艾地在印度尼西亚共产党第七次代表大会上（摘要）的总报告（之二） (Aidit's general report to the PKI Seventh Congress, part 2)

=== [PDF page 1] === 艾地在印度尼西亚共产党第七次代表大会上（摘要）的总报告（之二）人民日报 Renmin Ribao 1962-05-11 第5版 | Aidit report to PKI 7th Congress (part 2) on Gerwani growthSource: 人民日报图文数据库 via Columbia University Libraries | http://data.people.com.cn/rmrb/19620511/5/bf01a722601845b0ac69b1a16b5594dd| retrieved 2026-10-17[Article full text not retrieved: the database showed a rate-limit CAPTCHA. Below is the search-result snippet; the fullpage scan follows on the next page.]1962年5月11日第5版 作。如果中央的合作组织给予更积极的推动，那末地方上的妇女组织的合作将搞得更好。 近年来，印度尼西亚妇女运动协会在扩大和巩固它的组织和会员方面取得了重要的进展。革命妇女群众组织已表现出战斗精神，它要求 文章关键词： 共产党 新殖民主义 斗争 === [PDF page 2] === Full page scan: 人民日报 1962-05-11 第5版

=== [Page 1] === [Article full text not retrieved: the database showed a rate-limit CAPTCHA. Below is the search-result snippet; the full page scan follows on the next page.] 1962年5月11日第5版 作。如果中央的合作组织给予更积极的推动，那末地方上的妇女组织的合作将搞得更好。 近年来，印度尼西亚妇女运动协会在扩大和巩固它的组织和会员方面取得了重要的进展。革命妇女群众组织 已表现出战斗精神，它要求 文章关键词： 共产党 新殖民主义 斗争 [Only a search-result snippet was retrieved in this file; the full article text from the companion file is translated below.] Aidit's general report (abridged) to the Seventh Congress of the Indonesian Communist Party (Part 2) [People's Daily 1962-05-11, page 5] (Continued from page 4) Another important question relating to the implementation of the eight-year plan is the financial question. The "Political Manifesto" clearly points out that it is necessary to mobilise all financial and human resources to solve present financial difficulties, and that financial and human resources must be mobilised by revolutionary methods, that is, by relying on developing the existing state economy, in a manner that does not add to the burdens of the working people – that is, raising labour productivity by improving living conditions and the means of production – not using foreign capital in any form to develop our natural resources, and mobilising national capital and domestic capital, this domestic capital meaning foreign capital that has already become settled in our country and has no right to transfer profits. We must continue to clear out all the foreign monopoly capital still remaining here, especially monopoly capital in oil, plantations and industry, until it no longer exists at all in Indonesia. It is therefore obvious that, without lightening the increasingly heavy burden of living of the people now, without resolute measures against bureaucratic capitalists or corrupt and thieving elements, without effective coordination and social supervision, and without struggling against imperialism in the economic field, it is impossible to mobilise all financial and human resources, impossible to arouse the people's enthusiasm, and impossible to win society's support for the eight-year plan. Reforms in politics and economics, democratising construction by means of: setting up enterprise committees, agricultural production committees, distribution supervision committees and regional development committees with the participation of representatives of people's organisations, preventing declines in production and rises in prices and raising the people's purchasing power to stabilise the economy – these are the basic conditions for the success of implementing the eight-year plan. All obstacles in construction, including abuse of power caused by the continued enforcement of the "state of danger law", must be earnestly prevented. Even to create an atmosphere that is truly one of construction, an atmosphere without coercion and repression, the most urgent thing is to restore public order and lift the "state of danger". If all this is not done, no key will be found to solve all the difficulties we now face in the economic, social and political fields. If all this is done, it means strengthening the home front (rear) in the liberation of West Irian and the struggle against imperialism. Part Two: The International Situation 1. The further decay of imperialism Every time we review the international situation comprehensively, we see clearly that the process of collapse is tightly wrapped around the whole body of capitalism, whether its economic system or its state system, its politics or its ideology. Socialism, anti-imperialism and the forces aiming at the establishment of a new free world, free of exploitation of man by man, determine the development of human history and its content, direction and basic features. The process of development of this era is proceeding at high speed. All this shows that imperialism is decaying ever more and the anti-imperialist struggle is becoming ever sharper and fiercer. The basic political task at present is to defeat the resistance that imperialism, in the process of collapse, puts up against the development and progress of socialism. This resistance comes first of all from American imperialism – the most powerful but also the imperialist country with the most enemies in the world. Colonial policy and war policy are the main manifestations of imperialism; this is the policy pursued by the old forces that are now collapsing and in vain obstructing the advance of the times. The imperialists have failed to prevent the collapse of colonialism, to obstruct the spread of socialism throughout the world and to block the rising independence movement. This makes people more convinced of the correctness of this historical law: the liberation of nations and the victory of socialism are inevitable. The Declaration issued in Moscow in November 1960 by the representatives of eighty-one communist and workers' parties – an extremely important historical document of the world communist movement – has clearly stated: "The time has come when the socialist countries form a world system and become an international force with a mighty influence on world development." Current international developments and the international situation clearly prove that no international question can be solved without the participation of the socialist camp. The question of the threat of nuclear war or of nuclear weapons testing, the question of South Vietnam or of Algeria, the question of Laos or of Cuba, the German question or the West Irian question and other international questions, none can be solved by ignoring the role of the socialist camp. The American war economy is the main root of the imperialist policy of launching nuclear war and local wars. The present programme of the US government provides that, to escape the ever deeper American economic crisis, production of conventional weapons must be increased and at the same time the production of missiles and other unconventional weapons expanded. Therefore the aim of American policy is bound to be to expand local wars so as to go on to create the threat of a nuclear war. It is quite clear that the present policy of American imperialism is not only no different from Eisenhower's but even more aggressive and more vicious. The cunning of the American Democratic administration lies in this: in addition to its aggressive war policy, it also carries out a so-called "strategy of peace", the aim of which is to gain more time and opportunities to restore the American reputation that fell because of the Eisenhower-Dulles policy. Perhaps at first the new American regime deceived more effectively certain groups in newly independent countries, but now more and more people see the true face of the present American government. Experience has proved that the most correct policy in dealing with the cunning tricks of the United States and other imperialists is to answer all their actions in kind: to answer negotiation with negotiation and to resist force with force. Only thus can the reactionary essence of imperialism be exposed. At the summit conference of non-aligned countries held in September 1960 the failure of this "strategy of peace" was already proved. The United States not only failed to separate the independence movement and the non-aligned countries from the socialist camp, but also failed to isolate the Soviet Union by exploiting slanders against it over its resumption of nuclear tests. The tune of America's "strategy of peace" cannot paralyse the anti-imperialist fighting spirit. In this connection tribute should be paid to President Sukarno, whose speech at the non-aligned summit gave the conference a correct political line and thus turned the conference into an anti-imperialist and peace-loving international demonstration. The non-aligned summit ended in accordance with what President Sukarno said in his speech, namely "our conference is not in competition with the Asian-African Conference, but must supplement its deficiencies." In continuing the policy of uniting all revolutionary forces opposing imperialist oppression and exploitation, the convening of an enlarged second Asian-African Conference with the participation of Latin American countries must be considered. Indonesia, which now has a good enough international reputation, has the necessary conditions for being the initiator of an Asian, African and Latin American conference. 2. The struggle of Asia, Africa and Latin America against neo-colonialism Certain events in Asia, especially among our neighbouring countries, require the special attention of the Indonesian government and people, especially because there are neo-colonialisms of various forms that must be opposed. The people's organisations of Asia, Africa and Latin America play an important role in the struggle against neo-colonialism. At international conferences – such as the sessions of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Council held in Bandung and Gaza, the Latin American conference for national sovereignty, economic emancipation and peace held in Mexico, the Afro-Asian Writers' Conference held in Cairo and other conferences – it has been very clear that the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America very well understand how great the danger of neo-colonialism is, especially that of the United States, Britain, West Germany and France. In these three continents the fighting spirit against neo-colonialism is steadily rising. On the African continent, the last bastion of colonialism, twenty-nine colonial countries gained political independence in 1961. This fact proves how inevitable the process of the destruction of imperialism is. However, the degree of independence of these twenty-nine countries is not the same; many are still caught in the neo-colonialist trap of the "French Community". Even so, the African peoples themselves can certainly use this initial independence to continue the struggle to drive the colonialists out entirely, as we have seen happening in Mali and Guinea. In the Congo, the homeland of the great hero Lumumba, we can clearly see an example of the most outrageous American neo-colonialism. American neo-colonialists make use of the scum of Congolese society such as Tshombe, Mobutu and Kasavubu, and, under the name of the United Nations, strive to push out their rivals the Belgian and British imperialists in order to seize the Congo's extremely rich natural resources. The events that took place in the Congo in the past few years and at present prove how American imperialists can still abuse the United Nations to achieve their neo-colonial aims, as they did a few years ago in Korea. This should constantly arouse our attention and vigilance just when America and the United Nations are putting forward proposals for "good offices" to solve the West Irian question. In opposing neo-colonialism in Africa, the Party is glad and proud to pay the highest tribute to the heroic Algerian people; thanks to their struggle and to the moral and material aid and support of all progressive mankind, the Algerian patriots have been able to force the de Gaulle government to agree to a ceasefire. This is a great victory for all the peoples of Asia and Africa, and proves once again that imperialism must be opposed by all means, both armed struggle and negotiation. As to some of our neighbouring countries, it is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the comprador elements pushed to the front by imperialism, dressed up and recommended as "national" leaders. Prime Minister Rahman of Malaya is now busy organising Malaysia, a federation to include Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei. Through this federation Britain feels not only that it will be better able to continue colonial rule over the peoples of these countries, but also hopes it will be able to play an influential role in Southeast Asia, as it now tries to do through the plan for a Southeast Asian Union. They even dream that finally "Indonesia will join the Southeast Asian Union"! In South Vietnam Ngo Dinh Diem's complete defeat is near, despite the help of all kinds of generals sent from the Pentagon. The American imperialists have shamelessly torn up and violated the Geneva Agreement of 1954 to which the United States itself was a party. The American imperialists are continually handing over weapons, military aircraft, "military advisers", military pilots and paratroopers to the puppet Ngo Dinh Diem, and these men are now actively taking part in the offensive against the people's guerrillas. The United States is actively participating in this "undeclared war" launched against the people of South Vietnam, who demand democracy, peace at home, a neutral policy and national unity. In this way the United States has made the situation there serious and put the situation in Southeast Asia in danger. The clash between old forces and newly rising forces is also going on in Laos. There too American imperialists are supporting and fostering the most reactionary and conservative forces – the Phoumi-Nosavan clique – to extinguish the struggle of the Lao people, who oppose pulling their country into SEATO and wish to see the Zurich and Xieng Khouang agreements realised. The Indonesian government must maintain the greatest vigilance toward Japan, which, together with the United States and other imperialists, has already conspired with the Netherlands to maintain their colonial forces in West Irian. The Indonesian people have already protested against the hostile attitude adopted by Japan and the United States on the West Irian question. It has now been proved that Japan and the United States not only deliver weapons to the colonialists in South Vietnam and Laos, but also render services and aid in the logistics of the Dutch forces in West Irian. The Japanese people are now developing the struggle against the re-militarisation and re-fascisation of the country that American imperialists and domestic monopoly capitalists are trying to force through. We express full and warm solidarity with the heroic Japanese people who are struggling to establish a people's Japan. The peoples of Southeast Asia have recognised and personally experienced how SEATO has become the centre attracting all the most reactionary forces of the countries of Southeast Asia including Indonesia. The failure of SEATO's plotting of the rebellion of the "Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia – Permesta Charter Group" [PRRI-Permesta] and of other subversive activities inside Indonesia does not mean SEATO will not continue subversive activities. As the representative organ of the imperialists in this part of our world, SEATO is bound to be the centre of attraction and main pillar for all reactionary policies and forces in Indonesia and other countries of Southeast Asia. In Latin America the United States has begun to carry out a neo-colonialist plan called the "Alliance for Progress", the aim of which is to subordinate Latin America to the interests of American monopoly capital. This American plan is meeting fierce resistance from the Latin American peoples, and the struggle against American imperialism has never been as fierce as it is today after the plan was put into effect. The defeat suffered by the American mercenaries who shamelessly landed at the Bay of Pigs in Cuba a year ago has even more strongly spurred the armed struggle of the peoples of Venezuela, Guatemala, Bolivia and other countries. 3. The sharpening of contradictions among the imperialists The increasing weakening of the imperialist camp is manifested not only in the defeats it has suffered in Asia, Africa and Latin America, but also in the sharpening of contradictions within the imperialist camp itself. These contradictions within the imperialist camp accelerate the process of imperialism's collapse. In Western Europe American imperialists face increasingly fierce resistance from the imperialist countries of Western Europe. Britain, which for centuries played the leading role in Europe, is more and more unhappy about the American policy of giving priority to fostering West German imperialist-militarist elements. De Gaulle, who has returned yearning for the former "greatness" of France, is also striving to seize the leadership in Western Europe. On the other hand, West Germany is striving to make NATO a "fourth nuclear power". In plain words this is forcing Britain and France to give up their control of nuclear weapons so as to hand them over to NATO's leadership, which is mostly in the hands of former Hitlerite Nazi generals. Britain, on the contrary, wishes to maintain Anglo-American joint control, but is also prepared to recognise France as an atomic power, thinking that thus it can wreck de Gaulle's cooperation with Adenauer and keep West Germany in the position of a second-class nuclear power. This is the present international situation. This situation is very favourable to the people's movements, democratic movements, and movements for national independence, peace and progress. This situation shows that the position of the imperialists of all countries headed by the United States is falling and weakening everywhere, while the people's revolutionary movements and the communist parties of all countries are continually advancing and their political role is becoming more and more important. This does not mean that imperialism is already unable to do anything. The reality is that, as they come ever nearer to their grave, the imperialists will be more reckless and more cunning in activities to prolong their lives. But it is also the reality that if they meet resistance the imperialists will retreat, as the events and developments mentioned above prove. For precisely this reason, while strengthening blows against imperialism, the "newly emerging forces" inside the country must redouble their national vigilance so as not to be deceived by the imperialists' flattery and cajolery. For precisely this reason, the most important thing is that the security of anti-imperialist unity must be protected like the apple of our eye. 4. There must be no discrepancy between word and deed Obviously the international situation Indonesia faces is favourable to its national struggle. If Indonesia is now respected by other countries, it is because of its anti-imperialist peace policy, not because of non-commitment, not because of opposing the socialist camp, but because it opposes imperialism and colonialism together with the socialist countries. This foreign policy has in fact placed the Republic of Indonesia in a position of full influence among the non-aligned countries. The present development of the foreign policy of the Republic of Indonesia proves the correctness of the judgement made by the Party's Sixth National Congress held two and a half years ago. It clearly stated: "Cooperation with socialist countries on the international front for peace and against colonialism guarantees the security, progress and better future of the Republic of Indonesia," and "Indonesia should of course make itself an active participant in this front – the international anti-colonial and peace-loving front." In accordance with a correct foreign policy, Foreign Minister Dr. Subandrio has expressed his approval of the expansion of the organisation of the Indonesian Peace Committee and has announced his sympathy for and help to meetings of progressive international mass organisations held in Indonesia. This attitude accords with Indonesia's active and independent foreign policy of anti-imperialism and love of peace; it is a foreign policy that supports and aims at strengthening the newly emerging forces. It is still strange that the ban on establishing friendship associations and cultural relations associations with foreign countries is still in force in Indonesia, except in some cities. This is an obstacle to raising the people's political consciousness in support of the foreign policy of the Republic of Indonesia and to strengthening the friendship of the Indonesian people with the peoples of other countries. This ban, which would make the Indonesian people frogs in a well, should be lifted immediately; the Indonesian people's friendly feelings for the peoples of other countries should be allowed to grow and develop, and the tree of international friendship that has grown in Indonesia's fertile soil should be beautified and strengthened. Indonesia's foreign policy today has been outlined very clearly and objectively by President Sukarno, especially in his speech "To Build the World Anew" and in his speech at the non-aligned summit. The question now is implementation, or more precisely the machinery of implementation. It is the duty of every Indonesian patriot to ensure consistency between the formulation and the implementation of foreign policy and to prevent a discrepancy between word and deed arising between the political concepts formulated and their actual implementation, so as fully to carry out the "Political Manifesto" in the foreign policy of our republic. 5. The Indonesian Communist Party and the international communist movement In speaking of the international situation I think it is also necessary to speak of the relations of the Indonesian Communist Party with the communist and workers' parties of the world, and of the relations of the Indonesian Communist Party with the international workers' movement and the international communist movement. The Sixth National Congress said, among other things: "Our Party's relations with fraternal parties have become ever closer, through studying the experience of fraternal parties, attending their congresses, or personal contact between the leaders of our Party and the leaders of fraternal parties." Our Party continues to strive to strengthen further its relations with fraternal parties. The differences of opinion that have arisen in the international communist movement, especially since the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU at the end of last year, far from loosening our relations with fraternal parties, have made us strive more actively to strengthen relations with fraternal parties. This is in accord with the interests of the international working-class movement and with the interests of the Indonesian people themselves, because there is no doubt that the core force of the "newly emerging forces" of every country is the working class and its party. The differences of opinion in the international communist movement are only a temporary phenomenon. All Marxist-Leninist parties have a common final goal, namely: to eliminate the exploitation of man by man by revolutionary means and to create a new world in which everyone lives in peace and happiness – the world of socialism and communism. But we must not forget that today in the world there are about ninety Marxist-Leninist parties and more than 42 million communists, led by thousands of central committee members, not all of whom have, or fully have, the character of Marx, Engels and Lenin. Therefore we should not be surprised if some among the leaders of communist parties still like to exaggerate differences of opinion more than to stress agreement, do not put the main questions first, and, when another communist party takes a different position on a non-fundamental or less fundamental question, or on a question that is fundamental but whose solution can be postponed, cannot restrain themselves. As always in the past, our Party, in the face of the phenomena that appeared during and after the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU, still puts the unity of the world communist movement first and the main questions first. The resolution of the plenary meeting of the Central Committee held at the end of last year has shown this. The basis of the unity of the world's communists is very firm, because besides Marxist-Leninist theory we have the 1957 "Declaration", which the 1960 "Statement" has perfected. We know that in the history of the international communist movement there was the First International, founded and led by Marx and Engels, the Communist International, founded and led by Lenin, and friendly conferences without any organisational form or organisational ties, such as the Moscow conferences of 1957 and 1960. The First International had its documents, the Communist International had its documents, and the 1957 conference produced the "Declaration", the 1960 conference the "Statement". Only these documents are valid international documents, programmes valid for all communist parties. We are convinced that, by following the "Declaration" and the "Statement", the differences existing in the world communist movement will be eliminated within a short time. Our conviction is strengthened by the fact that all the signatories of the "Declaration" and the "Statement" have expressed that they remain loyal to these documents. We are Indonesian Marxist-Leninists, we are Indonesian communists, we have the greatest respect for the principles of Marxism-Leninism, and at the same time we must creatively formulate our Party's policy, tactics, forms of struggle and forms of organisation according to our country's concrete conditions. Our Marxism-Leninism is Marxism-Leninism applied to Indonesia, Indonesianised Marxism-Leninism, not dogmatic but creative. As the "Statement" says, our Party is independent and equal, formulates its own policy according to our country's concrete conditions, and supports other Marxist-Leninist parties and is supported by them. Our Party is responsible to the Indonesian working class and working people, and to the whole international workers' movement and communist movement. Therefore our task is to continue to strive to strengthen the world communist movement. This means that we strengthen the movement for independence, democracy, peace, socialism and communism. We must not let the enemies of the people and of the working class profit from even the smallest crack. Part Three: The Party 1. Continue forward to realise the aims of the second three-year plan Our glorious Sixth National Congress issued clear directives that greatly inspired and helped mobilise us to realise the task of continuing to build the Party. These directives included: to strengthen the Party's unity, Marxist-Leninist education must be carried out universally and the struggle against subjectivism must be continued without interruption; every Party member must understand Marxism-Leninism and be well informed; the whole work of the Party must follow a plan drawn up in a realistic way; the Party must be consolidated, expanded and rectified without interruption; we must continuously strengthen unity with the masses and lead the masses correctly and courageously. We have in the second three-year educational and organisational plan specified how to realise these tasks, with the emphasis placed on education. As in the implementation of the first three-year plan, the implementation of this second three-year plan is meeting many obstacles, especially from those at the centre and in the regions suffering from "communist-phobia". It is well known that the die-hard reactionaries at first wanted to dissolve all political parties, because they regarded political parties as obstacles to their arbitrary actions. But despite their doing everything possible to dissolve the parties, the people continued to trust and support the parties that proved to have played an active role in the struggle for national independence, democracy and a better standard of living. The people abandoned the political adventurers who, in the colonial era, stood more on the side of colonialism than on the side of the people's revolutionary struggle. The harder they persecuted the parties, the stronger the parties' resistance and the closer the unity of the parties with the people. The people know who their leaders are. The authority of a leader cannot be bought, cannot be forced, and no school can train it. It can only be gained in the struggle to defend the people's interests. Therefore the self-appointed leaders came on stage one after another and went off one after another without a sound. The main aim of their blows against the parties was of course directed at the Communist Party, because by their estimate, after the Indonesian Communist Party was overthrown, it would not be too hard to dissolve the other parties. They slandered and attacked all parties at the same time, but were unable to dissolve the parties; so they changed tactics: they themselves strengthened a certain party that became the nest of the bureaucratic capitalists, and concentrated their strength on attacking the Indonesian Communist Party. Their "theory" was this: "First destroy the Indonesian Communist Party; the other parties are easy to deal with, and wringing their necks is easy." But this "theory" also did not work. First because of the resistance of the communists and working people. Second because the other democratic parties and their supporters felt that action taken against the Indonesian Communist Party was only a prelude to eliminating all parties. In several places, some of the other parties were forced to join in supporting the banning of the Indonesian Communist Party, but in general the parties with democratic traditions were unwilling to become tools for attacking the Indonesian Communist Party. While concentrating their attack on the Indonesian Communist Party, the reactionaries also made use of the "Five Principles of the Founding of the State" [Pancasila], as though this foundation of the state were in contradiction with the Indonesian Communist Party and therefore the Indonesian Communist Party had to be eliminated. They said this in order to separate the Indonesian Communist Party from the other parties and then besiege it. But this attempt also failed: the working people put up resolute resistance, the other parties did not respond, and President Sukarno called this attempt the action of deranged people. In short, since the Sixth National Congress, attack after attack on our Party has been going on. If we speak of the greatest achievement of the revolutionary democratic movement in this period, it is this: the Indonesian Communist Party still stands, and is growing day by day! The Indonesian proletariat and working people have spared no sacrifice to defend their Party and constantly strengthen their Party! Of course, as long as there are reactionaries, the Indonesian Communist Party will meet obstruction and blows. Therefore we communists must at all times be ready to deal with the reactionaries' obstruction and blows. Sometimes this obstruction and these blows are slight, sometimes serious. In short, comrades, in dealing with die-hard reactionaries we must struggle more courageously, more resourcefully, more vigilantly, more resolutely and more diligently. We must carry out the "five mores": more courageous, more resourceful, more vigilant, more resolute and more diligent. Despite many difficulties, our second three-year plan is basically going well; we have placed the emphasis of the second three-year plan on ideological building and Marxist-Leninist education. The further strengthening of Marxist-Leninist education in the Party and the spread of philosophical education have greatly raised the ideological level of the Party. The continuous strengthening of the Party's ideology has also strengthened the Party's discipline and made it more possible to prevent deviation from the mass line in politics and to struggle against the tendency to put personal interests above the interests of the people and the Party. The line of national-front policy, and its high flexibility in winning victory for revolutionary views and positions and in safeguarding the independence of our Party, are being understood ever more deeply by our Party cadres. The rise of the Party's ideology can also be seen from the fact that the Party's unity has been strengthened, because contradictions arising within Party committees at all levels from differences of opinion on policy have decreased. The method of leadership drawn up by the Sixth Congress, that is, the method combining general calls with concrete guidance and combining leadership with the masses, is decisive and therefore should be strictly observed. 2. Continue forward to strengthen the unity of the Party with the broad masses To improve the Party's mass work, the Sixth National Congress put forward the guideline of "walking on two legs", that is, that we should always combine work that makes a great stir with painstaking work, combine agitation with practical, deep and meticulous daily work in organisation, education, politics and ideology. The Party's Sixth National Congress gave us the task of continuing to strengthen the Party's position among the workers and winning the majority of the working masses to the Party's side. One way of realising this task is for Party members to achieve it by unfolding broad activities in the struggle to improve social and economic conditions. The greatest achievement in the struggle of the Indonesian trade-union movement in recent years is that the revolutionary central trade-union organisation – the All-Indonesia Central Organisation of Trade Unions [SOBSI] – has grown stronger and stronger, and attempts to dissolve the central trade-union organisation through the "Indonesian Labour Federation" and the "Association of Professionals" have failed. The success in establishing a joint secretariat of cooperating central trade-union organisations within the framework of implementing the People's Three Commands for the liberation of West Irian is also an important achievement. Because of the daily rising prices of necessities and the increase in unemployment caused by the closing of enterprises, it can be expected that in future the reactionaries will continue to try to shift the burden of the present crisis and inflation entirely onto the working people, especially workers and peasants. In this situation Indonesian workers have no other way but to become fighters and models in two kinds of struggle: first, the struggle against unfairly bearing the burden of the consequences of inflation and the economic crisis; second, the struggle for democratic reforms in the political system and in the people's political freedoms. In the period under review important progress has been made in peasant work, mainly because more Party cadres have conducted investigations in the villages and helped organise peasants and train and educate cadres coming from the peasants themselves. This progress has enabled the revolutionary peasant organisation – the Indonesian Peasants' Front [BTI], now with 4.5 million members – to develop broadly by realising very realistic demands, such as implementation of the crop-sharing decree and the Basic Agrarian Law, lowering the prices of necessities, expanding democratic rights, ending the state of danger and restoring public order. The Second National Peasants' Conference of the Indonesian Communist Party held in July 1961 drew the following correct conclusion: "The peasant movement against all forms of exploitation by landlords and usurers is beginning to spread throughout the country." The development of the peasant movement in the eastern part of our country in recent times is very gratifying. The revolutionary peasant movement is at present centred on the "Six Good Campaign" [Gerakan Enam Baik], which includes the "Every-Means Campaign" [Gerakan Seribu Daya?] to raise food production. The "Six Goods" are: (1) lowering land rent; (2) reducing loan interest; (3) raising wages of hired labourers; (4) raising agricultural production; (5) raising the cultural level of the peasants; (6) raising the level of political consciousness of the peasants. The campaign for rent reduction, or the "six-four campaign" [60:40 sharing], is under way, taking mainly the form of demanding implementation of the crop-sharing decree. This campaign has succeeded in mobilising peasants into a broad front against the landlords. The rent-reduction campaign has set the peasants' strength in motion, which will be of great significance for the struggle for implementing the Basic Agrarian Law; if this law is truly implemented in accordance with the peasants' demands, that would be the implementation of a limited land reform. Cadres working in the villages must strictly observe the principle "peasants liberate themselves"; freeing the revolutionary peasant organisations in the villages and the Party from the influence of landlords and rich peasants is an absolutely necessary condition for the success of the rent-reduction campaign and for resolute implementation of the crop-sharing decree. The interest-reduction campaign is a campaign against usurers, and landlords are usually also usurers; so in general the interest-reduction campaign is also a campaign against landlords. The campaign to raise wages of hired labourers reinforces the rent-reduction campaign; if these two campaigns are strong and well coordinated, then the revolutionary peasant movement is in the initiative and the landlords are in a position of isolation and defence. In the period under review, along with the progress of the revolutionary and progressive movements, we have also made important progress in the movement of youth, university students and secondary-school students. The revolutionary spirit of these young people has also risen, especially after the issuing of the People's Three Commands for the liberation of West Irian. They react quickly to the activities of the imperialists, whether Dutch, American, Belgian, French or British imperialists, or Japanese militarist-imperialism. The youth front has become more consolidated, cooperation among student organisations has steadily improved, and the patriotic and revolutionary spirit of secondary-school students has risen rapidly. Under the slogan "make the People's Youth a huge, consolidated organisation", People's Youth cadres have carried out great activities to expand its organisation and membership and to educate its ranks in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. The membership of the People's Youth [Pemuda Rakjat] has now reached 1.25 million, and it has steadily perfected itself, becoming a loyal and reliable assistant of the Indonesian Communist Party, a conscious and spirited executor with understanding of the "Political Manifesto" and the People's Three Commands. In carrying out the People's Three Commands, the People's Youth stands in the very front to realise the people's fighting will: "a gun in one hand, a hoe in the other", that is, always ready to rush to the battlefield to win the liberation of West Irian and at the same time always ready to strengthen the home front (rear). In the period under review the women's movement has also made important progress. At the centre a broad women's united front against imperialism has been established. The situation in the regions is not the same as at the centre; in some places cooperation is better than at the centre, but in other places it is still backward or there is no cooperation at all. If the cooperating organisation at the centre gives more active impetus, cooperation among women's organisations in the regions will be done better. In recent years the Indonesian Women's Movement Association [Gerwani, 印度尼西亚妇女运动协会] has made important progress in expanding and consolidating its organisation and membership. The revolutionary women's mass organisation has shown fighting spirit; it demands lower prices of necessities and carries out other activities to reduce the burden of household difficulties, such as organising joint buying, joining working people's cooperatives, taking part in the "Every-Means Campaign", and so on. All these activities have had an influence on the whole women's movement. A question that still does not accord with the line of the Sixth National Congress is that the proportion of women among Party members has not increased but has fallen. This is because the number of Party members continues to increase, and the increase of women members does not match the increase in the total. This situation must be improved; more working women must be drawn into our Party. The Party's Sixth National Congress gave us the task of strengthening work among intellectuals. In carrying out this task, the Third Plenum held at the end of 1961 was of great significance. That plenum clearly pointed out that, in the present stage of the struggle, the question of intellectuals for our Party revolves around this question: what contribution can the Indonesian Communist Party make to help intellectuals strengthen their role in the struggle for victory of the Indonesian revolution, in accordance with the revolutionary tradition of the past leaders of the Indonesian intellectual world. The development of progressive and revolutionary forces, and the development of the forces of national unity under the beacon of the "Political Manifesto", is exerting a greater and greater influence on Indonesian intellectuals, and new possibilities are appearing for further raising the role of intellectuals in the struggle for victory of the national-democratic revolution with a socialist future. Dear comrades! The Sixth National Congress drew up a great programme that demands to be realised by us, a programme to bring victory to the demands contained in the "Political Manifesto" and to the national-democratic revolution with a socialist future. This programme also sets our Party international tasks – the tasks of defeating colonialism and imperialism, defending peace and building friendship among nations, among peoples, among the working classes and among the communist parties of the whole world. Every member of our Party, in the struggle for democracy and national unity, in the assault on imperialism, especially in the struggle to liberate West Irian, and in the assault on feudalism, must truly be an example. Only if we continually strengthen our Party, its organisation, its politics and its ideology, only if our Party continually strengthens its unity with the broad masses, only if our Party continually works in the spirit of ever-strengthening patriotism and proletarian internationalism, can we accomplish these tasks. For such a Party there is no difficulty that cannot be overcome and no fortress that cannot be stormed. Therefore, comrades, let us go forward ceaselessly, at a faster pace, to build such a Party. Advance, raising high the banner of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism! Advance, raising high the banner of democracy, unity and mobilisation! Advance, with the determination of a gun in one hand and a hoe in the other, to carry out the People's Three Commands! Advance for a cabinet of democracy and mutual cooperation [Nasakom], and for complete realisation of the "Political Manifesto"! (People's Daily database material)