艾地在印度尼西亚共产党第七次代表大会上（摘要）的总报告（之二） (Aidit's general report to the PKI Seventh Congress, part 2)

人民日报 Renmin Ribao, 1962-05-11, 第5版 (page 5)标题: 艾地在印度尼西亚共产党第七次代表大会上（摘要）的总报告（之二）English gloss: Aidit report to PKI 7th Congress (part 2) on Gerwani growthSource: 人民日报图文数据库 (People's Daily database), via Columbia University Libraries; article URL http://data.people.com.cn/rmrb/19620511/5/bf01a722601845b0ac69b1a16b5594ddRetrieved 2026-10-18. Article full text as given by the database (replaces the earlier snippet-only file; full-page scan is in the matching PDF).艾地在印度尼西亚共产党第七次代表大会上（摘要）的总报告（之二）（上接第四版）有关执行八年计划的另外一个重要的问题是财政问题。“政治宣言”明确指出，有必要动员一切财力和人力来解决目前的财政困难，必须以革命的方法来动员财力和人力，这就是要依靠发展现有的国营经济，以一种不加重劳动人民的负担的方法，即通过改善生活条件和生产资料的方法来提高劳动生产率，不利用任何形式的外国资本来开发我们的自然资源，动员民族资本和国内资本，这种国内资本是指已经在我们国内固定下来而且没有转移利润的权利的外国资本。必须继续清除一切仍然遗留在这里的外国垄断资本，特别是石油、农场和工业方面的垄断资本，直到它们全部不再存在于印度尼西亚为止。 因此很明显，如果不减轻人民现在越来越沉重的生活负担，不对官僚资本家或贪污盗窃分子采取坚决的措施，没有有效的配合工作和社会监督，和不在经济领域中同帝国主义作斗争，那么就不可能动员一切财力和人力，就不可能激发人民的热情，就不可能赢得社会对八年计划的支持。 在政治和经济方面实行改革，通过以下的办法来实现在进行建设方面的民主化：建立有人民团体的代表参加的企业委员会、农业生产委员会、分配监督委员会和地方建设委员会，防止生产下降和物价上涨以及提高人民购买力以稳定经济，这些都是为执行八年计划取得成功的基本条件。建设中的一切障碍，包括由于继续执行“危险状态法”而造成的滥用权力，都必须认真地加以防止。甚至为了制造真正是建设的气氛，即没有强迫和压制的气氛，其最迫切的事情是恢复治安和解除“危险状态”。如果没有作到所有这一切，那么就找不到解决我们目前在经济、社会和政治方面所面临的一切困难的钥匙。如果作到这一切，就意味着在解放西伊里安和在向帝国主义作斗争方面加强了国内战线（后方）。 第二部分　国际局势一、帝国主义的进一步腐朽我们每次全面回顾国际形势的时候，我们就会清楚看到，崩溃的过程紧紧缠住资本主义的整个躯体，不论是它的经济体系还是国家体系，不管是它的政治还是思想意识。社会主义、反对帝国主义和以建立自由的新世界、摆脱人对人的剥削的新世界为目标的力量，决定人类历史的发展及其内容、方向和基本特点。这个时代发展的过程正在以高速度进行着。这一切表明，帝国主义日益腐朽，反帝斗争变得日益尖锐和剧烈。 目前的基本政治任务，就是击败处于崩溃过程中的帝国主义对社会主义的发展和进步所进行的抵抗。这种抵抗首先来自美帝国主义——最强大的但也是在世界上树敌最多的帝国主义国家。 殖民政策和战争政策是帝国主义的主要表现，这是现在正在崩溃并且徒然地阻挡时代前进的旧势力所奉行的政策。 帝国主义者未能防止殖民主义的崩溃、阻挠社会主义在全世界的扩展和阻挡日益高涨的独立运动。这使人民更深信这一历史法则的正确性：各民族的解放和社会主义的胜利是不可避免的。 八十一个共产党和工人党的代表１９６０年１１月在莫斯科发表的声明——这是世界共产主义运动的极端重要的历史性文件——已经明确指出：“社会主义各国组成了世界体系，成为对世界发展有强大影响的国际力量的时刻已经到来”。目前的国际事态发展和国际局势清楚证明，没有任何国际问题能够在没有社会主义阵营参加的情况下得到解决。核战争威胁的问题或核武器试验问题，南越问题或阿尔及利亚问题，老挝问题或古巴问题，德国问题或西伊里安问题以及其他国际问题，都不能在漠视社会主义阵营的作用的情况下得到解决。 美国的战争经济是帝国主义发动核战争和局部战争政策的主要根源。目前美国政府的纲领规定，为了摆脱越来越深刻的美国经济危机，常规武器的生产必须增加，并且同时扩大导弹和其他非常规武器生产。为此，美国政策的目标就必然是要扩大局部战争，以便进而造成一场核战争的威胁。 十分清楚，目前美帝国主义的政策，不仅同艾森豪威尔的政策没有区别，而且甚至更富有侵略性和更加恶毒。美国民主党政府的狡猾在于：除了侵略性的战争政策以外，它还实行所谓“和平战略”，其目的在于争取更多的时间和机会来恢复由于艾森豪威尔—杜勒斯政策而下降了的美国声誉。也许最初美国新政权比较有效地欺骗了新取得独立的国家中的某些集团，但是现在越来越多的人看清美国现政府的真面目了。经验已经证明，在对付美国和其他帝国主义者的狡猾手段方面，最正确的政策就是相应地回答他们的一切行动：用谈判来回答谈判，用武力来反抗武力。只有这样才能揭露帝国主义的反动本质。 在１９６０年９月举行的不结盟国家首脑会议上，就已经证明了这种“和平战略”的失败。美国不仅未能把独立运动和不结盟国家同社会主义阵营分开，而且也未能利用由于苏联恢复核试验而对苏联进行的诽谤把苏联孤立起来。美国的“和平战略”的调子并不能麻痹反帝的斗志。在这方面，应该向苏加诺总统表示敬意，他在不结盟国家首脑会议上的演说，使会议获得一个正确的政治路线，从而使这次会议变成一次反帝的和爱好和平的国际示威。不结盟国家首脑会议是以符合于苏加诺总统的演说中所说的话而告结束的，那就是“我们的会议并不是同亚非会议竞争，而是必须辅助它的不足”。 在继续执行团结一切反对帝国主义压迫和剥削的革命力量的政策当中，必须考虑召开有拉丁美洲国家参加的扩大的第二届亚非会议。目前在国际上有着够好的声誉的印度尼西亚，具有作为召开一次亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲会议的倡导者的必要条件。 二、亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲反对新殖民主义的斗争亚洲的、特别是我们各邻国的一些事件，需要受到印度尼西亚政府和人民的特别注意，尤其是因为存在着必须加以反对的各种形式的新殖民主义。 亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的各人民组织在反对新殖民主义的斗争中起着重要的作用。在各种国际会议上，如在万隆和加沙召开的亚非人民团结理事会会议上，在墨西哥召开的拉丁美洲人民争取民族自主、经济解放与和平的会议上，在开罗举行的亚非作家会议以及在其他会议上，都已经非常清楚地看出，亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲人民非常了解新殖民主义，特别是美国、英国、西德和法国的新殖民主义的危险是多么巨大。在这三个大陆上，反对新殖民主义的斗志正在不断高涨。 在殖民主义的最后堡垒非洲大陆上，１９６１年有二十九个殖民地国家取得了政治独立。这一事实证明，帝国主义的毁灭过程是如何不可避免。然而，这二十九个国家的独立的程度并不都是一样的，仍然有许多国家陷入“法兰西共同体”的新殖民主义的陷阱中。虽然如此，非洲人民自己肯定能够利用这种初步的独立来继续进行完全驱除殖民主义分子的斗争，正象我们看到在马里和几内亚发生的情况那样。 在伟大的英雄卢蒙巴的祖国刚果，我们可以清楚地看到最蛮横无理的美国新殖民主义的例子。美国新殖民主义者利用象冲伯、蒙博托和卡萨武布等刚果社会上的渣滓，并且利用联合国的名义，竭力排挤他们的竞争对手比利时和英国帝国主义者，以便夺取刚果的异常富饶的天然资源。 过去几年和目前在刚果发生的事件证明美帝国主义者是怎样仍能滥用联合国组织来达到它的新殖民主义目的，就象它几年以前在朝鲜所做的那样。正当美国和联合国提出进行“斡旋”以解决西伊里安问题建议的时候，这一点应当经常地引起我们的注意和警惕。 在反对非洲的新殖民主义方面，党高兴和骄傲地向英勇的阿尔及利亚人民表示最崇高的敬意；由于他们的斗争，由于全体进步人类的道义的和物质的援助与支持，阿尔及利亚爱国者已能够迫使戴高乐政府实行停火。这是亚洲和非洲全体人民的一个巨大胜利，这再一次证明，必须用一切方式，既用武装斗争方式也用谈判方式来反对帝国主义。 在我们的一些邻国方面，有必要注意那些被帝国主义推上前台、打扮和推荐成为“民族”领袖的买办们所扮演的角色。 马来亚的拉赫曼总理现在正忙于组织马来西亚。这是一个要把马来亚、新加坡、沙捞越、北婆罗洲和文莱包括进去的联邦。通过这个联邦，英国不仅觉得它将能更好地继续对这些国家的人民实行殖民统治，而且它还希望它在东南亚能发挥有影响的作用，就象它现在想通过东南亚联盟的计划来试图实现的那样的作用。他们甚至梦想最后“印度尼西亚将参加东南亚联盟”！ 在南越，吴庭艳的彻底失败已经临近，尽管他得到五角大楼派来的各种各样将军们的援助。美帝国主义者无耻地撕毁了和违反了美国自己在１９５４年所参加的日内瓦协定。美帝国主义者正在源源不断地把武器、军用飞机、“军事顾问”、军事驾驶员和伞兵交给傀儡吴庭艳，这些人现在已经在积极地参加对人民游击队的进攻。美国正在积极参加对要求实现民主、国内和平、中立政策和国家统一的南越人民发动的这一场“不宣而战的战争”。这样，美国就使那里的情况严重起来，并且使东南亚的局势处于危险之中。 旧势力同新兴力量之间的冲突也正在老挝进行着。同样的，在那里又是美帝国主义者在支持和扶助最反动保守的势力——文翁—诺萨万集团，以扑灭老挝人民的斗争，而老挝人民是反对把他们的国家拉入东南亚条约组织，并希望见到苏黎世和欣合的协议的实现。 印度尼西亚政府对日本必须保持最大的警惕性，日本同美国和其他帝国主义者一起，已经同荷兰共谋维持他们在西伊里安的殖民力量。印度尼西亚人民已经对日本和美国在西伊里安问题上所采取的敌视态度表示抗议。现在已经证明，日本和美国不仅把武器运交南越和老挝的殖民主义者，而且还为荷兰军队在西伊里安的后勤工作出力效劳和给予援助。 日本人民现在正在展开反对美帝国主义者和国内垄断资本家试图强制推行的国家重新军国主义化和重新法西斯化的斗争。我们对正在为建立一个人民的日本而斗争的英雄的日本人民表示充分的和热烈的声援。 东南亚人民已经认识到并且已经亲身体验到，东南亚条约组织如何成了吸引包括印度尼西亚在内的东南亚各国的一切最反动势力的中心。东南亚条约组织策划“印度尼西亚共和国革命政府——全面斗争约章集团”的叛乱和印度尼西亚国内其他颠覆活动遭到了失败，这并不意味着东南亚条约组织不会继续进行颠覆活动。作为帝国主义者在我们世界这一地区的代表机构，东南亚条约组织必然是印度尼西亚和东南亚其他国家一切反动的政策和势力的吸引中心和主要支柱。 在拉丁美洲，美国已开始推行名为“争取进步联盟”的新殖民主义计划，其目的在于使拉丁美洲服从于美国垄断资本的利益。美国的这项计划正遭到拉丁美洲人民的激烈反抗，反对美国帝国主义的斗争从来没有象实行这项计划以后的今天这么激烈。美国雇佣军一年前在古巴吉隆滩无耻登陆所遭到的挫败，更加有力地推动了委内瑞拉、危地马拉、玻利维亚等国家的人民的武装斗争。 三、帝国主义者之间的矛盾的尖锐化帝国主义阵营的日益削弱不仅表现在它在亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲所遭到的失败上，而且还表现在帝国主义阵营本身内部的矛盾的尖锐化上。帝国主义阵营内部的这些矛盾加速了帝国主义的崩溃过程。 在西欧，美帝国主义分子面临着西欧帝国主义国家的日益激烈的抵抗。 数世纪以来在欧洲扮演头号角色的英国对美国优先扶植西德帝国主义—军国主义分子的政策愈来愈不高兴。 怀念法国昔日的“伟大”的重新到来的戴高乐也正极力在西欧夺取领导地位。 另一方面，西德正在极力使北大西洋公约组织成为“第四个核力量”。这用普通的话来说就是迫使英国和法国放弃它们对核武器的监督，以便将这些核武器交给北大西洋公约组织的领导，而该组织的领导大部分为前希特勒纳粹将军所掌握。相反的，英国希望保持英美的联合控制，可是它也准备承认法国是一个原子国家，认为这样它就能破坏戴高乐同阿登纳的合作，并且使西德继续处于第二流核国家的地位。 这就是当前的国际形势。这个形势非常有利于人民运动、民主运动、争取民族独立、和平和进步的运动。 这种形势表明，以美国为首的世界各国帝国主义者的地位，在各个地方都在下降和削弱，而人民革命运动和各国共产党却在不断地进步，它们的政治作用越来越重要。 这并不意味着，帝国主义已经是再也无能为力了。实际情况是，由于越来越接近他们的坟墓，帝国主义分子在为延长他们的寿命而进行的活动中是会更加不顾一切和更加狡猾的。可是，这也是实际情况：如果遇到抵抗的话，帝国主义分子也是会退却的，正如上述事件和事态发展所证明的那样。正是由于这个原因，在加强对帝国主义的打击的同时，国内的“新兴力量”必须加倍提高它们的民族警惕性，以便不受帝国主义者的阿谀和诱哄所期骗。正是由于这个原因，最重要的是，必须象维护我们的眼珠那样维护反帝团结的安全。 四、不能表里不一显然，印度尼西亚面临的国际形势是有利于它的民族斗争的。 如果印度尼西亚现在为其他国家所尊重，这是由于它的反帝和平政策，不是由于不承担义务，不是由于反对社会主义阵营，而是由于同社会主义国家一起反对帝国主义和殖民主义。 这个外交政策事实上已经使印度尼西亚共和国在国际舞台上处于在不结盟国家当中有充分影响的地位。印度尼西亚共和国外交政策在目前的发展证明了在两年半以前举行的党的第六次全国代表大会所作的论断的正确性。它明确指出：“在争取和平和反殖民主义的国际阵线上与社会主义国家的合作保证了印度尼西亚共和国的安全、进步和更好的未来”，“印度尼西亚当然应该使自己成为这个阵线——反殖民主义和爱好和平的国际阵线——的积极参加者”。 根据正确的外交政策，外长苏班德里约博士已经表示他赞同印度尼西亚和平委员会扩大组织，并且宣布他同情并帮助在印度尼西亚举行的进步的国际群众组织的会议。这种态度是符合印度尼西亚反帝国主义、爱好和平的积极和独立的外交政策的，这是支持和旨在加强新兴力量的外交政策。仍然令人感到奇怪的是，关于建立对外的友好协会和文化关系协会的禁令，在印度尼西亚各地，除某些城市以外，仍然有效。这对于提高人民的政治觉悟来支持印度尼西亚共和国的外交政策，以及加强印度尼西亚人民与其它国家人民的友谊，是一个障碍。要想使印度尼西亚人民成为井底蛙的这个禁令应当立即撤销，应当让印度尼西亚人民对其它国家人民的友好感情滋长和发展，美化和加强在印度尼西亚肥沃的土壤上生长起来了的国际友谊之树。 今天印度尼西亚的外交政策已经由苏加诺总统十分清楚地和客观地加以概述了，特别是在他的“重新建立世界”的讲话和在不结盟国家首脑会议的讲话中概述了。现在的问题是执行，或者更具体地说是执行的机构。 每一个印度尼西亚爱国者的责任是保证在外交政策的阐述和执行之间要一致，防止在阐述的政治概念和实际执行之间出现表里不一，以便在我们共和国的外交政策方面充分执行“政治宣言”。 五、印度尼西亚共产党和国际共产主义运动在谈到国际形势时，我认为也有必要谈到印度尼西亚共产党同世界各国共产党和工人党的关系，印度尼西亚共产党同国际工人运动和国际共产主义运动的关系。 第六次全国代表大会在谈到其它事情之外还说，“我们党同兄弟党的关系，通过学习兄弟党的经验，或者通过出席它们的代表大会或我们党的领导人与兄弟党的领导人之间的个人接触的途径已经越来越密切了。”我们党继续努力进一步加强它同兄弟党的关系。在国际共产主义运动中所产生的意见分歧，特别是自从去年年底苏联共产党第二十二次代表大会以来，不仅没有使我们同兄弟党的关系松弛，反而使我们更加积极地努力加强同兄弟党的关系。这是符合国际工人阶级运动的利益，符合印度尼西亚人民自己的利益的，因为毫无疑问，各国的“新兴力量”的核心力量是工人阶级和它的党。 国际共产主义运动中的意见分歧只是暂时现象。所有马克思列宁主义政党都具有共同的最终目标，那就是：以革命的手段消灭人对人的剥削，创建人人过着和平幸福的生活的新世界——社会主义和共产主义世界。不过，我们不可忘记，今天世界上大约有九十个马克思列宁主义政党和四千二百多万共产主义者，受着成千名中央委员的领导，而这成千名中央委员并不全部都具有或者完全具有马克思、恩格斯和列宁的品格的。因此，如果在共产党的领导人中间还有人喜欢夸大意见分歧甚于强调意见一致，不把主要问题放在第一位，一旦有另一个共产党对非根本性的问题或不那么根本性的问题，或者虽然是根本性的然而还可以推迟解决的问题持有不同的立场，他就不能克制自己，我们是不应该感到奇怪的。 象过去一贯的那样，我们党在面对在苏联共产党第二十二次代表大会期间和以后所出现的现象时，仍然以世界共产主义运动的团结为重，把主要问题放在第一位。在去年年底举行的中央委员会全体会议的决议已经表明了这一点。世界共产主义者的团结的基础是非常牢固的，因为除了马克思列宁主义理论以外，我们还有１９５７年“宣言”，而１９６０年“声明”已使它完善。 我们知道，在国际共产主义运动史上，有由马克思和恩格斯创建和领导的第一国际，有由列宁创建和领导的共产国际，以及有象１９５７年和１９６０年的莫斯科会议那样的没有任何组织形式和组织联系的友好会议。第一国际有它的文件，共产国际有它的文件，而１９５７年会议产生了“宣言”，１９６０年会议产生了“声明”。只有这些文件才是有效的国际文件，才是对所有共产党有效的纲领。 我们深信，遵循“宣言”和“声明”，世界共产主义运动中存在着的分歧在不长的时间内就会消除。我们这个信念为这个事实所加强：“宣言”和“声明”的全体签署者都表示他们继续忠于这些文件。 我们是印度尼西亚的马克思列宁主义者，我们是印度尼西亚共产党人，我们十分尊重马克思列宁主义的原则，与此同时，我们必须根据我国的具体情况创造性地制定我们党的政策、策略、斗争形式和组织形式。我们的马克思列宁主义是运用于印度尼西亚的马克思列宁主义，是印度尼西亚化的马克思列宁主义，不是教条主义的，而是创造性的。 正象“声明”所说的，我们党是独立的和平等的，根据我国的具体条件制订自己的政策，并且同其它马克思列宁主义政党相互支持。我们党对印度尼西亚的工人阶级和劳动人民负责，对整个国际工人运动和共产主义运动负责。 因此，我们的任务是继续努力加强世界共产主义运动。这意味着我们加强争取独立、民主、和平、社会主义和共产主义的运动。我们不要让人民的敌人和工人阶级的敌人从那怕是怎样小的裂痕中捞一把。 第三部分　党一、为实现第二个三年计划的目标而继续前进我们光荣的第六次全国代表大会曾发出明确的指示，大大鼓舞和帮助动员了我们实现继续建设党的任务。这些指示的内容包括：为了加强党的团结，必须普遍进行马克思列宁主义的教育，必须继续不断地反对主观主义；每个党员都必须懂得马克思列宁主义并且了解情况；党的整个工作必须遵循一项实事求是地拟订的计划；必须不间断地巩固、扩大和整顿党；我们必须不断加强同群众的团结，并且正确和勇敢地领导群众。我们已经在第二个三年教育和组织计划中具体规定了如何实现这些任务，同时把重点放在教育方面。 象在执行第一个三年计划时的情况一样，这个第二个三年计划的执行也正在遇到许多障碍，特别是来自中央以及地方的那些害了恐共病的人的障碍。 大家知道，顽固的反动分子起初是想解散一切政党，因为他们把政党看作妨碍他们的专横的行动的障碍。但是，尽管他们已经千方百计要解散政党，人民却继续信任和支持那些在争取民族独立、民主和提高生活水平的斗争中证明是起了积极作用的政党。人民抛弃了那些在殖民主义时代更多地同殖民主义站在一边而不是同人民的革命斗争站在一边的政治冒险家。他们对政党的逼迫越厉害，政党的抵抗就越强有力，而政党同人民的团结就越紧密。 人民知道谁是他们的领袖。领袖权威是不能买来的，是不能强求的，是没有学校能够训练出来的。它只能在保卫人民的利益的斗争中得到。因此自封自命的领袖们一个一个地上台，又一个一个地无声无臭地下了台。 他们打击政党的主要目的当然是针对共产党的，因为根据他们的估计，在打倒印度尼西亚共产党以后，解散其他政党就不太难了。 他们同时诽谤和攻击各个政党，但是却没有能够解散政党，于是他们改变策略，他们自己也去加强成为官僚资本家的巢穴的某一个党派，并且集中力量攻击印度尼西亚共产党。他们的“理论”是这样的：“首先摧毁印度尼西亚共产党，其他的党派是容易对付的，扭断它们的脖子是轻而易举的。”然而这种“理论”也是行不通的。首先是由于共产党人和劳动人民进行的抵抗。其次是由于其他民主党派和他们的支持者感到对印度尼西亚共产党采取的行动只不过是消灭一切政党的前奏。在若干地方，在其他政党当中有的被迫参加支持禁止印度尼西亚共产党，但是一般说来，那些有着民主传统的政党是不愿意成为打击印度尼西亚共产党的工具的。 反动派在集中力量进攻印度尼西亚共产党的同时，也利用了“建国五个原则”，似乎国家的这一基础同印度尼西亚共产党是有矛盾的，因此印度尼西亚共产党必须被消灭。他们这样说是为了把印度尼西亚共产党和其他党派分开，然后再来围攻它。但是这种尝试也失败了，劳动人民进行了坚决的抵抗，其他党派不响应，苏加诺总统把这种尝试称为神经错乱的人的行动。 总而言之，自从第六次全国代表大会以来，对我们党的接二连三的攻击一直在进行。如果说到这个时期的革命民主运动的最大的成就，那就是：印度尼西亚共产党仍然屹立着，并且日益壮大！印度尼西亚无产阶级和劳动人民不惜牺牲地来保卫他们的党，并不断壮大他们的党！ 当然，只要有反动派，印度尼西亚共产党就会遇到阻挠和打击。因此我们共产党人必须随时作好准备，来对付反动派的阻挠和打击。有时候这种阻挠和打击是轻微的，有时候是严重的。 总而言之，同志们，在对付顽固的反动派方面，我们必须更勇敢、更机智、更警惕、更坚决和更埋头苦干地进行斗争。我们必须实行“五更”：更勇敢、更机智、更警惕、更坚决和更埋头苦干。 尽管有许多困难，但是我们的第二个三年计划基本上进行良好，我们把第二个三年计划的重点放在思想建设和马克思列宁主义教育方面。 党内马克思列宁主义教育的进一步加强和哲学教育的普及，使党的思想水平大大提高了。 党的思想的不断加强使党的纪律也加强了，并且更有可能防止在政治方面脱离群众路线，更有可能同把个人利益放在人民和党的利益之上的倾向进行斗争。民族阵线政策的路线，在争取革命观点和立场的胜利方面，以及在维护我们党的独立性方面的高度灵活性，都正在越来越深入地被我们党的干部所认识。 从下面的事实也可以看出党的思想的提高，即党的团结加强了，因为党的各级委员会内部由于在政策方面的意见分歧而产生的矛盾减少了。 第六次代表大会制订的领导方法，那就是一般号召和具体指导相结合以及领导和群众相结合的方法，是具有决定意义的，因此应当严格遵守。 二、为加强党和人民群众的团结而继续前进为了改进党的群众工作，第六次全国代表大会提出了“两条腿走路”的方针，那就是我们应当始终把轰轰烈烈的工作同埋头苦干的工作结合起来，把鼓动工作同在组织、教育、政治和意识形态方面进行实际的、深入的和细致的日常工作结合起来。 党的第六次全国代表大会交给我们这样的任务：继续加强党在工人中的地位，并且争取大多数的工人群众到党的方面来。实现这项任务的办法之一是由党员通过在争取改善社会和经济状况的斗争中展开广泛的活动来取得的。 近年来印度尼西亚工会运动斗争中的最大成就是，革命的中央职工会组织——全印度尼西亚中央职工会——越来越壮大了，试图通过“印度尼西亚劳工联合组织”和“职业者联合会”解散中央职工会组织的活动已经失败。在实现解放西伊里安的人民的三点命令的范围内建立中央职工会组织合作联合书记处方面的成功也是一个重要的成就。 由于日用必需品价格日益上涨和由于企业的关门所造成的失业人数的增加，可以预料，今后反动派将继续设法把目前危机和通货膨胀的负担完全转嫁到劳动人民，特别是工人和农民的身上。在这种情况下，印度尼西亚工人没有其他办法，只有在下述两种斗争中成为战士和模范。首先是进行反对不公平地承担通货膨胀和经济危机的后果的负担的斗争；其次是进行争取在政治制度方面以及在人民的政治自由方面实现民主改革的斗争。 在所回顾的这段时期内，农民工作已经取得了重要的进展，这主要是由于更多的党的干部已经在农村进行了调查研究，并且帮助组织农民，培养和教育那些来自农民本身的干部。这些进展使得现在拥有四百五十万会员的革命农民组织——印度尼西亚农民阵线——能够通过实现很现实的各种要求而广泛地发展起来，例如实行收成分配法令和土地基本法令、降低日用必需品的价格、扩大民主权利、结束危险状态和恢复治安的要求。１９６１年７月召开的印度尼西亚共产党第二次全国农民代表会议曾经作过以下的正确的结论：“反对地主和高利贷者的各种形式的剥削的农民运动正开始遍及全国各地”。最近时期内农民运动在我国东部的发展是非常令人高兴的事情。 革命的农民运动当前是以“六好运动”为中心，其中包括提高粮食生产的“千方百计运动”。“六好运动”是：（一）降低地租；（二）减少借债的利息；（三）提高雇工费；（四）提高农业生产；（五）提高农民的文化水平；（六）提高农民的政治觉悟水平。 减租运动或“六四开运动”正在进行，采取的形式主要是要求实施收成分配法令。这个运动已经成功地把农民动员起来结成反对地主的广泛的阵线。减租运动已经把农民的力量发动起来，这对要求实施土地基本法令的斗争将具有重大的意义，如果这个法令根据农民的要求真正实施的话，那就是实施一项有限的土地改革。 在农村工作的干部必须严格遵守“农民解放自己”的原则，使农村的革命农民组织和党摆脱地主和富农的影响，是使减租运动获得成功和坚决实施收成分配法令的绝对必要条件。 减息运动是一个针对高利贷者的运动，而地主通常也是高利贷者。因此一般说来，减息运动也是一个针对地主的运动。 争取提高雇工费的运动加强了减租运动，如果这两个运动是强有力的，并且配合得很好，那末革命的农民运动就处于主动的地位，而地主则处于孤立和防守的地位。 在所回顾的时期内，与革命和进步运动取得进展的同时，我们在青年、大学生和中学生的运动中也取得了重要的进展。这些青年人的革命精神也提高了，特别是在发布解放西伊里安的人民的三点命令以后。他们很快对帝国主义者，不管是对荷兰、美国、比利时、法国、英国帝国主义者，还是对日本军国主义——帝国主义者的活动作出反应。青年阵线变得更加巩固了，大学生组织之间的合作日益改进，中学生的爱国和革命精神迅速地提高了。 在“使人民青年团成为一个巨大的巩固的组织”的口号下，人民青年团干部进行了巨大的活动来扩大它的组织和成员，并以马克思列宁主义的精神教育它的队伍。人民青年团现在的成员已达一百二十五万人，它已使自己日益完善起来，成为印度尼西亚共产党的忠实和可靠的助成，成为对“政治宣言”和人民的三点命令有认识的、自觉的和精神焕发的执行者。在执行人民的三点命令方面，人民青年团站在最前列来实现人民的战斗意志：“一手拿枪，一手拿锄”，这就是说随时准备好奔向战场争取解放西伊里安，同时随时准备好加强国内战线（后方）。 在所回顾的这个时期，妇女运动也取得了重要的进展。在中央已经建立起一个反对帝国主义的广泛的妇女统一战线。地方上的情况跟中央不一样；在有些地方，合作比中央搞得好，但是也有一些地方则仍然落后，或者完全没有合作。如果中央的合作组织给予更积极的推动，那末地方上的妇女组织的合作将搞得更好。 近年来，印度尼西亚妇女运动协会在扩大和巩固它的组织和会员方面取得了重要的进展。革命妇女群众组织已表现出战斗精神，它要求减少日用必需品价格，并进行其他活动来减少家庭困难的负担，例如组织联合购买东西，参加劳动人民合作社，参加“千方百计运动”等等。这一切活动都对整个妇女运动发生了影响。 还没有符合第六次全国代表大会路线的一个问题是，女党员的比例不但没有增长，反而下降了。这是因为党员人数不断增加，而女党员的增加跟党员总数的增加不相适应。这种情况必须改进，必须吸收更多的劳动妇女到我们党内来。 党的第六次全国代表大会交给我们加强在知识分子中的工作的任务。在执行这一任务的过程中，在１９６１年底举行的三中全会具有重大意义。那次全会明确指出，在现阶段的斗争中，对我们党来说，知识分子问题是围绕着这样一个问题：印度尼西亚共产党能够作出什么贡献，来帮助知识分子增强他们在争取印度尼西亚革命胜利的斗争中的作用，以符合过去印度尼西亚知识界领袖的革命传统。 进步和革命力量的发展，在“政治宣言”灯塔照耀下的民族团结的力量的发展，对于印度尼西亚知识分子正在起越来越大的影响，并正在出现如下的新的可能性：进一步提高知识分子在争取有着社会主义前途的民族民主革命的胜利的斗争中的作用。 亲爱的同志们！ 第六次全国代表大会制定了一个要求我们实现的伟大的纲领，这是一个使“政治宣言”中所包括的要求得到胜利、使有着社会主义前途的民族民主革命取得胜利的纲领。这个纲领还给我们党规定了国际任务——击败殖民主义和帝国主义、保卫和平和在各民族之间、各人民之间、在工人阶级之间和全世界共产党之间建立友谊的任务。 我们党的每一个党员，在争取民主和民族团结的斗争中，在冲击帝国主义、特别是在解放西伊里安的斗争中，以及在冲击封建主义中，必须真正成为表率。 只有我们不断地加强我们的党、加强它的组织、它的政治和它的思想意识，只有我们的党不断地加强它与人民群众的团结，只有我们的党不断地按照日益加强的爱国主义和无产阶级国际主义精神来进行工作，我们才能完成这些任务。 对这样一个党来说，是没有不可克服的困难的，是没有不可攻克的堡垒的。 因此，同志们，让我们不断前进，以更快的步伐前进来建设这样一个党。 高举马克思列宁主义和无产阶级国际主义的旗帜继续前进！ 高举民主、团结和动员的旗帜继续前进！ 以一手拿枪、一手拿锄的决心来实现人民的三点命令继续前进！ 为争取民主和互助合作内阁、为彻底实现“政治宣言”而前进！(人民数据库资料)

=== [Page 1] === 人民日报 Renmin Ribao, 1962-05-11, 第5版 (page 5) 标题: 艾地在印度尼西亚共产党第七次代表大会上（摘要）的总报告（之二） English gloss: Aidit report to PKI 7th Congress (part 2) on Gerwani growth Source: 人民日报图文数据库 (People's Daily database), via Columbia University Libraries; article URL http://data.people.com.cn/rmrb/19620511/5/bf01a722601845b0ac69b1a16b5594dd Retrieved 2026-10-18. Article full text as given by the database (replaces the earlier snippet-only file; full-page scan is in the matching PDF). 艾地在印度尼西亚共产党第七次代表大会上（摘要）的总报告（之二） Aidit's general report (abridged) to the Seventh Congress of the Indonesian Communist Party (Part 2) [People's Daily 1962-05-11, page 5] (Continued from page 4) Another important question relating to the implementation of the eight-year plan is the financial question. The "Political Manifesto" clearly points out that it is necessary to mobilise all financial and human resources to solve present financial difficulties, and that financial and human resources must be mobilised by revolutionary methods, that is, by relying on developing the existing state economy, in a manner that does not add to the burdens of the working people – that is, raising labour productivity by improving living conditions and the means of production – not using foreign capital in any form to develop our natural resources, and mobilising national capital and domestic capital, this domestic capital meaning foreign capital that has already become settled in our country and has no right to transfer profits. We must continue to clear out all the foreign monopoly capital still remaining here, especially monopoly capital in oil, plantations and industry, until it no longer exists at all in Indonesia. It is therefore obvious that, without lightening the increasingly heavy burden of living of the people now, without resolute measures against bureaucratic capitalists or corrupt and thieving elements, without effective coordination and social supervision, and without struggling against imperialism in the economic field, it is impossible to mobilise all financial and human resources, impossible to arouse the people's enthusiasm, and impossible to win society's support for the eight-year plan. Reforms in politics and economics, democratising construction by means of: setting up enterprise committees, agricultural production committees, distribution supervision committees and regional development committees with the participation of representatives of people's organisations, preventing declines in production and rises in prices and raising the people's purchasing power to stabilise the economy – these are the basic conditions for the success of implementing the eight-year plan. All obstacles in construction, including abuse of power caused by the continued enforcement of the "state of danger law", must be earnestly prevented. Even to create an atmosphere that is truly one of construction, an atmosphere without coercion and repression, the most urgent thing is to restore public order and lift the "state of danger". If all this is not done, no key will be found to solve all the difficulties we now face in the economic, social and political fields. If all this is done, it means strengthening the home front (rear) in the liberation of West Irian and the struggle against imperialism. Part Two: The International Situation 1. The further decay of imperialism Every time we review the international situation comprehensively, we see clearly that the process of collapse is tightly wrapped around the whole body of capitalism, whether its economic system or its state system, its politics or its ideology. Socialism, anti-imperialism and the forces aiming at the establishment of a new free world, free of exploitation of man by man, determine the development of human history and its content, direction and basic features. The process of development of this era is proceeding at high speed. All this shows that imperialism is decaying ever more and the anti-imperialist struggle is becoming ever sharper and fiercer. The basic political task at present is to defeat the resistance that imperialism, in the process of collapse, puts up against the development and progress of socialism. This resistance comes first of all from American imperialism – the most powerful but also the imperialist country with the most enemies in the world. Colonial policy and war policy are the main manifestations of imperialism; this is the policy pursued by the old forces that are now collapsing and in vain obstructing the advance of the times. The imperialists have failed to prevent the collapse of colonialism, to obstruct the spread of socialism throughout the world and to block the rising independence movement. This makes people more convinced of the correctness of this historical law: the liberation of nations and the victory of socialism are inevitable. The Declaration issued in Moscow in November 1960 by the representatives of eighty-one communist and workers' parties – an extremely important historical document of the world communist movement – has clearly stated: "The time has come when the socialist countries form a world system and become an international force with a mighty influence on world development." Current international developments and the international situation clearly prove that no international question can be solved without the participation of the socialist camp. The question of the threat of nuclear war or of nuclear weapons testing, the question of South Vietnam or of Algeria, the question of Laos or of Cuba, the German question or the West Irian question and other international questions, none can be solved by ignoring the role of the socialist camp. The American war economy is the main root of the imperialist policy of launching nuclear war and local wars. The present programme of the US government provides that, to escape the ever deeper American economic crisis, production of conventional weapons must be increased and at the same time the production of missiles and other unconventional weapons expanded. Therefore the aim of American policy is bound to be to expand local wars so as to go on to create the threat of a nuclear war. It is quite clear that the present policy of American imperialism is not only no different from Eisenhower's but even more aggressive and more vicious. The cunning of the American Democratic administration lies in this: in addition to its aggressive war policy, it also carries out a so-called "strategy of peace", the aim of which is to gain more time and opportunities to restore the American reputation that fell because of the Eisenhower-Dulles policy. Perhaps at first the new American regime deceived more effectively certain groups in newly independent countries, but now more and more people see the true face of the present American government. Experience has proved that the most correct policy in dealing with the cunning tricks of the United States and other imperialists is to answer all their actions in kind: to answer negotiation with negotiation and to resist force with force. Only thus can the reactionary essence of imperialism be exposed. At the summit conference of non-aligned countries held in September 1960 the failure of this "strategy of peace" was already proved. The United States not only failed to separate the independence movement and the non-aligned countries from the socialist camp, but also failed to isolate the Soviet Union by exploiting slanders against it over its resumption of nuclear tests. The tune of America's "strategy of peace" cannot paralyse the anti-imperialist fighting spirit. In this connection tribute should be paid to President Sukarno, whose speech at the non-aligned summit gave the conference a correct political line and thus turned the conference into an anti-imperialist and peace-loving international demonstration. The non-aligned summit ended in accordance with what President Sukarno said in his speech, namely "our conference is not in competition with the Asian-African Conference, but must supplement its deficiencies." In continuing the policy of uniting all revolutionary forces opposing imperialist oppression and exploitation, the convening of an enlarged second Asian-African Conference with the participation of Latin American countries must be considered. Indonesia, which now has a good enough international reputation, has the necessary conditions for being the initiator of an Asian, African and Latin American conference. 2. The struggle of Asia, Africa and Latin America against neo-colonialism Certain events in Asia, especially among our neighbouring countries, require the special attention of the Indonesian government and people, especially because there are neo-colonialisms of various forms that must be opposed. The people's organisations of Asia, Africa and Latin America play an important role in the struggle against neo-colonialism. At international conferences – such as the sessions of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Council held in Bandung and Gaza, the Latin American conference for national sovereignty, economic emancipation and peace held in Mexico, the Afro-Asian Writers' Conference held in Cairo and other conferences – it has been very clear that the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America very well understand how great the danger of neo-colonialism is, especially that of the United States, Britain, West Germany and France. In these three continents the fighting spirit against neo-colonialism is steadily rising. On the African continent, the last bastion of colonialism, twenty-nine colonial countries gained political independence in 1961. This fact proves how inevitable the process of the destruction of imperialism is. However, the degree of independence of these twenty-nine countries is not the same; many are still caught in the neo-colonialist trap of the "French Community". Even so, the African peoples themselves can certainly use this initial independence to continue the struggle to drive the colonialists out entirely, as we have seen happening in Mali and Guinea. In the Congo, the homeland of the great hero Lumumba, we can clearly see an example of the most outrageous American neo-colonialism. American neo-colonialists make use of the scum of Congolese society such as Tshombe, Mobutu and Kasavubu, and, under the name of the United Nations, strive to push out their rivals the Belgian and British imperialists in order to seize the Congo's extremely rich natural resources. The events that took place in the Congo in the past few years and at present prove how American imperialists can still abuse the United Nations to achieve their neo-colonial aims, as they did a few years ago in Korea. This should constantly arouse our attention and vigilance just when America and the United Nations are putting forward proposals for "good offices" to solve the West Irian question. In opposing neo-colonialism in Africa, the Party is glad and proud to pay the highest tribute to the heroic Algerian people; thanks to their struggle and to the moral and material aid and support of all progressive mankind, the Algerian patriots have been able to force the de Gaulle government to agree to a ceasefire. This is a great victory for all the peoples of Asia and Africa, and proves once again that imperialism must be opposed by all means, both armed struggle and negotiation. As to some of our neighbouring countries, it is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the comprador elements pushed to the front by imperialism, dressed up and recommended as "national" leaders. Prime Minister Rahman of Malaya is now busy organising Malaysia, a federation to include Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei. Through this federation Britain feels not only that it will be better able to continue colonial rule over the peoples of these countries, but also hopes it will be able to play an influential role in Southeast Asia, as it now tries to do through the plan for a Southeast Asian Union. They even dream that finally "Indonesia will join the Southeast Asian Union"! In South Vietnam Ngo Dinh Diem's complete defeat is near, despite the help of all kinds of generals sent from the Pentagon. The American imperialists have shamelessly torn up and violated the Geneva Agreement of 1954 to which the United States itself was a party. The American imperialists are continually handing over weapons, military aircraft, "military advisers", military pilots and paratroopers to the puppet Ngo Dinh Diem, and these men are now actively taking part in the offensive against the people's guerrillas. The United States is actively participating in this "undeclared war" launched against the people of South Vietnam, who demand democracy, peace at home, a neutral policy and national unity. In this way the United States has made the situation there serious and put the situation in Southeast Asia in danger. The clash between old forces and newly rising forces is also going on in Laos. There too American imperialists are supporting and fostering the most reactionary and conservative forces – the Phoumi-Nosavan clique – to extinguish the struggle of the Lao people, who oppose pulling their country into SEATO and wish to see the Zurich and Xieng Khouang agreements realised. The Indonesian government must maintain the greatest vigilance toward Japan, which, together with the United States and other imperialists, has already conspired with the Netherlands to maintain their colonial forces in West Irian. The Indonesian people have already protested against the hostile attitude adopted by Japan and the United States on the West Irian question. It has now been proved that Japan and the United States not only deliver weapons to the colonialists in South Vietnam and Laos, but also render services and aid in the logistics of the Dutch forces in West Irian. The Japanese people are now developing the struggle against the re-militarisation and re-fascisation of the country that American imperialists and domestic monopoly capitalists are trying to force through. We express full and warm solidarity with the heroic Japanese people who are struggling to establish a people's Japan. The peoples of Southeast Asia have recognised and personally experienced how SEATO has become the centre attracting all the most reactionary forces of the countries of Southeast Asia including Indonesia. The failure of SEATO's plotting of the rebellion of the "Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia – Permesta Charter Group" [PRRI-Permesta] and of other subversive activities inside Indonesia does not mean SEATO will not continue subversive activities. As the representative organ of the imperialists in this part of our world, SEATO is bound to be the centre of attraction and main pillar for all reactionary policies and forces in Indonesia and other countries of Southeast Asia. In Latin America the United States has begun to carry out a neo-colonialist plan called the "Alliance for Progress", the aim of which is to subordinate Latin America to the interests of American monopoly capital. This American plan is meeting fierce resistance from the Latin American peoples, and the struggle against American imperialism has never been as fierce as it is today after the plan was put into effect. The defeat suffered by the American mercenaries who shamelessly landed at the Bay of Pigs in Cuba a year ago has even more strongly spurred the armed struggle of the peoples of Venezuela, Guatemala, Bolivia and other countries. 3. The sharpening of contradictions among the imperialists The increasing weakening of the imperialist camp is manifested not only in the defeats it has suffered in Asia, Africa and Latin America, but also in the sharpening of contradictions within the imperialist camp itself. These contradictions within the imperialist camp accelerate the process of imperialism's collapse. In Western Europe American imperialists face increasingly fierce resistance from the imperialist countries of Western Europe. Britain, which for centuries played the leading role in Europe, is more and more unhappy about the American policy of giving priority to fostering West German imperialist-militarist elements. De Gaulle, who has returned yearning for the former "greatness" of France, is also striving to seize the leadership in Western Europe. On the other hand, West Germany is striving to make NATO a "fourth nuclear power". In plain words this is forcing Britain and France to give up their control of nuclear weapons so as to hand them over to NATO's leadership, which is mostly in the hands of former Hitlerite Nazi generals. Britain, on the contrary, wishes to maintain Anglo-American joint control, but is also prepared to recognise France as an atomic power, thinking that thus it can wreck de Gaulle's cooperation with Adenauer and keep West Germany in the position of a second-class nuclear power. This is the present international situation. This situation is very favourable to the people's movements, democratic movements, and movements for national independence, peace and progress. This situation shows that the position of the imperialists of all countries headed by the United States is falling and weakening everywhere, while the people's revolutionary movements and the communist parties of all countries are continually advancing and their political role is becoming more and more important. This does not mean that imperialism is already unable to do anything. The reality is that, as they come ever nearer to their grave, the imperialists will be more reckless and more cunning in activities to prolong their lives. But it is also the reality that if they meet resistance the imperialists will retreat, as the events and developments mentioned above prove. For precisely this reason, while strengthening blows against imperialism, the "newly emerging forces" inside the country must redouble their national vigilance so as not to be deceived by the imperialists' flattery and cajolery. For precisely this reason, the most important thing is that the security of anti-imperialist unity must be protected like the apple of our eye. 4. There must be no discrepancy between word and deed Obviously the international situation Indonesia faces is favourable to its national struggle. If Indonesia is now respected by other countries, it is because of its anti-imperialist peace policy, not because of non-commitment, not because of opposing the socialist camp, but because it opposes imperialism and colonialism together with the socialist countries. This foreign policy has in fact placed the Republic of Indonesia in a position of full influence among the non-aligned countries. The present development of the foreign policy of the Republic of Indonesia proves the correctness of the judgement made by the Party's Sixth National Congress held two and a half years ago. It clearly stated: "Cooperation with socialist countries on the international front for peace and against colonialism guarantees the security, progress and better future of the Republic of Indonesia," and "Indonesia should of course make itself an active participant in this front – the international anti-colonial and peace-loving front." In accordance with a correct foreign policy, Foreign Minister Dr. Subandrio has expressed his approval of the expansion of the organisation of the Indonesian Peace Committee and has announced his sympathy for and help to meetings of progressive international mass organisations held in Indonesia. This attitude accords with Indonesia's active and independent foreign policy of anti-imperialism and love of peace; it is a foreign policy that supports and aims at strengthening the newly emerging forces. It is still strange that the ban on establishing friendship associations and cultural relations associations with foreign countries is still in force in Indonesia, except in some cities. This is an obstacle to raising the people's political consciousness in support of the foreign policy of the Republic of Indonesia and to strengthening the friendship of the Indonesian people with the peoples of other countries. This ban, which would make the Indonesian people frogs in a well, should be lifted immediately; the Indonesian people's friendly feelings for the peoples of other countries should be allowed to grow and develop, and the tree of international friendship that has grown in Indonesia's fertile soil should be beautified and strengthened. Indonesia's foreign policy today has been outlined very clearly and objectively by President Sukarno, especially in his speech "To Build the World Anew" and in his speech at the non-aligned summit. The question now is implementation, or more precisely the machinery of implementation. It is the duty of every Indonesian patriot to ensure consistency between the formulation and the implementation of foreign policy and to prevent a discrepancy between word and deed arising between the political concepts formulated and their actual implementation, so as fully to carry out the "Political Manifesto" in the foreign policy of our republic. 5. The Indonesian Communist Party and the international communist movement In speaking of the international situation I think it is also necessary to speak of the relations of the Indonesian Communist Party with the communist and workers' parties of the world, and of the relations of the Indonesian Communist Party with the international workers' movement and the international communist movement. The Sixth National Congress said, among other things: "Our Party's relations with fraternal parties have become ever closer, through studying the experience of fraternal parties, attending their congresses, or personal contact between the leaders of our Party and the leaders of fraternal parties." Our Party continues to strive to strengthen further its relations with fraternal parties. The differences of opinion that have arisen in the international communist movement, especially since the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU at the end of last year, far from loosening our relations with fraternal parties, have made us strive more actively to strengthen relations with fraternal parties. This is in accord with the interests of the international working-class movement and with the interests of the Indonesian people themselves, because there is no doubt that the core force of the "newly emerging forces" of every country is the working class and its party. The differences of opinion in the international communist movement are only a temporary phenomenon. All Marxist-Leninist parties have a common final goal, namely: to eliminate the exploitation of man by man by revolutionary means and to create a new world in which everyone lives in peace and happiness – the world of socialism and communism. But we must not forget that today in the world there are about ninety Marxist-Leninist parties and more than 42 million communists, led by thousands of central committee members, not all of whom have, or fully have, the character of Marx, Engels and Lenin. Therefore we should not be surprised if some among the leaders of communist parties still like to exaggerate differences of opinion more than to stress agreement, do not put the main questions first, and, when another communist party takes a different position on a non-fundamental or less fundamental question, or on a question that is fundamental but whose solution can be postponed, cannot restrain themselves. As always in the past, our Party, in the face of the phenomena that appeared during and after the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU, still puts the unity of the world communist movement first and the main questions first. The resolution of the plenary meeting of the Central Committee held at the end of last year has shown this. The basis of the unity of the world's communists is very firm, because besides Marxist-Leninist theory we have the 1957 "Declaration", which the 1960 "Statement" has perfected. We know that in the history of the international communist movement there was the First International, founded and led by Marx and Engels, the Communist International, founded and led by Lenin, and friendly conferences without any organisational form or organisational ties, such as the Moscow conferences of 1957 and 1960. The First International had its documents, the Communist International had its documents, and the 1957 conference produced the "Declaration", the 1960 conference the "Statement". Only these documents are valid international documents, programmes valid for all communist parties. We are convinced that, by following the "Declaration" and the "Statement", the differences existing in the world communist movement will be eliminated within a short time. Our conviction is strengthened by the fact that all the signatories of the "Declaration" and the "Statement" have expressed that they remain loyal to these documents. We are Indonesian Marxist-Leninists, we are Indonesian communists, we have the greatest respect for the principles of Marxism-Leninism, and at the same time we must creatively formulate our Party's policy, tactics, forms of struggle and forms of organisation according to our country's concrete conditions. Our Marxism-Leninism is Marxism-Leninism applied to Indonesia, Indonesianised Marxism-Leninism, not dogmatic but creative. As the "Statement" says, our Party is independent and equal, formulates its own policy according to our country's concrete conditions, and supports other Marxist-Leninist parties and is supported by them. Our Party is responsible to the Indonesian working class and working people, and to the whole international workers' movement and communist movement. Therefore our task is to continue to strive to strengthen the world communist movement. This means that we strengthen the movement for independence, democracy, peace, socialism and communism. We must not let the enemies of the people and of the working class profit from even the smallest crack. Part Three: The Party 1. Continue forward to realise the aims of the second three-year plan Our glorious Sixth National Congress issued clear directives that greatly inspired and helped mobilise us to realise the task of continuing to build the Party. These directives included: to strengthen the Party's unity, Marxist-Leninist education must be carried out universally and the struggle against subjectivism must be continued without interruption; every Party member must understand Marxism-Leninism and be well informed; the whole work of the Party must follow a plan drawn up in a realistic way; the Party must be consolidated, expanded and rectified without interruption; we must continuously strengthen unity with the masses and lead the masses correctly and courageously. We have in the second three-year educational and organisational plan specified how to realise these tasks, with the emphasis placed on education. As in the implementation of the first three-year plan, the implementation of this second three-year plan is meeting many obstacles, especially from those at the centre and in the regions suffering from "communist-phobia". It is well known that the die-hard reactionaries at first wanted to dissolve all political parties, because they regarded political parties as obstacles to their arbitrary actions. But despite their doing everything possible to dissolve the parties, the people continued to trust and support the parties that proved to have played an active role in the struggle for national independence, democracy and a better standard of living. The people abandoned the political adventurers who, in the colonial era, stood more on the side of colonialism than on the side of the people's revolutionary struggle. The harder they persecuted the parties, the stronger the parties' resistance and the closer the unity of the parties with the people. The people know who their leaders are. The authority of a leader cannot be bought, cannot be forced, and no school can train it. It can only be gained in the struggle to defend the people's interests. Therefore the self-appointed leaders came on stage one after another and went off one after another without a sound. The main aim of their blows against the parties was of course directed at the Communist Party, because by their estimate, after the Indonesian Communist Party was overthrown, it would not be too hard to dissolve the other parties. They slandered and attacked all parties at the same time, but were unable to dissolve the parties; so they changed tactics: they themselves strengthened a certain party that became the nest of the bureaucratic capitalists, and concentrated their strength on attacking the Indonesian Communist Party. Their "theory" was this: "First destroy the Indonesian Communist Party; the other parties are easy to deal with, and wringing their necks is easy." But this "theory" also did not work. First because of the resistance of the communists and working people. Second because the other democratic parties and their supporters felt that action taken against the Indonesian Communist Party was only a prelude to eliminating all parties. In several places, some of the other parties were forced to join in supporting the banning of the Indonesian Communist Party, but in general the parties with democratic traditions were unwilling to become tools for attacking the Indonesian Communist Party. While concentrating their attack on the Indonesian Communist Party, the reactionaries also made use of the "Five Principles of the Founding of the State" [Pancasila], as though this foundation of the state were in contradiction with the Indonesian Communist Party and therefore the Indonesian Communist Party had to be eliminated. They said this in order to separate the Indonesian Communist Party from the other parties and then besiege it. But this attempt also failed: the working people put up resolute resistance, the other parties did not respond, and President Sukarno called this attempt the action of deranged people. In short, since the Sixth National Congress, attack after attack on our Party has been going on. If we speak of the greatest achievement of the revolutionary democratic movement in this period, it is this: the Indonesian Communist Party still stands, and is growing day by day! The Indonesian proletariat and working people have spared no sacrifice to defend their Party and constantly strengthen their Party! Of course, as long as there are reactionaries, the Indonesian Communist Party will meet obstruction and blows. Therefore we communists must at all times be ready to deal with the reactionaries' obstruction and blows. Sometimes this obstruction and these blows are slight, sometimes serious. In short, comrades, in dealing with die-hard reactionaries we must struggle more courageously, more resourcefully, more vigilantly, more resolutely and more diligently. We must carry out the "five mores": more courageous, more resourceful, more vigilant, more resolute and more diligent. Despite many difficulties, our second three-year plan is basically going well; we have placed the emphasis of the second three-year plan on ideological building and Marxist-Leninist education. The further strengthening of Marxist-Leninist education in the Party and the spread of philosophical education have greatly raised the ideological level of the Party. The continuous strengthening of the Party's ideology has also strengthened the Party's discipline and made it more possible to prevent deviation from the mass line in politics and to struggle against the tendency to put personal interests above the interests of the people and the Party. The line of national-front policy, and its high flexibility in winning victory for revolutionary views and positions and in safeguarding the independence of our Party, are being understood ever more deeply by our Party cadres. The rise of the Party's ideology can also be seen from the fact that the Party's unity has been strengthened, because contradictions arising within Party committees at all levels from differences of opinion on policy have decreased. The method of leadership drawn up by the Sixth Congress, that is, the method combining general calls with concrete guidance and combining leadership with the masses, is decisive and therefore should be strictly observed. 2. Continue forward to strengthen the unity of the Party with the broad masses To improve the Party's mass work, the Sixth National Congress put forward the guideline of "walking on two legs", that is, that we should always combine work that makes a great stir with painstaking work, combine agitation with practical, deep and meticulous daily work in organisation, education, politics and ideology. The Party's Sixth National Congress gave us the task of continuing to strengthen the Party's position among the workers and winning the majority of the working masses to the Party's side. One way of realising this task is for Party members to achieve it by unfolding broad activities in the struggle to improve social and economic conditions. The greatest achievement in the struggle of the Indonesian trade-union movement in recent years is that the revolutionary central trade-union organisation – the All-Indonesia Central Organisation of Trade Unions [SOBSI] – has grown stronger and stronger, and attempts to dissolve the central trade-union organisation through the "Indonesian Labour Federation" and the "Association of Professionals" have failed. The success in establishing a joint secretariat of cooperating central trade-union organisations within the framework of implementing the People's Three Commands for the liberation of West Irian is also an important achievement. Because of the daily rising prices of necessities and the increase in unemployment caused by the closing of enterprises, it can be expected that in future the reactionaries will continue to try to shift the burden of the present crisis and inflation entirely onto the working people, especially workers and peasants. In this situation Indonesian workers have no other way but to become fighters and models in two kinds of struggle: first, the struggle against unfairly bearing the burden of the consequences of inflation and the economic crisis; second, the struggle for democratic reforms in the political system and in the people's political freedoms. In the period under review important progress has been made in peasant work, mainly because more Party cadres have conducted investigations in the villages and helped organise peasants and train and educate cadres coming from the peasants themselves. This progress has enabled the revolutionary peasant organisation – the Indonesian Peasants' Front [BTI], now with 4.5 million members – to develop broadly by realising very realistic demands, such as implementation of the crop-sharing decree and the Basic Agrarian Law, lowering the prices of necessities, expanding democratic rights, ending the state of danger and restoring public order. The Second National Peasants' Conference of the Indonesian Communist Party held in July 1961 drew the following correct conclusion: "The peasant movement against all forms of exploitation by landlords and usurers is beginning to spread throughout the country." The development of the peasant movement in the eastern part of our country in recent times is very gratifying. The revolutionary peasant movement is at present centred on the "Six Good Campaign" [Gerakan Enam Baik], which includes the "Every-Means Campaign" [Gerakan Seribu Daya?] to raise food production. The "Six Goods" are: (1) lowering land rent; (2) reducing loan interest; (3) raising wages of hired labourers; (4) raising agricultural production; (5) raising the cultural level of the peasants; (6) raising the level of political consciousness of the peasants. The campaign for rent reduction, or the "six-four campaign" [60:40 sharing], is under way, taking mainly the form of demanding implementation of the crop-sharing decree. This campaign has succeeded in mobilising peasants into a broad front against the landlords. The rent-reduction campaign has set the peasants' strength in motion, which will be of great significance for the struggle for implementing the Basic Agrarian Law; if this law is truly implemented in accordance with the peasants' demands, that would be the implementation of a limited land reform. Cadres working in the villages must strictly observe the principle "peasants liberate themselves"; freeing the revolutionary peasant organisations in the villages and the Party from the influence of landlords and rich peasants is an absolutely necessary condition for the success of the rent-reduction campaign and for resolute implementation of the crop-sharing decree. The interest-reduction campaign is a campaign against usurers, and landlords are usually also usurers; so in general the interest-reduction campaign is also a campaign against landlords. The campaign to raise wages of hired labourers reinforces the rent-reduction campaign; if these two campaigns are strong and well coordinated, then the revolutionary peasant movement is in the initiative and the landlords are in a position of isolation and defence. In the period under review, along with the progress of the revolutionary and progressive movements, we have also made important progress in the movement of youth, university students and secondary-school students. The revolutionary spirit of these young people has also risen, especially after the issuing of the People's Three Commands for the liberation of West Irian. They react quickly to the activities of the imperialists, whether Dutch, American, Belgian, French or British imperialists, or Japanese militarist-imperialism. The youth front has become more consolidated, cooperation among student organisations has steadily improved, and the patriotic and revolutionary spirit of secondary-school students has risen rapidly. Under the slogan "make the People's Youth a huge, consolidated organisation", People's Youth cadres have carried out great activities to expand its organisation and membership and to educate its ranks in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. The membership of the People's Youth [Pemuda Rakjat] has now reached 1.25 million, and it has steadily perfected itself, becoming a loyal and reliable assistant of the Indonesian Communist Party, a conscious and spirited executor with understanding of the "Political Manifesto" and the People's Three Commands. In carrying out the People's Three Commands, the People's Youth stands in the very front to realise the people's fighting will: "a gun in one hand, a hoe in the other", that is, always ready to rush to the battlefield to win the liberation of West Irian and at the same time always ready to strengthen the home front (rear). In the period under review the women's movement has also made important progress. At the centre a broad women's united front against imperialism has been established. The situation in the regions is not the same as at the centre; in some places cooperation is better than at the centre, but in other places it is still backward or there is no cooperation at all. If the cooperating organisation at the centre gives more active impetus, cooperation among women's organisations in the regions will be done better. In recent years the Indonesian Women's Movement Association [Gerwani, 印度尼西亚妇女运动协会] has made important progress in expanding and consolidating its organisation and membership. The revolutionary women's mass organisation has shown fighting spirit; it demands lower prices of necessities and carries out other activities to reduce the burden of household difficulties, such as organising joint buying, joining working people's cooperatives, taking part in the "Every-Means Campaign", and so on. All these activities have had an influence on the whole women's movement. A question that still does not accord with the line of the Sixth National Congress is that the proportion of women among Party members has not increased but has fallen. This is because the number of Party members continues to increase, and the increase of women members does not match the increase in the total. This situation must be improved; more working women must be drawn into our Party. The Party's Sixth National Congress gave us the task of strengthening work among intellectuals. In carrying out this task, the Third Plenum held at the end of 1961 was of great significance. That plenum clearly pointed out that, in the present stage of the struggle, the question of intellectuals for our Party revolves around this question: what contribution can the Indonesian Communist Party make to help intellectuals strengthen their role in the struggle for victory of the Indonesian revolution, in accordance with the revolutionary tradition of the past leaders of the Indonesian intellectual world. The development of progressive and revolutionary forces, and the development of the forces of national unity under the beacon of the "Political Manifesto", is exerting a greater and greater influence on Indonesian intellectuals, and new possibilities are appearing for further raising the role of intellectuals in the struggle for victory of the national-democratic revolution with a socialist future. Dear comrades! The Sixth National Congress drew up a great programme that demands to be realised by us, a programme to bring victory to the demands contained in the "Political Manifesto" and to the national-democratic revolution with a socialist future. This programme also sets our Party international tasks – the tasks of defeating colonialism and imperialism, defending peace and building friendship among nations, among peoples, among the working classes and among the communist parties of the whole world. Every member of our Party, in the struggle for democracy and national unity, in the assault on imperialism, especially in the struggle to liberate West Irian, and in the assault on feudalism, must truly be an example. Only if we continually strengthen our Party, its organisation, its politics and its ideology, only if our Party continually strengthens its unity with the broad masses, only if our Party continually works in the spirit of ever-strengthening patriotism and proletarian internationalism, can we accomplish these tasks. For such a Party there is no difficulty that cannot be overcome and no fortress that cannot be stormed. Therefore, comrades, let us go forward ceaselessly, at a faster pace, to build such a Party. Advance, raising high the banner of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism! Advance, raising high the banner of democracy, unity and mobilisation! Advance, with the determination of a gun in one hand and a hoe in the other, to carry out the People's Three Commands! Advance for a cabinet of democracy and mutual cooperation [Nasakom], and for complete realisation of the "Political Manifesto"! (People's Daily database material)