for irrigation purpose. Vice-Premiecr and Foreign Minister Chen Yi and Surya Bahadur Thapa. leader of the Government Delegation of the Kingdom of Nepal and Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Finance, Economic Planning. Law and Justice and Administrative Management, initialled the document for their respective countries. Premier Chou En-lai attended the ceremony. Later at a luncheon given in honour of the Nepulese delegation, Vice- Premier Chen Yi warmly acclaimed Sino-Nepalese friendship which, he said, had excited the envy of the U.S. imperialists and their followers. Refuting the slanders fabricated by the U.S. imperialists in an attempt to sow dissension between the two countries, the Vice-Premicr added: “Knowing the contemptible schemes and sinister tricks of these liars very well, we shall never be deceived. Contrary to their wishes, their lies have been exposed and Sino-Nepalese friendship has grown stronger.” Vice-Chairman Thapa in his speech spoke warmly of the co-operation between the two countries and the economic aid China had given to Nepal. The new protocol. he said, “will greatly help the development of Nepal's water conservancy and agricultural preduction.” He = expressed confidence that the increasing contacls and meetings between the people of the two countries would strengthen and further promote their traditional friendship and good-neighbour relations. That afternoon, Chairman Liu Shao-chi received Surya Bahadur Thapa and had a cordial and friendly talk with him. 17 === [PDF page 18] === China-Sikkim Border China Strongly Protests Against Indian Troops’ Intrusions Into Chinese Territory The Foreign Ministry of the People’s Republic of China sent a note to the Indian Embassy in China on Svptember 28, 1964, strongly protesting against Indian troops crossing the China-Sikkim boundary and repeatedly making grave intrusions into China’s Tibet. The teat of the note follows. — Ed. HE Ministry of Forcign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China presents its compliments to the Indian Embassy in China and has the honour to state as follows: Having made repeated checking. the Chinese Government has recently confirmed that Indian troops have crossed the Tungchula Pass (southeast of the Natu La Pass) on the China-Sikkim boundary and intruded into China’s Tibet. Up to August 1964, Indian troops had successively built up 18 aggressive military structures (dug-outs, shelters, bulwarks, etc.) on the Chinese side of the above-mentioned pass or on the boundary line (11 on the Chinese side and 7 on the boundary line). The Indian troops entrenched there have engaged in incessant harassment. Besides. Indian troops have time and again intruded into China's territory across other SKETCH MAP SHOWING WHERE INDIAN TROOPS HAVE CROSSED CHINA-SIKKIM BOUNDARY AND INTRUDED INTO CHINESE TERRITORY Peilungla Pass a — Krew Tagi Pass Indian troop: intruded Tungchule Pass Ry, into Chinn's ternicry SIKKIM through these two panier SIKKIM 1 September 1962 Indian troops struded into the Chinese side of Notu La Pass and up till now have unlawtully entrenched themictwes there ond refused to withdrow Indian trocps crossed Tungchula Pass ond intruded into China's territory. They hove built 18 oggretsive militory structures on the Chinese side of the poss or on the boundary line. Tungchula Pass } LEGEND apt mee, International f BHUTAN boundary line e X = Pass —. } Where Indion eae troops hove built - cgarenwe military INDIA XN 18 passes on the China-Sikkim boundary. On August 12. 1964. at about 14:00 hours. five Indian soldiers crossed the Tagi Pass on the China-Sikkim boundary and intruded into China’s territory for reconnaissance. On August 14, 1964, at about 15:00 hours, four Indian soldiers crossed the Peilungla Pass (west of the Tagi Pass) and intruded into China’s territory for reconnaissance. The Chinese Government hereby lodges a strong protest with the Indian Government against the abovementioned grave intrusions by Indian troops. As early as September 1962, Indian troops already crossed the China-Sikkim boundary, built up dozens of aggressive military structures on the Chinese side of the Natu La Pass and unlawfully entrenched themselves there, blocked the pass and interrupted normal traffic of border inhabitants. Disregarding the repeated protests of the Chinese Government. the Indian Government has up till now refused to withdraw its intruding troops or make a joint investigation by the two parties into the intrusion by Indian troops. Now. the Indian Government has [further sent its troops to cross the Tungchula Pass, build up military structures there and repeatedly infringe on Chinese territory at other places on the China-Sikkim border. These iron-ciad facts clearly demonstrate that the Indian Government. unreconciled to the relaxation of the Sino-Indian border situation due to the initiative measures of the Chinese side. is not only making repeated intrusions along the Sino-Indian border. but also extending its aggressive activities along the China-Sikkim border in order to create tension to meet the needs of its domestic and foreign policies. It should be pointed out that the Indian Government and its propaganda organs have recently been pouring oul abuses and groundlessly slandering China as “concentrating troops” and “building bases” along the China-Sikkim border, “penetrating deep into Sikkim.” etic. The purpose is evidently to provide a cover for India’s own aggressive activities and make anti- China propaganda. This trick of a thief crying “Catch thief!", which is often played by the Indian Government. will deceive nobody and will only be appreciated by U.S. imperialism and its followers. In order to safeguard China’s territory and sovereigniy and maintain tranquillity along the China- Sikkim border, the Chinese Government seriously urges India to put an immediate stop to its aggressive activities. dismantle all the military structures it has built up on Chinese territory and on the China-Sikkim boundary line and withdraw all its troops which are unlawfully entrenched on Chinese territory. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs avails itself of this opportunity to renew to the Indian Embassy the assurances of its highest consideration. Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 19] === Shanghai—Growth of a Socialist Industrial Centre by TSAO TI-CHIU* Shanghai was before liberation and is today China’s major industrial centre. But a world of difference lies between the old and new. Then, its industry was imperialist dominated, typically semicolonialist, lopsidedly developed and mainly dependent on imported equipment and technology. Today Shanghai has become a well-integrated industrial centre with a very big range of products and a fairly powerful material and technical base; all its industrial enterprises are run by the people in the socialist way to serve their livelihood and socialist construction. IFTEEN years ago the Chinese People’s Liberation Army liberated Shanghai—one of the greatest metropolises of the world. The U.S. imperialists and reactionaries everywhere, hoping against hope and refusing to reconcile themselves to defeat, confidently predicted that “the Communists won’t be able to run Shanghai. They may be good at politics and fighting but they don’t know anything about economics. They won’t last three months in Shanghai.” History, however, soon gave the lie to these prophets. Led by the Communist Party and Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese people not only cleaned up this “paradise for adventurers” physically and morally, but developed the city’s economy at a speed and on a scale unknown in its past, turning it into a new socialist city and New China’s powerful industrial centre. The growth of Shanghai’s modern industry dates back to 1843 when the city was designated a “treaty port” and opened to foreign trade under the Treaty of Nanking, the first unequal treaty imposed by the imperialists on China in the wake of the Opium War. But at the time of liberation in 1949, the city’s industry was in a backward state as a result of long years of political and economic rule of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism. What is more, the reactionary rule of the imperialists and their lackeys gave it a distinctly semi-colonial character. In 1936, the year before the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, imperialist enterprises operated 60.3 per cent of the city’s cotton spindles, 70.9 per cent of the looms and 54.2 per cent of dockyard equipment; they accounted for 34.4 per cent of the cigarettes produced there. In the city’s lopsided economic structure light industry predominated; there was little heavy industry. Production techniques were backward. Most of the factories were small and poorly *The author is a Vice-Mayor of Shanghai. October 9, 1964 equipped; engineering works handled only repair and assembly jobs and were unable to design and manufacture products on their own. Fundamental Change With liberation Shanghai industry entered a new stage of development. The damage done by long years of war was repaired within three years. By 1952, industrial output topped the peak pre-liberation level. During the First Five-Year Plan (1953-57), the socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce and handicraft industry was in the main completed! and a decisive victory was won for the socialist revolution on the economic front. Both light and heavy industry made big headway. During the Second Five-Year Plan (1958-62) Shanghai’s industry, guided by the Communist Party's general line for building socialism, expanded rapidly. This, together with the subsequent implementation of the policy known as “readjustment, consolidation, filling out and raising standards,” brought about a fundamental change in it. During that five-year period, the technical transformation of existing plants went ahead at a rapid rate; much key equipment was acquired, greatly expanding their productive capacity. A number of new metallurgical, heavy machine-building, power-generating equipment, chemical fertilizer and other plants were built; they underpinned these important branches of industry. The building of these plants and the creation of new branches of industry filled up the gaps in Shanghai’s industrial structure and reinforced its material base. Many important raw materials which had to be imported in the past can now be obtained from local producers in sufficient quantities. Local factories now design and manufacture a wide range of large and precision machines which they could not make before. In the case of such important items as alloy steels, seamless steel tubes, metallurgical equipment, refrigerating equipment, artificial fabrics and antibiotics, Shanghai has doubled or increased output several times over. In some cases output has increased more than tenfold. New Look of Shanghai’s Industry These advances gave Shanghai’s major branches of industry a completely new look. 1The capitalist industrial and commercial enterprises switched over to joint state-private operation and came directly under the state plan. MHandicraftsmen organized themselves in producers’ co-operatives, 19 === [PDF page 20] === Iron and Steel. The first open-hearth furnace in Shanghai was built by the imperial Ching Dynasty government in 1893. In the next half century, annual steelmaking capacity was expanded to only 30,000 tons. Total steel-rolling capacity amounted to a puny 70,000 tons. Even this capacity was not fully utilized. Rolling mills were small; most rolls were less than 200 millimetres in diameter. Shanghai today has been built into a fairly large centre of the steel industry that can produce hundreds of varieties of steel and thousands of types and specifications of forgings and rolled stock. A _ significant proportion of the steel products made in Shanghai consists of high-grade alloy steel products never before made there. Most of the rolled stock used there is locally produced. Machine-Building. During the First Five-Year Plan, Shanghai engineering advanced from doing repair and assembly jobs to manufacturing small and mediumsized general equipment. During the Second Five-Year Plan, it expanded to produce large quantities of medium-sized as well as some large steel-making, steelrolling, mining, chemical fertilizer and forging equipment in complete sets. It also developed such new products as precision machine tools, automobiles, tractors, precision instruments and meters, oil industry equipment and electronic apparatus. In the past many major Shanghai products were copies of foreign models. Today they are Shanghai designed and manufactured. An increasing proportion of the new products developed each year is of Chinese independent design. The current ratio of such products to total production is three times what it was in 1957. The first-stage of the Wuching Chemical Works commissioned a year ago, with an annual capacity of 100,000 tons of ammonium sulphate, was one of the first of a number of large all Chinese-built nitrogenous fertilizer plants designed in Shanghai. Its equipment was also made in that city and installed by its technicians and workers. Chemical Industry. Sulphuric and nitric acids were manufactured in Shanghai as far back as 1867. But in all the more than 80 pre-liberation years, only some 50,000 tons of sulphuric acid were produced there. Capacity for producing basic acids and alkalis was greatly expanded during the Second Five-Year Plan, and the output of many new products was developed. These included chemical fertilizers, insecticides, plastics, synthetic fibres, antibiotics, vitamins and highgrade dyestuffs. In plastics, only two simple products —bakelite powder and celluloid —were made in the past and from imported materials at that. Now the industry is turning out polyvinyl chloride, polystyrene, organic glass, polyethylene, organic silicon resin and ion-exchange resin. Light Industry. There has been a big increase in the output of articles of daily use and their quality has vastly improved. New branches of light industry have 20 Assembling 800 kw, electric motors for drainage systems in a Shanghai factory been established; they produce cameras, watches, plastic goods, photo-sensitive films, and chemical fibre fabrics. Many new products have been developed as well as old products with new designs and patterns. Only 16- and 42-count yarns were made before liberation. Teday fine cotton yarns of 80-, 100- and 120count make up an increasing proportion of the yarns produced. In addition, a newly developed combed yarn and fabrics made of chemical fibres are supplied to urban and rural consumers and exported in large quantities. More Rational Industrial Structure The structure of Shanghai's industry has also been rationalized. The proportion of heavy industry rose from 13.6 per cent in 1949 to around 50 per cent in 1962; the ratio of industries making raw materials increased from 6.1 per cent to 23.1 per cent over the same period. Increased production of the manufactured raw materials has given an impetus to the processing industries. The proportion of light industrial products made from metals, chemicals and other industrially made raw materials rose from 36.3 per cent in 1957 to 60.5 per cent in 1962. That was why Shanghai’s light industrial production kept expanding despite shortages of agricultural raw materials during the 1959-61 period when the nation’s farms were hil by serious natural disasters for three years in a row. Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 21] === The establishment of new branches of industry has made Shanghai's industrial system more comprehensive, It is now turning out more than 100.000 kinds and specifications of products and its capacity for making complete sets of equipment grows steadily. Rapid Growth of Science and Technology Rapid industrial growth makes new demands on science and technology; the advance of the latter. in its turn, promotes industrial development. Since liberation, there has been a big increase in the numbers of scientific research institutions and their personnel in Shanghai. Their scientific and technical level has risen swiftly. The mass of workers and staff, led by the Party and Government, have shown a fine spirit of enterprise in thought and action and a stubborn revolutionary determination in overcoming difficulties in research and efforts to introduce technical innovations. They have launched a vigorous movement for scientific «experiments. Research personnel, working in close cooperation with workers and staff, have completed many important research projects that are in the van of domestic achievements and approach international standards. They have helped popularize many cfficient new techniques and processes. Shanghai has also trained a large number of new scientific and technical personne]. The city’s industrial enterprises and allied departments in the Second Five- Year Plan period had 70 per cent more technical personnel than in the First Five-Year Plan period, Tens of thousands of outstanding workers were trained in a planned way to the technical level of technicians or engineers. By the end of 1962, no less than 38 per cent of the technical personnel in industry were workers promoted from the rank and file. Rapid post-liberation growth has enabled this veteran industrial centre to give most effective support to the nalien’s socialist construction. During the Second Five-Year Plan, Shanghai sent one-third more skilled manpower to other parts of the country than it did during the First Five-Year Plan. It also delivered large quantities of gocds and equipment. Compared with the First Five-Year Plan, the amounts of rolled steel, turbo-generators, bicycles and sewing machines that went out from Shanghai to other places in the Second Five-Year Plan soared 3.9, 9.3, 2.5 and 3.1 times respectively. Foreign exports of Shanghai manufactured goods went up 80 per cent over the same period. The amount of capital accumulated for the state rose 2.4-fold. Victory for General Line Shanghai's phenomenal industrial growth after liberation and especially during and after the Second Five-Year Plan is a victory for the correct leadership of the Communist Party and Chairman Mao Tse-tung and for the Party’s general line for building socialism. It is also the result of a heroic effort on the part of Shanghai's working class, united and working hard to bring prosperity to the country. October 9, 1964 In 1958, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and Chairman Mao Tse-tung laid down the general line of going all out, aiming high and achieving greater, faster, better and more economical results in building socialism. This general line is a scientific summation of the Chinese people's experience in building socialism; it reflects in a concentrated way their urgent desire to shed China‘’s economic and cultural backwardness. It is a key that releases the wisdom and energy of the mass of the people —a spivitual force grasped by the people and thereby turned into an immense material force propelling the national economy forward. Shanghai workers have proved that it is quite possible to achieve greater, faster, better and more economical results in building socialism as called for by the general line. In addition to building new projects to fill up gaps and round out its industrial system, Shanghai renovated and expanded its old enterprises so as to make full use of existing facilities. The addition of a few items of necessary new equipment at relatively small cost resulted in a considerable expansion of capacity. Workers and staff of some small, poorly equipped factories designed and built new equipment themselves and succeeded in turning out large or precision products with little new investment. The Yongxin Seamless Tube Mill is a case in point, It used to be a small “back-alley” factory. But after improving their equipment, Yongxin workers are now mass producing precision seamless tubes with irregular shapes. Shanghai increased its industrial production by raising labour productivity rather than by employing more manpower. Overall labour productivity during the Second Five-Year Plan period was 57 per cent above the First Five-Year Plan level. On this basis. living standards of workers and staff have been steadily improved and large sums have been accumulated for speeding up the nation’s socialist construction. Role of Policy of Readjustment Shanghai expanded the capacity of its basic industries many fold and laid down a fairly powerful material and technical base thanks to three conseculive years of rapid growth from 1958 to 1960. In 1961 Shanghai, like other parts of the country, began implementing the general policy for developing the national economy with agriculture as the foundation and industry as the leading factor and the policy known as “readjustment, consolidation, filling out and raising standards” (see Peking Review. 1964, No. 11). The facts outlined carlier show that implementation of these policies in the past three years and more has resulted in consolidation of the achievements made during the years of rapid growth. further sirengthening of the material and technical base of Shanghai industry, a considerable increase in its ability to support agriculture, and especially in a great extension in the range of products made, big improvements in their 21 === [PDF page 22] === quality, and a greater harmony among the various divisions of industry as well as among the various branches of the national economy. Today, the economic situation in Shanghai, as elsewhere in the country, is steadily improving. A new industrial upsurge is shaping up and developing. Self-Reliance Shanghai’s rapid industrial growth also testifies to the vitality of the Communist Party’s policy of building the country by self-reliance. During the Second Five-Year Plan. many new preducts were manufactured and new projects built without the help of foreign experts or foreign technical data. This was made possible by rousing the masses, [reeing their minds of restricting ideas and encouraging them to think and act boldly. to make scientific experiments and surmount all material and technical difficulties. Shanghai's automobile industry was developed in this way. The plant mass producing 4-ton lorries today was a simple aute-repair factory 15 years ago employing only 20 people and three sets of hand tools. After liberation, its workers and staff resolutely refused any longer to be tied to this backward technology. ‘We've been doing repairs for dozens of years and all the automobiles we fixed were imported.” They said, “Now that we have achieved liberation under the leadership of the Communist Party, we must liberate our factory as well and make autos ourselves.” After a year's endeavours in 1958 with leading cadres, technical personnel and rank and file working in close co-operation they successfully trial manufactured their first lorry. Today the plant employs more than 800 people, has 580 machine tools and is designing and manufacturing autos on its own. A host of facts have proved that the people must rely chiefly on their own efforts in building socialism. China has rich resources and the Chinese working class has lofty aspirations. Once the wisdom and creativeness of the musses are brought into full play, all difficulties can be overcome and it is certain that they will be able to build an independent, prosperous and strong socialist country. Socialist Co-operation Extensive socialist co-operation also played an important part in Shanghai's swift industrial advance. When the metallurgical industry was being energetically developed in 1958. not a single factory in the city had ever been able to make complete sets of metallurgical equipment nor had any plant processed large equipment for the metallurgical industry. So the city authorities organized a close-knit co-operative cffort of more than 1,000 factories making metallurgical equipment, machine tools, power-generating equipment and other items: Large and small factories, light and heavy industrial plants, factories making key equipment and those making accessories all worked closely together. In this way, by the second half of 1958 the city was turning out a gveat number of large and 22 medium-sized blast furnaces, steel converters, rolling mills and other metallurgical equipment with an aggregate annual capacity of millions of tons of iron and steel and hundreds of thousands of tons of rolled stock. It was a greater amount of equipment than the total made in Shanghai from liberation up to 1958. Such large-scale co-operation is possible only under socialism. In Shanghai it helped to tap production potentials deeply and create new productive power; it helped economize funds for construction and made it possible to organize all available forces on a large scale for the successful accomplishment of great construction tasks. Mass Movements In production and construction, as in class struggle, man, his ideological awakening and his initiative are the decisive factor. The reason is simple: everything has to be done by people. The gigantic undertaking of building socialism cannot be accomplished by a few individuals; it is a cause of the millions. Shanghai industry’s rapid advance is a result of fully relying on the masses, bringing the sense of responsibility of the working class as masters of the country into full play and constantly developing the mass revolutionary movement. In the movement for technical revolution and technical innovations, Shanghai workers improved their equipment and technological processes and succeeded in greatly raising both their output and the general iechnical level; they mechanized or semi-mechanized production processes in many enterprises, and did all this without the state having to make any considerable investment. The Shanghai Alcohol Distillery provides a typical example of such mass ingenuity. Its workers and staff members mechanized the preparation of raw materials, mashing and transport, and introduced new, continuous processes for saccharification and cooking in a very short time and with a minimum of new investment carried their plant's alcohol output in 1962 to ten times what it was in 1949. In the process labour productivity rose 16.8-fold and costs dropped more than 40 per cent. Many such facts indicate that the basic way to build socialism at high speed. the key to implementation of the general line for building socialism as well as an effective and speedy method for bringing our science and technology up-to-date, is by mobilizing the masses for action. Such is a brief account of the development of Shanghai's industry. It is a record of the application of revolutionary, Marxist-Leninist principles that has resulted in rapid progress. A great deal of valuable experience has been gained in the course of this socialist construction. Using that experience and firmly adhering to the policies of the Chinese Communist Party that have proved so successful, Shanghai’s working people are forging ahead to build their city into an advanced industrial, scientific and technological base for their_ country. Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 23] === ROUND THE WORLD U.S. War in Indo-China “Hot Pursuit” Subterfuge Washington has made = another open move to accelerate its encroachment against the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and extend the war in Indo-China. The move is a sequence to the U.S. September 18th fabrication of a new “incident” in the Gulf of Bac Bo (Gulf of Tonkin), The Johnson Administralion, according to Washington's “authoritative sources.” has authorized U.S. warplanes “to penetrate Red Chinese or North Vietnamese airspace in pursuit of any communist aircraft attacking American naval vessels in the Gulf of Tonkin.” Agency reports say that U.S. forces have also been given the green light to pursue what are called “their attackers” into “enemy territory beyond the 12-mile territorial limit) claimed by the munists.* com- This is out-and-out war-mongering by the U.S. imperialists. What they are clamouring about now is the application of the “doctrine of hot pursuit.” Stripped of all sophistry, “hot pursuit” by U.S. aircraft means nothing less than violation of the sovereignty of another country at will. It is a “doctrine” by which the Johnsen Administration seeks to launch open aggression and escalate the war in Southeast Asia. To begin with, so-called patrol and reconnaissance activilies which U.S. naval vessels have been carrying out in the Gulf of Bae Bo thousands of miles away from U.S. shores are aggressive enough, and as such have been condenined by world public opinion as serious war provocations against the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam. The fact that U.S. warplanes in the Indo-China region are now under orders to intrude into the airspace of China and the D.R.V. means that the Johnson Administrafion is bent on still more adventurous and dangerous aggression in this part of Asia. Of late the White House has been trying out a series of pretexts to October 9, 1964 push its war moves in Southeast Asia in a vain attempt to break its south Viet Nam impasse. It has scarcely tried to conceal this intention. At his September 21 news conference the U.S. President said, “Who can say when a crisis will come up? There might be one tomorrow.” He has created one by putting U.S. military aireraft under orders to invade the D.R.V. and China. Laotian Tripartite Talks Who Blocked Agreement? Although the United States was not represented at the Paris meeting of the three Laotian factions. its meddling hand was ever busy, pulling the wires both at the formal sessions at Chateau de la Celle Saint Cloud and during the earlier informal discussions. Hence the failure to reach any substantive agreement. The Neo Lao Haksat delegation headed by Prince Souphanouvong had gone to Paris with concrete proposals and with great hopes. It was ready to discuss the restoration of the government of national union and the composition of a unified Laolian delegation to the Geneva conference. At one stage during the preliminary talks, it proposed that troops of the three factions disengage and return to their positions as of June 24, 1962—the day when the ceasefire order was issued after the signing of the 1962 Geneva axreements—and expressed readiness to help bring about a rapprochement between General Kong Le’s troops and the genuine neutralist forces on the basis of real neutrality. This, however, was rejecied by the Rightists who, along with Prince Souvanna Phouma, insisted on the so-called “neutralization” and “policing” of the Plain of Jars by the forces of the three [actions. The Neo Lao Haksat could not agree as this was a clear cover for infiltration and eventual occupation of the area by the Rightists. Nor could the Neo Lao Haksat recognize the legality of the present Vientiane government, “ryeorganized” at the dictate of the April 19 coup group and in violation of the Zurich and Plain of Jars agreements. Since Prince Souvanna Phouma insisted on the “neutralization” of the Plain of Jars as a precondition for reconvening the 14nation Geneva conference, there could be no agreement. Washington. of course, is only too happy with this result. Egging on its followers to raise impossible preconditions, the Johnson Administration had at the same time instigated them to step up military attacks. These tactics were used both before and during the Paris talks to block the Geneva conference and escape world condemnation. As revealed in a recent article in the New York Times, “The United States has never felt that it could oppose all talks. Souvanna Phouma’s posture — that he’s willing to meet at any time, as soon as his preconditions are met — is the proper one. That way, the onus is on the other side.” while “a Geneva conference seems far off.” Soviet Arms Aid to India A Real Eye-Opener In his monthly broadcast to the nation on October 1 President Ayub Khan of Pakistan once again referred to the large-scale military assistance the Soviet Union is giving India. He said this military buildup. coming on top of the massive arms aid pledged to India by the Western powers, was of the gravest import to Pakistan. He pointed out that India had been exploiting its border dispute with China by dangling it before those interested in ranging India against China. The agreement for the supply of Soviet military equipment to India was signed in September. Some details of the deal have since appeared in the Indian press. The Patriot said the Soviet Union would deliver 44 Migs to India in October and November and arrange for 60 more to be assembled in India beginning in 1965. India would also receive 100 light tanks. The Times of India disclosed that the Soviet aid programme included missiles, transport aircraft, and submarines, Jubilant over this gener- 23 === [PDF page 24] === osity, it added, “the Soviet military assistance to India might easily equal, if it does not exceed, the American arms aid programme. Politically, too, the Soviet Gove nment is placing no restrictions on the use of this equipment.” Indian Defence Minister Chavan dotted the i's and crossed the ts when questions were put to him in the Indian parliament about the provisions of the Soviet-Indian military assistance agreement. Asked whether India could use the Soviet Migs and tanks “against China.” he replied, “Of course we can. Otherwise why are we taking it.’ He also told the M.P.’s that in his talks with Khrushchov and other Soviet leaders “they recognized our need for the strengthening of our defence potential.” The Times of India reported that in the debate following Chavan’s speech there was even a proposal that the United States, the Soviet Union and India should “join hands to launch a campaign against China.” This idea of an “unholy alliance” underlines the recent statement made by Senator Hubert Humphrey, Lyndon Johnson's presidential running mate, who suggested that there should be “a coalition of Asian powers with India as its main force to counterbalance Chinese power.” a pernicious suggestion that has been denounced by the press throughout Pakistan. The Pakistan Times rightly emphasizes the serious consequences arising from the massive flow of arms into India from the Soviet Union and the U.S. imperialists. The Soviet Union, it said, was apparently supplementing the imperialist diplomacy of the West to build up Indian military strength. It added: “Soviet-U.S. military collusion in India should serve as an eve-opener for the Afro-Asian nations.” Manila Demonstration “We Want Economic Freedom” Manila witnessed on October 2 one of its biggest demonstrations against the United States in months. Three thousand workers and students assembled before the American Embassy demanding abrogation of the Laurel-Langley trade agreement and the “parity rights.” Under the latter, 24 Americans in the Philippines enjoy special privileges which allow them to exploit the country’s national resources. The demonstrators carried placards reading “We want economic freedom!” and “U.S. advisers are C.LA. agents.” They then marched to the presidential palace and handed protest manifestos to President Macapagal, who was leaving for Washington on a state visit the next day. During the past few months the demand for re-examination of the Philippines’ economic and military pacts with the United States has become more and more articulate. Some Congressmen, worried about the use of Clark Field air base by the Americans in their military adventures in Asia, sought its dismantling. The demonstrators have now called for an end to the economic grip which American capitalisis have on the country. Columnist Soliongeo, writing in the Manila Chronicle on October 2, condemned the Uniled States for fleecing the Filipinos and urged his countrymen to resist American pressure. Ile said that in the Philippines “It is the Americans who wield real political and economic power” and that this is used at the expense of the national interests of the Philippine people. One More Spark Guerrilla War in Colombia One more spark has been thrown into the Latin American tinder-box. This time it comes from Colombia. There, in the high Andes, particularly in the Marquetalia region which is on the border between Tolima and Provinces, Huila armed peasants THE PASSING SHOW have risen against the latifundists. sect up their own government and organized their own guerrilla army. Holding out against numerous punitive expeditions. they have gone on to draft an agrarian programme for land distribution and protection of the oppressed Indian communities. A recent statement issued by guerrilla commander Manuel Marulanda and other peasant leaders pointed out that because reactionary violence has blocked the peaceful, legal path, “We are forced to take another road: the revolutionary way of seizing state power through armed struggle.” Like their neighbours in Venczucla, the Colombian guerrillas are having to fight both the domestic reactionaries —the latifundists and their political representatives in Bogota — and the Yankee imperialists. Recently, they weathered a Pentagon-directed mopping-up campaign launched against them by 20,000) government troops and inflicted considerable casualties on the enemy. The latter were supported by U.S. aircraft which used terror bombing tactics. Washington was reported to have allotted U.S. $18 million for the operation, but as it turned out, the Pentagon experts with their helicopters and other special warfare paraphernalia were no match for peasants with guns. Exploitation breeds — revolution. Where there is armed repression, there is bound to be popular armed struggle. In Latin America this revolutionary truth was proved by Cuba. Then came Venezuela, Guatemala and Nicaragua. Now Colombia provides another example. From Cradle to Slag Heap The modern capitalist “welfare state” is supposed to care for its peopic from the “cradle to the grave.” US. copitalism mikes a slight amendment to this. Labour Secretary Willard Wirtz has announced that the U.S. hus “an acute problem of unemployment among all young peopic.” Unemployment rate among the sixteen- to twenty-one-year-olds is 12 per cent regardless of race and 25 and 33 per cent among Negro boys and girls respectively. He envisaged u Situation in which boys and girls would be “piling up at a rate of about 200 thousand to a quarter of a million a year,” “coming into the labour market unprepared, unable to find jobs and making a human slag heap.” Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 25] === A seene from “The East Is Red”; Entertainments “The Glory of the Tsunyi Conterence” Peking Festivities The capital’s artists and entertainers combined their efforts to make New China’s 15th anniversary a most memorable one artistically. Never before has the revolutionary spirit of the Chinese people been so fully reflected in a _ festive programme of songs and dances, operas and plays, films and exhibitions as it has been this National Day. “The East Is Rea™ An outstanding theatrical spectacle is the new pageant in song and dance, The East Is Red. Three thousand people perform in this remarkable effort of artistic synthesis. The theme is the history of the Chinese people's revolution from the founding of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921 up to the present. The key episodes of the various stages of the revolution are highlighted in eight acts. They vividly reflect the great role Mao Tse-tung’s thought plays in China’s revolution and construction. October 9, 1964 The 50 song and dance compositions of this epic are framed in music and linked by a poetic commentary. The mood is set by the theme songs —the widely popular revolutionary songs and music of those days. The dances, music and mime, richly national in colour, tell the story of the heroes of the times. They include many of the outstanding songs and dances of China’s many nationalities. It is a magnificently mounted and organized spectacle, inspiring in its revolutionary ardour and sweep of conception. The prologue is an impressive choral rendering of the song The East Is Red. On the stage a huge sunflower, formed of dancers with fans, face the rising sun. There is a saying in China— “the sunflower sceks the rays of the sun: the pcople’s hearts are turned towards the Communist Party.” This is the era of Mao Tse-tung. The dancers break from their sunflower pattern into a joyous dance. But the Chinese people have not forgotten the past. The stage darkens, the scene is in Shanghai: a U.S. gunboat is moored in the Whangpoo; on its banks burdened dockers stagger under the gangbosses’ whiplashes: on the street a weeping peasant woman sells her child.... Those were the years when the Chinese people groaned under the triple yoke of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism. The Party Founded The salvoes of the October Revolution roll out like thunder from the north. The shining banners of Marxism-Leninism illumine the stage. The Communist Party of China is founded. The masses rise against the forces of reaction. They dance in the joy of a first freedom... The joy is shortlived. Chiang Kaishck betrays the revolution. Martyrs go heroically to their death. But the revolution cannot be quenched. The shots of the Nanchang Uprising ring out the first signal: the Autumn Harvest Uprising led by Comrade Mao Tse-tung kindles the first spark —of the armed revolution of the workers and peasants led by the Communist Party. With a myriad torches. serpentining through the gloom, dancers portray the spread of the prairie fire of the revolution ignited by that spark. As a baritone sings Chairman Mao’s famous poem Chingkang Mountain set to music, the red flag is raised over that historic first revolutionary armed base. The Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army is formed. The people rejoice as they overthrow the landlords and divide the land. The power of the workers, peasants and soldicrs is proclaimed. The revolution is at high tide — but opportunists in the Party are steering it towards the rocks, Comes the Tsunyi Conference (1935) and it disperses the threatening clouds. Chairman Mao’s leadership, which puts China’s revolution on the correct path. is established. The Red Army is on its epic 25,000li Long March. To the swirling notes of the music, it reaches the turbulent Tatu River. In a dance which makes effective use of the superb leaps and somersaults of traditional opera, the dancers recapture’ the 22 === [PDF page 26] === scene of forcing the crossing of the Tatu on the bare iron chains of the Luting Bridge. They enact the meetings with the national minority peoples. and the passage through the Grasslands. This heroic chapter concludes with the words of Chairman Mao’s poem The Long March in song: The Red Army fears not the trials of a distant march; To them a thousand mountains, ten thousand rivers are nothing.... The demand to resist Japanese aggression spreads throughout the nation. Refugees from the Northeast tell their tragic story in the words of the famous National Salvation March. The centre of the resistance movement is established in Yenan. The best sons and daughters of China sing as they march off to fight the invaders. Soldiers and villagers, with one hand on the gun and the other on the hoc. turn desolate Nanniwan into a fertile granary. Self-reliant, the Communist-led resistance bases consolidate their strength. The surging notes of Hsien Hsinghais Yellow River Cantata — The wind is the horses are neighing, the Yellow River rears in anger, the Yellow River roars in anger...—the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies rout the Japanese invaders, howling, “Liberate All China!” Victory over Japan is hardly won before Chiang Kai-shek attacks the Liberated Areas and plunges the na- 26 tion into civil war again. The C.P.C. and Chairman Mao issue the historic call: “Down with Chiang Kai-shek! Liberate all China!” In a series of sweeping. whirling, tumbling motions of great beauty, the dancers represent the victorious crossing of the Yangtse by a “million stalwart troops” of the People’s Liberation Army. The hated flag atop the Presidential Office in Nanking is torn down. The Chiang dynasty has been toppled! The tumultuous joy surging through the nation at the birth of the People's Republic is recaptured in a series of jubilant dances before the Tien An Men Gate by the people of China's many nationalities. Into this jubilation a grim note is struck: the U.S. aggressors light the flames of war in Korea. To the song March of the C.P.V., Chinese Volunters fight side by side with the Korean People’s Army to drive out the aggressors. In the era of socialism in China, the icy mountains of Tibet can no longer shut out the sun. A million serfs shake off thousandyear-old fotters and lift their voices in the song of emancipation. Dances of steelworkers, commune peasants in their fertile fields, of the P.L.A. and people's militia, standing guard over the motherland, picture the Chinese people taking great strides forward in building socialism. In the grand finale. the massive choir sings the songs Workers of All Lends, Unite! and People of the World, Unite! The stage becomes a pageant of the people of all lands marching forward arm in arm, The performance enlisted the aid of many of the leading names in music, singing, dancing, poetry, acting, stage production and decor in China. A thousand and five hundred amateurs also took part; they came from dozens of universities, middle schools and factories in the capital. The grandeur, spirit and artistry of the two-and-a-half-hour performance is a vivid demonstration of the achievements of Chinese music, song and dance in becoming revolutionary, national and popular. Kaleidoscope of Afltractions October 3 was a red-letter day for ballet in China. It saw the premiere of The Red Detachment of Women, produced by the Ballet Troupe of the Central Modern Opera and Dance- Drama Theatre. in which for the first time in a full-length ballet. the hervic image of the labouring people and the revolutionary fighters of China was portrayed. and with ringing success. The libretto, adapted from the film of the same name. features a dramatic incident from the revolutionary struggles on Hainan Island in the 1930s. Techniques of the ballet have been well integrated with the new content. Elements of the characteristic movements. of Chinese opera and folk also been intreduced. It is a ballet with a distinctive Chinese iruditional dance have national colour. Peking opera, whose revolutionary transformation was signalized by the recent festival of Peking operas on contemporary revolutionary themes, Peking Review, No. 41 === [PDF page 27] === half a dozen festival hits for the National Day programme. These include some of the best examples of the new operas: Sparle Amid the Reeds, Raid on the Tiger Regiment, By the Chienkan River, Hung Sao, and others. olfers Operas and Plays The fruitful stays of playwrights and artists in factories, farms and army units—the grassroots of socialist life—have yielded a crop of new plays on contemporary revolutionary themes. Among them, attention is being attracted by The Spirit of the Dragon Horse, Two Sisters of a Mountain Village, Before the Wedding, all about life and struggles in today’s countryside. Special mention must be made of Letters From the South, a drama produced by the P.L.A. Army Ensembie. This is on a theme which is close to the hearts of the Chinese people —the south Vietnamese people's heroic fight against the U.S. imperialists and their south Vietnamese lackeys. The Chinese playwrights took their from the two volumes of Letters From the South published in the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and now appearing in a Chinese edition that has been widely read. story In a new full-length dance-drama, Ode to Eight Heroines, Chao Ching, the famous ballerina who starred in Magic Lotus Lantern, and her colleagues tell a true story of the war against the Japanese invaders: the heroic death of eight women soldiers of the Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Army who, having fought to their October 9, 1964 last bullet, finally threw themscives into the Moutanchiang River rather be taken prisoner. The P.L.A. Air Force Ensemble’s new modern opera production of Chiang Chieh brings to the stage that famous woman Communist from the popular revolutionary novel Red Crag. Films and Exhibitions Over 20 new feature films. documentaries and cartoons are showing. The Serfs is a powerful, realistic film about what it meant to be a serf in old Tibet. The leading role is acted by one who knows of this only too well — Wongdi. a former serf himself. Wongdi and the rest of the Tibetan cast belong to the first group of stage talents from Tibet to be trained in Shanghai after the abolition of serfdom in 1959. In this their first film, they act like veterans. A Family Problem written by worker-author Hu Wan-chun is a story about educating the younger generation of workers; written in a light vein it nevertheless touches on problems that are full of significance for contemporary youth. Those who missed the stage hits On Guard Beneath the Neon Lights, The Siege, Never Forget and Youth in a Faraway Place, can now enjoy them in screen adaptations. Two big art exhibitions give a good opportunity to see the progress Chinese artists and handicraftsmen have made in portraying contemporary revolutionary themes. The North China Art Exhibition at the Museum of Chinese Ari is the first of a scheduled sevies of large comprehensive exhibitions covering different areas of China. It displays 493 works of practically every genre of art. These come from the four areas of Shansi Province, the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region, Hopei Province and the Peking municipality. Inner Mongolia is distinguished by its oil paintings this year; Peking for its sculptures, Shansi and Hopei for their New Year pictures from famous folk art centres. When this exhibition concludes on October 25, others from the northeast, northwest, east, southwest and central-south China areas will follow. The national industrial handicrafts exhibition in Beihai Park displays the world-famous embroideries of Soochow, Hunan. Kwangiung and Szechuan, ivory, jade, stone and wood carvings, gold and silver work, bamboo, rattan, palm leaf and straw work in a total of 1,300 items. The new landscape works from Chengtu in beaten silver and filigree How Beautiful Our Land and Red Flag Unfurls in the West Wind are remarkable both for the message they convey and for their craftsmanship. A scene from “The East Is Red”: “The Sunflower Seeks the Sun” 27 === [PDF page 28] === OIL-BASED ENAMELLED COPPER WIRES She ae CE BRAND Well insulated Highly resistant to solvents Very flexible and adherent High dielectric strength Smooth, flawless finish Ideal tor windings and coils Full range of sizes available CHINA NATIONAL MACHINERY IMPORT & EXPORT CORP. Tientsin Branch 14 Chang Teh Road, Tientsin, China Cable Address: “MACHIMPEX” Tientsin