D.N. Aidit, 'Persahabatan rakyat Indonesia dan Korea abadi', pidato di Pyongyang, 11 September 1963 (Renmin Ribao, 14 September 1963) (印度尼西亚和朝鲜人民的友谊万古长青)

人民日报 Renmin Ribao, 1963-09-14, 第3版 (page 3)标题: 印度尼西亚和朝鲜人民的友谊万古长青 艾地同志在平壤市欢迎大会上的讲话English gloss: Aidit speech in Pyongyang; Gerwani 1.5 million membersSource: 人民日报图文数据库 (People's Daily database), via Columbia University Libraries; article URL http://data.people.com.cn/rmrb/19630914/3/0f9a126dda294c898edf4f4875da1d3eRetrieved 2026-10-18. Article full text as given by the database (replaces the earlier snippet-only file; full-page scan is in the matching PDF).印度尼西亚和朝鲜人民的友谊万古长青 艾地同志在平壤市欢迎大会上的讲话新华社平壤十二日电　朝鲜中央通讯社十一日电：印度尼西亚共产党中央委员会主席、印度尼西亚共产党代表团团长迪·努·艾地十一日在平壤市举行的欢迎印度尼西亚共产党代表团的群众大会上以《印度尼西亚和朝鲜人民的友谊万古长青》为题发表讲话，全文如下：（一）为朋友的成就感到骄傲亲爱的同志们和朋友们！ 今天，我和我率领的印度尼西亚共产党代表团全体团员感到非常高兴，因为我们现在是同我们衷心热爱的朝鲜人民在一起。印度尼西亚共产党人和劳动人民热爱朝鲜人民，因为他们是对敌斗争非常勇敢的人民。朝鲜人民，在国内和国际共产主义运动中享有很高威望的朝鲜劳动党的领导下，英勇地打败了日本法西斯主义，还英勇地同美帝国主义战斗过。 热爱勇敢人民的人也是勇敢的。的确，印度尼西亚共产党和人民也是勇敢的。他们勇敢地打败了日本法西斯主义，打败了荷兰殖民主义，现在正在勇敢地同以美国为首的帝国主义进行斗争。 因此，尽管我们两国相距很远，中间隔着大海、许多高山和广阔的河流，但是，我们两国人民相互之间却是十分亲近的，因为我们两国人民和我们两个马克思列宁主义政党是同心同德的战友，我们都在反对法西斯主义和反对殖民主义的斗争中受过锻炼，而今天，我们站在同一个行列中同帝国主义进行斗争。 以前，在一九五六年四月，我曾率领出席朝鲜劳动党第三届代表大会的印度尼西亚共产党代表团到过朝鲜。那时，我对代表大会致贺词说：“在朝鲜民族被英勇的苏联武装部队解放之后两天，印度尼西亚人民宣布了独立，那是一九四五年八月十七日。结果是一场反对日本帝国主义武装部队、荷兰和英国帝国主义武装部队——他们都得到美帝国主义的全力支持——的独立战争。这样，有一条红线把印度尼西亚人民的斗争同朝鲜人民的斗争连结起来。什么距离，什么大海和高山都不能把我们神圣的斗争分开来。”我七年前所讲的话不仅已为目前的事实所证实，而且变得更加有力了。我们两国人民和政府之间的关系已经更加密切，代表团的来往已经更加频繁。我们两国人民和我们两个马克思列宁主义政党都同样站在反对美帝国主义的斗争的前列。我们两国的社会和政治制度的确仍然是不同的，但是我们有着共同的敌人，即以美国为首的帝国主义。印度尼西亚革命的前景也是社会主义，这已被印度尼西亚人民作为真理接受，这已在印度尼西亚人民的共同纲领、即政治宣言中予以宣布。今天的朝鲜民主主义人民共和国就是印度尼西亚的未来。 在这几天里，印度尼西亚共产党代表团的全体成员都感到非常高兴，因为我们是和以我们的亲爱的金日成同志为首的朝鲜劳动党领导人在一起。我们是在同这样的一些领导人在一起，他们在领导反对朝鲜的敌人的伟大的斗争中，在打败敌人的伟大的斗争中，在建设朝鲜的社会主义新生活中通过了考验。特别是金日成同志，他对马克思列宁主义的发展、对全世界马克思列宁主义者的团结作出了许多的贡献。这些领导人为人敦厚，他们是有高度责任感的人，不仅对自己本国人民，而且对全世界马克思列宁主义者的事业都有高度的责任感。我们感到我们是在自己的亲兄弟中间。我们在同志式的气氛中进行讨论，我们都有同样的感情，我们都决心要继续对以美国为首的帝国主义作斗争，加强全世界马克思列宁主义者的团结，对现代修正主义作斗争。现代修正主义是对马克思列宁主义者的团结和全世界进步人类的革命斗争的主要威胁。亲爱的同志们和朋友们！ 在我继续讲下去以前，请允许我在朝鲜民主主义人民共和国成立十五周年之际，从这个讲台上，向朝鲜人民表示我衷心的祝贺和我对于取得更大的成就的祝愿和信心。我代表印度尼西亚共产党、代表我率领的印度尼西亚共产党代表团，代表印度尼西亚二百五十多万共产党员，代表印度尼西亚劳动人民，对朝鲜劳动党中央委员会对我们的邀请，对朝鲜人民和朝鲜共产党人，对朝鲜劳动党中央委员会和金日成同志本人的同志式的热情接待，表示衷心的感谢。 同志们和朋友们以多种方式对我们表示的热烈的友好感情，确是给了我们巨大的鼓舞，策励我们对帝国主义进行斗争，更坚决、更勇敢地对国内人民的敌人进行战斗，加强全世界马克思列宁主义者的团结和粉碎现代修正主义。 我们印度尼西亚共产党人和印度尼西亚劳动人民以能够有朝鲜共产党人和朝鲜人民这样的朋友而感到骄傲和非常高兴，他们在对敌人作战和打败敌人的斗争中聪明而勇敢，在建设社会主义的斗争中也聪明而勇敢。 九月八日晚上我们欣赏的歌舞剧《光荣属于我们祖国》使我们感到自豪和受到鼓舞，剧情像丝绸一样柔和，像朝鲜人民十分喜爱的千里马一样刚强。它反映了朝鲜人民细腻、创造和勇敢的性格。 九月九日庆祝朝鲜民主主义人民共和国成立十五周年的军事检阅和群众游行，使我们感到骄傲和受到鼓舞。 九月九日下午辉煌多采的大规模体操表演，使我们感到骄傲和受到鼓舞。 我深信，在参观工农业企业以后，在这些方面取得的成就将使我们更加感到骄傲和受到鼓舞，因为朝鲜劳动党和朝鲜民主主义人民共和国政府奉行的自主、独立的民族经济政策是这样一种政策，它鼓舞群众更加热爱劳动、更加勤奋，生产更多更好的产品、提高效率、更创造性地进行劳动。 同志们、朋友们，我们之所以感到骄傲，是因为我们认为，朝鲜人民取得的成就是我们自己的成就，因为我们都是新兴力量大家庭里的一员，因为我们一道向着没有人剥削人的世界前进。 朝鲜人民在经济和文化领域内取得的巨大成就，给了我们巨大的鼓舞，因为这再一次证明，如果群众得以在正确的、坚如磐石的团结和英明的领导下——正如朝鲜劳动党和金日成同志的领导所证明的——自由地发挥创造性，他们的创造性是无穷无尽的。 （二）印度尼西亚人民正在为彻底完成民族民主革命而斗争亲爱的同志们和朋友们！ 为了进一步加深我们之间已经存在的相互了解、进一步加强我们两国人民和两党之间的团结，我愿意借此机会扼要介绍一下印度尼西亚人民目前斗争的形势和任务。 我们知道，自从在一九四九年年底同荷兰殖民主义者签订妥协协议以后，印度尼西亚人民的革命斗争进入了一个新阶段。由于这个背叛行径，一九四五年八月革命遭受了失败。从那以后，印度尼西亚社会是一个不完全独立的半封建性质的社会。 但是，一九四五年八月革命向印度尼西亚人民和印度尼西亚共产党提供了丰富的经验。 印度尼西亚人民在印度尼西亚共产党领导下进行的革命斗争在这个新的时期，特别是自从一九五一年以来，有了迅速的发展，并取得了重要的成就。这所以成为可能，是因为印度尼西亚共产党在一定程度上把马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同印度尼西亚的具体实践结合了起来，这样，就解答了印度尼西亚革命的一些基本问题，那就是：关于革命的对象、革命的任务、革命的力量、革命的性质和革命的前途等问题。 考虑到印度尼西亚社会的性质是没有完全独立的和仍然是半封建的，或者说基本上是半殖民地和半封建的，印度尼西亚革命的对象是帝国主义和封建主义。它的任务是驱逐帝国主义和消灭封建主义残余，以便能够建立人民政权。革命的力量是工人阶级、农民、小资产阶级和民族资产阶级以及其他民主人士，而革命的动力是工人阶级、农民、小资产阶级以及作为劳动人民的一部分、同帝国主义和封建主义进行坚决斗争的其他民主人士。现阶段革命的性质是民族民主革命，是世界社会主义革命的一部分。印度尼西亚革命的前途是社会主义。 目前印度尼西亚有三种力量，那就是：进步力量、中间力量和顽固力量，每一种力量对于印度尼西亚革命都有它自己的观念。进步力量，在印度尼西亚共产党的领导下，在为完成民族民主革命，为使印度尼西亚成为完全独立和民主的社会以作为进一步走向社会主义的基础而斗争。中间力量要使印度尼西亚向着资本主义社会发展，而顽固力量则要使印度尼西亚成为一个只是在名义上独立而实际上是帝国主义卫星国的国家。 后面两种观念，即要使印度尼西亚成为一个独立的资本主义国家和使印度尼西亚依赖帝国主义或新殖民主义的观念，都是没有前途的观念。 印度尼西亚不能像以前的欧洲国家那样发展成独立的资本主义国家，因为帝国主义和劳动人民都不会容许。要是容许印度尼西亚发展成为独立的资本主义国家，那就意味着容许给帝国主义发展一个不受欢迎的竞争者，因为这将进一步缩小他们的市场。在帝国主义看来，印度尼西亚只有充当一个新的殖民地国家的权利，在某种程度上享有政治自由，但是它的经济要由帝国主义来控制。另一方面，印度尼西亚的劳动人民将不会容许印度尼西亚经历资本主义发展。印度尼西亚人民渴望改革，而这种改革只有在印度尼西亚走社会主义的进步道路时才有可能。为了达到这个目的，印度尼西亚人民，以印度尼西亚共产党为自己的先锋队，已经组织起来并正在组织起来。 而且，印度尼西亚不能成为只在名义上独立而实际上由于印度尼西亚的经济受帝国主义控制而充当帝国主义国家的卫星国。印度尼西亚现状是不能保持下去的。帝国主义在破坏和阻挠印度尼西亚民族经济发展方面所取得的某些结果只是暂时的，因为在帝国主义取得这些结果的同时，他们就面对着更有信心并取得了更多的反对帝国主义斗争经验的更多的敌人。 因此，印度尼西亚的唯一出路、唯一前景是进步人士指出的道路，那就是，彻底完成民族民主革命，作为走向社会主义的基础。 印度尼西亚共产党对这三种力量的方针是发展进步力量，团结中间力量和孤立顽固力量。印度尼西亚最近几年的发展是符合这个方针的。进步力量更强大更巩固了，民族阵线更广泛、更巩固了，而顽固力量是越来越孤立了。 进步力量一天比一天强大了，按照印度尼西亚共产党所提出的方针发展的民族统一战线的情况也是如此。 如果说印度尼西亚共产党党员人数在一九五一年不超过八千人的话，今天印度尼西亚共产党党员人数已达到二百五十万以上，而成为印度尼西亚最大的党了。在印度尼西亚的四百万有组织的工人中，进步的工会全印度尼西亚中央职工会有会员三百二十多万人，参加进步的农民组织印度尼西亚农民阵线的农民有六百四十万人。印度尼西亚共产党的忠实助手人民青年团有团员一百五十万人。参加进步的妇女组织印度尼西亚妇女运动协会的妇女有一百五十万人。人民艺术家和作家、大学生、中学生和科学家中的进步的群众性组织已经成为广泛的、影响很大的群众组织。 从这些事实中可以清楚地看到，民族统一战线这个工农联盟的基础已经随着共产党人在农民中的工作的改进而更加牢固了。但是，如果考虑到印度尼西亚人民有一亿，其中农民占百分之六十到百分之七十，那末共产党人对农民的工作必须做得更好。 印度尼西亚的民族统一战线目前有许多形式，其中最重要的有两种，一种是纳沙贡合作，一种是民族阵线组织。纳沙贡合作和民族阵线组织的基础是相同的，这就是政治宣言这个共同纲领，这个纲领是反对帝国主义的，在某种程度上也是反封建的。 自从本世纪初以来，纳沙贡合作就是印度尼西亚现有的各种政治潮流，即民族主义者、宗教集团和共产主义者这几种政治潮流之间的传统合作。几十年以来，属于这三种政治潮流的政党就在对荷兰殖民主义和对日本法西斯主义的斗争中合作。这种合作在政治宣言这个共同纲领的新基础上继续保持下来。纳沙贡合作已经在临时人民协商会议、合作国会、最高评议院、地区立法会议、地方行政机关等地方实现。目前在朝鲜参加朝鲜民主主义人民共和国成立十五周年的印度尼西亚合作国会代表团就是由纳沙贡组成的，为首的是部长兼国会副议长、印度尼西亚共产党第一副主席鲁克曼同志。在内阁问题上，纳沙贡合作还没有如苏加诺总统的希望坚决地实现，因为在目前的印度尼西亚内阁中，只有两个无任所的共产党部长。这就是为什么目前在印度尼西亚，人民在进行紧张的斗争，要求内阁的构成符合苏加诺总统的观念，也就是说，要建立在均衡的代表制的基础之上，这就要求各种政治潮流的部长人数必须要与人民给予这些政治潮流的信任相一致。 除了这种纳沙贡合作以外，印度尼西亚还有一个民族阵线组织，它从中央到村一级的基础组织的领导机构也是由纳沙贡组成的。民族阵线的主席是苏加诺总统，副主席和秘书由民族主义者、宗教集团和共产党以及无党派人士担任。在民族阵线的组织中，有所有的政党（十个党），所有的群众组织和各种武装部队（陆军，海军，空军和警察部队）。组织在民族阵线中的有二千多万人。 民族阵线的每一个成员都必须接受政治宣言作为反对帝国主义、反封建斗争和建立充分独立和民主的印度尼西亚的斗争的共同纲领，除此之外，每一个成员还必须接受和实施作为民族阵线的行动纲领的五点纲领。这个纲领的原则是：一、巩固在治安和西伊里安方面和其他方面已经取得的成就；二、通过优先增加生产来克服经济困难；三、加强以纳沙贡为核心的革命民族阵线的合作，继续进行反对帝国主义和新殖民主义的斗争；四、扩大和致力于宣传教育工作；五、实行国家机关的改组，包括从中央到地方的政府的改组。民族阵线的五点纲领是同印度尼西亚共产党的政策相符合的。 在加强印度尼西亚民族统一战线，特别是加强纳沙贡的合作和加强民族阵线的组织方面，苏加诺总统的作用是十分重要的。苏加诺总统坚决反对共产党恐惧症，这样做，就是协同努力来粉碎帝国主义者的最重要的武器之一，这一武器就是反共的武器，分裂人民团结的政策。 印度尼西亚共产党和印度尼西亚的其他进步力量在继续发展的这一事实证明了，印度尼西亚共产党同民族资产阶级的合作，广泛的民族阵线的存在，丝毫也不妨碍印度尼西亚无产者组织革命。相反地，同民族资产阶级的合作，广泛的民族阵线的存在，帮助了印度尼西亚共产党组织革命。这证明，印度尼西亚共产党人坚持自己的独立，但是在对待其他革命阶级和集团方面是灵活的。这证明，印度尼西亚共产党坚持马克思列宁主义的原则，但是在运用这些原则时是灵活的。 你们同志们都已经知道，一九六三年五月一日，印度尼西亚的五分之一的领土，即西伊里安已从荷兰殖民主义的统治下解放了出来。这样一来，印度尼西亚的领土已没有被外国军队占领的了。这是由于印度尼西亚人民的英勇斗争，是由于社会主义国家和全世界进步人士的支持。我愿意向在我们为争取解放西伊里安而斗争时给予我们支持的朝鲜人民、朝鲜劳动党和金日成同志表示印度尼西亚人民的衷心感谢。 继荷兰在西伊里安的殖民统治垮台之后，印度尼西亚人民反对帝国主义斗争的一个阶段已告结束而进入一个新的阶段。这个新阶段中的斗争意味着，印度尼西亚人民可以把全部注意力集中于反对美帝国主义的斗争。美国是印度尼西亚人民的头号敌人和最危险的敌人。印度尼西亚人民和朝鲜人民有一个共同的头号敌人。美帝国主义者正在千方百计地利用印度尼西亚当前的经济困难来侵犯印度尼西亚共和国。美国直接地或者通过国际货币基金组织来执行新殖民主义政策，企图使印度尼西亚依赖他们。但是美国的这种恶毒行径越来越遭到揭露。印度尼西亚人民同它进行了坚决的斗争，也同它的代理人买办和官僚资本家进行斗争。 这些事实只会加强印度尼西亚人民和朝鲜人民之间的友好关系。印度尼西亚共产党完全相信，印度尼西亚人民也能够像他们曾经英勇地击败日本法西斯和荷兰殖民主义那样击败美帝国主义。 在继续进行反对帝国主义的斗争中，印度尼西亚共产党人的坚决态度表现在“一手拿枪、一手拿锄”的口号中。这个反映人民准备拿起武器同帝国主义作斗争和准备建设国家的经济的口号，受到印度尼西亚人民的热烈欢迎。 在反对帝国主义的斗争中，印度尼西亚人民和共产党完全支持今年在雅加达举行新兴力量运动会。新兴力量运动会的成功将表明，即使在体育方面，帝国主义者也是不能为所欲为的。 （三）印度尼西亚人民祝贺朝鲜社会主义建设的成就亲爱的同志们和朋友们！ 我们十分高兴地听到，你们已经为以强大的机器制造工业为核心的自给自足的重工业奠定基础。这些成就使朝鲜人民的朋友感到高兴和钦佩，使朝鲜人民的敌人感到害怕。我们印度尼西亚人民，作为朝鲜人民的朋友，对你们已经取得的成就表示敬意。这些惊人的成就是在以金日成同志为首的朝鲜劳动党中央委员会的正确领导下取得的。 朝鲜民主主义人民共和国不仅在工业方面取得了成就，而且在农业方面也取得了伟大的成就。我认为我这样说并不夸张：在社会主义国家中间，朝鲜民主主义人民共和国是在农业方面最先进的国家之一，在衣食的问题上能够依靠自己而无需依赖进口。朝鲜的农业已经用朝鲜自己制造的机器机械化了。 虽然朝鲜民主主义人民共和国人民和政府经历了三年之久的美帝国主义者的侵略战争的苦难，但是他们已经取得了巨大的成绩。电灯已照明了朝鲜北部的大部分村庄，水利灌溉使得耕地成为肥沃的土地。农业机械化和工业的发展在继续迅速进行。 这表明朝鲜劳动党建立独立的民族经济的方针是多么正确。因为朝鲜民主主义人民共和国在政治上是自主的、在经济上是独立的，这意味着它两条腿脚踏实地地站了起来。 朝鲜的民族经济越独立，它的经济基础就越牢固。所有这一切不仅是朝鲜人民的胜利，也是整个社会主义阵营和国际共产主义运动的胜利。 在你们国家已不再有革命胜利之前有过的失业和饥饿。今天所有的儿童都免费上学，甚至必须上学，他们都可以进高等学校，由国家负担费用。他们穿着各种颜色的制服上学。确实看起来赏心悦目，是孩子们的乐园。 我同我率领的印度尼西亚共产党代表团虽然来到你们国家还不久，但我们看到朝鲜人民生活幸福，热情洋溢地劳动着。由于朝鲜人民在朝鲜劳动党和金日成同志的领导下过着幸福生活并积极劳动，他们已根除了在资本主义各国所共同有的失业、贫困、文盲和其他社会祸害。在这里我们能够看到和体验到劳动是受人尊敬的，劳动创造了伟大的业绩。朝鲜劳动党已成功地教育人民不仅在言论上、而且在实际上尊重和热爱劳动。 我在前面已经说过，我在一九五六年来过这里。在那个时候，我就对你们在击败美国侵略者之后的短短时期里所取得的成绩感到高兴和钦佩。但是你们现在取得的成就却使我喜出望外，千里马精神使朝鲜人民充满勇气，热情和创造性地工作和建设，取得了伟大的成就。（⑶⑷）现在你们正在执行七年计划，这是一个大规模进行技术建设的计划。你们也在把文化革命推向前进，从根本上改善人民的生活条件，实现社会主义工业化，以最现代化的技术装备民族经济各部门。根据我们所得到的材料，机器已有百分之九十五是朝鲜自己制造的。在一九六二年你们生产了一百二十万吨生铁，一百多万吨钢，将近一百万吨化肥，一千三百万吨煤，一百亿度电。我深信你们将完满地完成七年计划。我所以敢于这样说，那是因为我已经看到这种劳动精神和你们的热情以及推动朝鲜民主主义人民共和国人民前进的千里马精神。在千里马精神的基础上，朝鲜民主主义人民共和国已生产了五百万吨谷物，两亿五千万米布匹——这意味着每人每年二十五米，为二十万户家庭建筑了住房等等。 我已经说过，这一切不仅是朝鲜北部人民的胜利，而且是启发南朝鲜的劳动人民继续为反对美帝国主义及其代理人——南朝鲜军国主义者而斗争的巨大鼓舞。这一切也是未独立国家人民争取解放自己的光辉榜样，是亚非各国人民的榜样。 朝鲜人民在建设社会主义中取得的进展，已经确认了朝鲜劳动党在它的马克思列宁主义的中央委员会领导下的路线的正确。 朝鲜民主主义人民共和国在建设社会主义和提高人民生活水准方面的成就和劳动成果，大大有助于国际共产主义运动和世界各地的进步运动的发展。 印度尼西亚的进步人士和共产党人欢欣鼓舞地注视着这些成就。并且同你们一样，我们也对英勇斗争的南朝鲜人民遭到残酷镇压感到愤怒。印度尼西亚共产党人和印度尼西亚进步人士对这些暴行提出强烈抗议，并且举行了声援南朝鲜人民斗争的大会。南朝鲜人民反对美帝国主义的斗争得到印度尼西亚共产党人和进步人士的完全同情。这证明印度尼西亚共产党人和进步人士，在反对美帝国主义、要把美帝国主义从朝鲜领土上赶出去这方面，是同朝鲜人民站在一条战线上的。朝鲜的命运必须掌握在朝鲜人民自己的手里，美国占领军必须滚出南朝鲜。 我们深信，朝鲜统一将不是遥远的事情。由于朝鲜北部和南部人民的斗争，由于全世界进步力量的支持，这一令人高兴的时刻已经在望。没有任何力量能阻挡这种历史的必然性。 （四）争取世界各地马克思列宁主义者的团结根据马克思列宁主义，特别是根据一九五七年共产党宣言和一九六○年共产党声明，印度尼西亚共产党，在它同世界各国共产党的关系方面，是高举独立、平等、同等权利和同等义务的旗帜的一个马克思列宁主义政党。在这方面，我们得到印度尼西亚人民的一句古老谚语的启发，这句谚语就是：“共患难、同欢乐”。 由于坚决维护自己的独立地位和正确地面对自己所面临的问题，印度尼西亚共产党不仅没有受到国际共产主义运动中严重的和原则性的意见分歧的影响，而且，甚至在发生严重的意见分歧的期间，在政治上、思想上和组织上受到了锻炼。尽管如此，我们感觉到并且意识到：维护党内团结的问题，在资本主义国家要比在社会主义国家困难得多，因为，在资本主义国家中，资产阶级的宣传机器为所欲为，利用共产党之间的争论来分裂共产党的队伍和使一部分劳动人民群众意气消沉。但是，如果一个在资本主义国家中的马克思列宁主义政党坚决地保持它的独立地位和正确地面对这种意见分歧，那么是可以对此进行斗争的。因此，在国际共产主义运动中发生这种意见分歧期间，一个共产党的党员的减少，不能归咎于国际共产主义运动中存在着分歧。 我所说的正确地面对国际共产主义运动中的意见分歧是指什么呢？我指的是印度尼西亚共产党员，特别是它的干部，要认真研究这些意见分歧，以使意见分歧的存在推动印度尼西亚共产党党员更加认真地研究马克思列宁主义，作出更大的努力来自己思考，从而能够根据自己的思考得出结论，以便争取印度尼西亚人民革命的胜利，加强全世界马克思列宁主义者的团结和争取世界社会主义革命的胜利。 独立的立场毫不意味着采取中立的立场，也根本不是摇摆不定的立场。不，独立的立场是唯一正确的立场，马克思列宁主义的立场；这样的立场，对于维护和巩固党的团结和保持更大的创造性，以及对国际共产主义运动积极作出贡献，都是绝对必需的。 最容易采取的立场，但不是最可靠的立场，是追随某个党的立场，一种只是全然接受某一个党的命令的立场。这种立场容易采取，用不着去想得很多，因为别的党已经都替它想过了，在纲领方面以及在政治路线方面都替它想过了。但是这种立场——印度尼西亚共产党人称之为现代教条主义——不是正确的立场。这是官僚主义的立场，是一头被牵着鼻子的公牛的立场，所以就很容易把它牵到这里或那里。这样的党，如果仍然叫做一个党，是不能有创造性的，不可能有战斗力的，不可能产生具有工人阶级品质的领导人。到头来，这样的党的人数将会减少、成为过时，它的队伍将四分五散，群众将起来反对应负其责的领导。这样的领导人将是一文不值的，因为他们把自己出卖给帝国主义者和这个国家的反动派。 独立的立场并不意味着死硬和不愿接受兄弟党的意见。独立的立场恰恰是准备接受兄弟党的意见，不过只是经过透彻的思考，并且在这些意见同上述国家无产阶级的一切创造能力与智慧统一起来之后。印度尼西亚共产党人全心全意听取兄弟党的意见，如果是符合印度尼西亚革命的需要的和符合加强国际共产主义运动的需要的，印度尼西亚共产党人就乐于接受这些意见。这就是为什么，印度尼西亚共产党人愿意同兄弟党的领导人举行会晤和讨论，愿意亲自看看兄弟党在国内已经做了一些什么事情。这样做，在分析兄弟党的观点时，所表示的意见就能更为客观。 如果我们印度尼西亚共产党人不改变我们对南斯拉夫修正主义者的看法，这并不是因为我们是死硬派，而是因为我们看不出有任何理由要改变一九六○年共产党声明中所载明的那样的我们的观点，那就是：我们有义务进一步揭露南斯拉夫修正主义者、保卫共产主义运动和工人运动免受南斯拉夫修正主义者的反列宁主义观点之害。南斯拉夫修正主义者已变得越来越粗暴、越来越无耻，他们利用“不结盟”外衣为帝国主义者效劳，破坏社会主义阵营，破坏亚非团结，通过兜售他们的“不结盟”工人会议的概念来破坏工会运动，支持帝国主义的马来西亚计划，干涉印度尼西亚内政问题，例如反对建立进步的印度尼西亚人民现在强烈要求的纳沙贡内阁，等等。 这就是为什么印度尼西亚共产党人仍然认为必须谴责现代修正主义者。停止谴责现代修正主义者，就意味着不再走革命的道路，就意味着帮助分裂国际共产主义运动、分裂全世界的进步运动与革命运动以及争取民主、民族独立和世界和平的运动。 谴责还是不谴责现代修正主义者，是衡量一个马克思列宁主义的党是不是纯洁、是不是忠实于马克思列宁主义、是不是忠实于无产阶级国际主义、是不是忠实于一九五七年宣言和一九六○年声明的最容易的尺度。 我们的国际共产主义运动，现在处于十分重要和决定性的关头，因为现在正经历着一个选择的过程，这个过程将决定谁是纯洁的马克思列宁主义者，谁是假的马克思列宁主义者。 这是必须深思熟虑的问题，因为考虑到：目前就有自称为马克思列宁主义者的一些领导人，他们却像社会民主主义者那样办事，那就是：他们联合帝国主义者和国内反动派，打击、迫害和监禁真正的马克思列宁主义者。对于在共产党内和国际共产主义运动中出现的混乱局面，不能置之不顾，因为要是置之不顾，就意味着把无产者和劳动人民置于没有可信任的领导的混乱局面之中。 亲爱的同志们、朋友们！ 简单说来，这就是我要向这次热情洋溢的友好群众大会讲的话，我感谢大家的关心。 我在《印度尼西亚和朝鲜人民的友谊万古长青》这样一个题目下讲这些话，只是为了扼要地介绍印度尼西亚社会、印度尼西亚革命和印度尼西亚共产党，介绍印度尼西亚共产党在若干国内和国际问题上的立场。 我认为，国与国之间和人民与人民之间要建立和加强友谊，就只有大家都努力促进相互的了解，特别是要了解彼此的社会、彼此的革命和彼此的马克思列宁主义政党。了解了所有这一切也就是了解了国与国和人民与人民之间的友谊问题的核心。 我希望而且确信，我们两国人民和我们两个马克思列宁主义政党之间目前的亲密友谊将会日益增进、日益加强。这种友谊联系越是牢固，我们对美帝国主义及其合伙者的打击也就越加沉重。 在结束我这个短短的讲话的时候，我要从我的内心深处高呼：印度尼西亚人民和朝鲜人民的永恒友谊万岁！ 印度尼西亚共产党和朝鲜劳动党的马克思列宁主义的友谊万岁！ 全世界马克思列宁主义者的团结万岁！ 胜利和光荣属于全世界的马克思列宁主义者！ 全世界工人和被压迫民族，联合起来！ 科马普斯米达（朝鲜话：“谢谢你们”）。

=== [Page 1] === 人民日报 Renmin Ribao, 1963-09-14, 第3版 (page 3) 标题: 印度尼西亚和朝鲜人民的友谊万古长青 艾地同志在平壤市欢迎大会上的讲话 English gloss: Aidit speech in Pyongyang; Gerwani 1.5 million members Source: 人民日报图文数据库 (People's Daily database), via Columbia University Libraries; article URL http://data.people.com.cn/rmrb/19630914/3/0f9a126dda294c898edf4f4875da1d3e Retrieved 2026-10-18. Article full text as given by the database (replaces the earlier snippet-only file; full-page scan is in the matching PDF). The friendship between the peoples of Indonesia and Korea will last for ever – speech by Comrade Aidit at the Pyongyang welcome rally Xinhua News Agency, Pyongyang, 12th – Korean Central News Agency dispatch of the 11th: D.N. Aidit, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Indonesian Communist Party and head of the PKI delegation, on the 11th at a mass rally held in Pyongyang to welcome the PKI delegation, delivered a speech entitled "The friendship between the peoples of Indonesia and Korea will last for ever". The full text follows: (1) Proud of our friends' achievements Dear comrades and friends! Today I and all the members of the Indonesian Communist Party delegation I lead are very happy, because we are now together with the Korean people whom we love from the bottom of our hearts. Indonesian Communists and working people love the Korean people because they are a people who are very brave in the struggle against the enemy. The Korean people, under the leadership of the Korean Workers' Party, which enjoys very high prestige in the movement at home and in the international communist movement, heroically defeated Japanese fascism and also fought heroically against US imperialism. Those who love a brave people are brave themselves. Indeed, the Indonesian Communist Party and people are also brave. They bravely defeated Japanese fascism and Dutch colonialism, and are now bravely struggling against US-led imperialism. Therefore, although our two countries are far apart, with seas, many mountains and broad rivers between them, our two peoples are very close to each other, because our two peoples and our two Marxist-Leninist parties are comrades-in-arms of one heart and one mind; we were all tempered in the struggle against fascism and against colonialism, and today we stand in the same ranks in the struggle against imperialism. Earlier, in April 1956, I led the PKI delegation to the Third Congress of the Korean Workers' Party and visited Korea. At that time I said in my message of greeting to the Congress: "Two days after the Korean nation was liberated by the heroic Soviet armed forces, the Indonesian people proclaimed independence, on 17 August 1945. The result was a war of independence against the armed forces of Japanese imperialism and the armed forces of Dutch and British imperialism, all fully backed by US imperialism. Thus a red thread links the struggle of the Indonesian people with that of the Korean people. No distance, no sea or mountain can divide our sacred struggle." What I said seven years ago has not only been confirmed by present facts but has become even stronger. The relations between our two peoples and governments have become closer and exchanges of delegations more frequent. Our two peoples and our two Marxist-Leninist parties stand alike in the front rank of the struggle against US imperialism. The social and political systems of our two countries are indeed still different, but we have a common enemy, namely US-led imperialism. The prospect of the Indonesian revolution is also socialism; this has been accepted by the Indonesian people as truth and has been proclaimed in the common programme of the Indonesian people, the Political Manifesto. Today's Democratic People's Republic of Korea is the future of Indonesia. In these days all members of the PKI delegation feel very happy because we are with the leaders of the Korean Workers' Party headed by our dear Comrade Kim Il Sung. We are with leaders who have stood the test in leading the great struggle against Korea's enemies, in the great struggle to defeat the enemy, and in building a new socialist life in Korea. Comrade Kim Il Sung in particular has made many contributions to the development of Marxism-Leninism and to the unity of Marxist-Leninists throughout the world. These leaders are kind and gentle, and are people with a high sense of responsibility, not only to their own people but to the cause of Marxist-Leninists throughout the world. We feel that we are among our own brothers. We hold discussions in a comradely atmosphere; we have the same feelings, and we are all determined to continue the struggle against US-led imperialism, to strengthen the unity of Marxist-Leninists throughout the world, and to struggle against modern revisionism. Modern revisionism is the main threat to the unity of Marxist-Leninists and to the revolutionary struggle of progressive humanity throughout the world. Dear comrades and friends! Before I continue, allow me, on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, from this platform, to express my heartfelt congratulations to the Korean people and my wishes and confidence for still greater achievements. On behalf of the Indonesian Communist Party, on behalf of the PKI delegation I lead, on behalf of the more than 2.5 million Communists of Indonesia and on behalf of the Indonesian working people, I express heartfelt thanks to the Central Committee of the Korean Workers' Party for its invitation to us, and to the Korean people and Korean Communists, to the Central Committee of the Korean Workers' Party and to Comrade Kim Il Sung himself for their comradely warm reception. The warm friendly feelings that comrades and friends have shown us in many ways have indeed given us great encouragement and spur us to struggle against imperialism, to fight more resolutely and more bravely against the enemies of the people at home, to strengthen the unity of Marxist-Leninists throughout the world and to smash modern revisionism. We Indonesian Communists and working people are proud and very happy to have friends like the Korean Communists and the Korean people, who are clever and brave both in fighting and defeating the enemy and in the struggle to build socialism. The song-and-dance drama "Glory to Our Motherland" which we enjoyed on the evening of 8 September made us feel proud and inspired; the plot was as soft as silk and as strong as the Chollima, the winged horse much loved by the Korean people. It reflected the delicate, creative and brave character of the Korean people. The military parade and mass demonstration on 9 September celebrating the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea made us feel proud and inspired. The splendid and colourful large-scale gymnastic display on the afternoon of 9 September made us feel proud and inspired. I am convinced that after visiting industrial and agricultural enterprises, the achievements made in these fields will make us feel still more proud and inspired, because the self-reliant, independent national economic policy pursued by the Korean Workers' Party and the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is a policy that inspires the masses to love labour more, to work harder, to produce more and better products, raise efficiency and work more creatively. Comrades and friends, we feel proud because we consider that the achievements of the Korean people are our own achievements, because we are all members of the great family of the New Emerging Forces, because together we march towards a world without exploitation of man by man. The great achievements of the Korean people in the economic and cultural fields give us great encouragement, because they once again prove that if the masses are free to give play to their creativity under correct, rock-solid unity and wise leadership – as the leadership of the Korean Workers' Party and Comrade Kim Il Sung proves – their creativity is inexhaustible. (2) The Indonesian people are struggling to complete the national democratic revolution thoroughly Dear comrades and friends! In order to deepen further the mutual understanding that already exists between us and to strengthen further the unity between our two peoples and two parties, I should like to take this opportunity to give a brief account of the present situation and tasks of the Indonesian people's struggle. We know that since the compromise agreement with the Dutch colonialists at the end of 1949, the revolutionary struggle of the Indonesian people entered a new stage. As a result of this betrayal, the August Revolution of 1945 suffered defeat. Since then Indonesian society has been an incompletely independent society of a semi-feudal nature. But the August Revolution of 1945 provided the Indonesian people and the Indonesian Communist Party with rich experience. The revolutionary struggle waged by the Indonesian people under the leadership of the PKI has in this new period, especially since 1951, developed rapidly and achieved important results. This became possible because the PKI has to a certain extent combined the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of Indonesia, and thus has answered some basic questions of the Indonesian revolution, namely, questions of the target of the revolution, the tasks of the revolution, the forces of the revolution, the character of the revolution and the prospect of the revolution. Considering that the nature of Indonesian society is that it is not completely independent and is still semi-feudal, or in other words basically semi-colonial and semi-feudal, the target of the Indonesian revolution is imperialism and feudalism. Its task is to drive out imperialism and eliminate the remnants of feudalism so that people's power can be established. The forces of the revolution are the working class, the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie and other democrats, while the motive forces of the revolution are the working class, the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie and other democrats who, as a part of the working people, struggle resolutely against imperialism and feudalism. The character of the revolution at the present stage is a national democratic revolution, a part of the world socialist revolution. The prospect of the Indonesian revolution is socialism. At present there are three kinds of forces in Indonesia, namely: progressive forces, middle forces and die-hard forces, and each has its own idea about the Indonesian revolution. The progressive forces, under the leadership of the PKI, are struggling to complete the national democratic revolution and to make Indonesia a completely independent and democratic society as a basis for going further towards socialism. The middle forces want Indonesia to develop towards a capitalist society, while the die-hard forces want Indonesia to be a country that is independent only in name but in reality an imperialist satellite. The latter two ideas, namely to make Indonesia an independent capitalist country and to make Indonesia dependent on imperialism or neo-colonialism, are ideas without a future. Indonesia cannot develop into an independent capitalist country as the earlier European countries did, because neither imperialism nor the working people would permit it. To permit Indonesia to develop into an independent capitalist country would mean permitting imperialism to develop an unwelcome competitor, since this would further reduce its markets. In the eyes of imperialism, Indonesia has only the right to serve as a new colonial country, enjoying political freedom to some degree, but with its economy to be controlled by imperialism. On the other hand, the working people of Indonesia will not permit Indonesia to go through capitalist development. The Indonesian people long for reform, and such reform is possible only if Indonesia takes the progressive road of socialism. To this end the Indonesian people, with the PKI as their vanguard, have organised and are organising themselves. Moreover, Indonesia cannot be a country independent only in name and in reality a satellite of imperialist countries because Indonesia's economy is controlled by imperialism. The present state of affairs in Indonesia cannot be maintained. Certain results that imperialism has achieved in wrecking and obstructing the development of Indonesia's national economy are only temporary, because while imperialism achieves these results it faces more enemies who have greater confidence and have gained more experience of the anti-imperialist struggle. Therefore, the only way out, the only prospect for Indonesia is the road pointed out by the progressives, that is, to complete the national democratic revolution thoroughly as a basis for going on to socialism. The PKI's policy towards these three forces is to develop the progressive forces, unite the middle forces and isolate the die-hard forces. Developments in Indonesia in recent years have conformed to this policy. The progressive forces have become stronger and more consolidated, the national front has become broader and more consolidated, and the die-hard forces are becoming ever more isolated. The progressive forces grow stronger every day, and so does the national united front developed according to the line put forward by the PKI. If the number of PKI members in 1951 did not exceed 8,000, today it has reached more than 2.5 million, making it the largest party in Indonesia. Among Indonesia's 4 million organised workers, the progressive trade union organisation, the All-Indonesian Central Organisation of Trade Unions [SOBSI], has more than 3.2 million members; 6.4 million peasants belong to the progressive peasant organisation, the Indonesian Peasants' Front [BTI]. The People's Youth [Pemuda Rakyat], the loyal assistant of the PKI, has 1.5 million members. The women taking part in the progressive women's organisation, the Indonesian Women's Movement Association [Gerwani], number 1.5 million. The progressive mass organisations among people's artists and writers, university students, secondary school students and scientists have already become broad, influential mass organisations. From these facts it can be clearly seen that the foundation of the national united front, the worker-peasant alliance, has become firmer with the improvement of the Communists' work among the peasants. But considering that the Indonesian people number 100 million, of whom 60 to 70 per cent are peasants, the Communists' work among the peasants must be done still better. The Indonesian national united front at present takes many forms, of which the two most important are Nasakom cooperation and the National Front organisation. The basis of Nasakom cooperation and of the National Front organisation is the same, namely the common programme of the Political Manifesto, which is anti-imperialist and to a certain extent also anti-feudal. Since the beginning of this century Nasakom cooperation has been the traditional cooperation among the existing political currents in Indonesia, namely the nationalists, the religious groups and the Communists. For decades parties belonging to these three political currents have cooperated in the struggle against Dutch colonialism and Japanese fascism. This cooperation has been maintained on the new basis of the common programme of the Political Manifesto. Nasakom cooperation has been realised in the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly, the Mutual Cooperation Parliament, the Supreme Advisory Council, regional legislative councils, local administrations and other places. The Indonesian Mutual Cooperation Parliament delegation now in Korea for the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is made up on the basis of Nasakom, headed by the Minister and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, First Deputy Chairman of the PKI Comrade Lukman. On the question of the cabinet, Nasakom cooperation has not yet been realised as resolutely as President Sukarno wishes, because in the present Indonesian cabinet there are only two Communist ministers without portfolio. That is why at present in Indonesia the people are waging an intense struggle for a cabinet composed in accordance with President Sukarno's concept, that is, built on the basis of balanced representation, which requires that the number of ministers from the various political currents be in line with the confidence the people give to those political currents. Besides this Nasakom cooperation, Indonesia also has a National Front organisation, whose leading bodies from the centre down to the grassroots organisation at village level are also made up on the basis of Nasakom. The Chairman of the National Front is President Sukarno, and the vice-chairmen and secretaries are nationalists, religious groups, Communists and non-party people. In the organisation of the National Front there are all political parties (ten parties), all mass organisations and all the armed forces (army, navy, air force and police). More than 20 million people are organised in the National Front. Every member of the National Front must accept the Political Manifesto as the common programme for the struggle against imperialism and feudalism and for the establishment of a fully independent and democratic Indonesia, and in addition every member must accept and carry out the five-point programme as the National Front's programme of action. The principles of this programme are: 1. consolidate the results already achieved in security, West Irian and other matters; 2. overcome economic difficulties by giving priority to increasing production; 3. strengthen the cooperation of the revolutionary national front with Nasakom as its core, and continue the struggle against imperialism and neo-colonialism; 4. expand and devote efforts to propaganda and educational work; 5. carry out reorganisation of the state apparatus, including the government from the centre to the regions. The National Front's five-point programme is consistent with the policy of the PKI. President Sukarno's role is extremely important in strengthening the Indonesian national united front, especially in strengthening Nasakom cooperation and strengthening the organisation of the National Front. President Sukarno firmly opposes Communist-phobia; in doing so he is joining efforts to smash one of imperialism's most important weapons, namely the anti-Communist weapon, the policy of splitting the unity of the people. The fact that the PKI and the other progressive forces in Indonesia continue to develop proves that the PKI's cooperation with the national bourgeoisie and the existence of a broad National Front do not in the least hinder the Indonesian proletariat from organising the revolution. On the contrary, cooperation with the national bourgeoisie and the existence of a broad National Front help the PKI to organise the revolution. This proves that Indonesian Communists maintain their independence but are flexible in their attitude to the other revolutionary classes and groups. This proves that the PKI adheres to the principles of Marxism-Leninism but is flexible in applying them. You comrades already know that on 1 May 1963 one-fifth of Indonesia's territory, West Irian, was liberated from Dutch colonial rule. Thus there is no part of Indonesian territory left occupied by foreign troops. This is thanks to the heroic struggle of the Indonesian people and to the support of the socialist countries and progressive people throughout the world. I should like to express the heartfelt thanks of the Indonesian people to the Korean people, the Korean Workers' Party and Comrade Kim Il Sung for their support when we were fighting to liberate West Irian. After the collapse of Dutch colonial rule in West Irian, one stage of the Indonesian people's anti-imperialist struggle has ended and a new stage has begun. The struggle in this new stage means that the Indonesian people can concentrate all their attention on the struggle against US imperialism. The United States is the number one enemy and the most dangerous enemy of the Indonesian people. The Indonesian people and the Korean people have a common number one enemy. The US imperialists are using every means to exploit Indonesia's present economic difficulties to encroach on the Republic of Indonesia. The United States pursues a neo-colonialist policy, directly or through the International Monetary Fund, in an attempt to make Indonesia dependent on them. But this malicious conduct of the United States is increasingly being exposed. The Indonesian people are waging a resolute struggle against it, and also against its agents, the compradors and bureaucrat capitalists. These facts will only strengthen the friendly relations between the Indonesian people and the Korean people. The PKI is fully confident that the Indonesian people too can defeat US imperialism, just as they heroically defeated Japanese fascism and Dutch colonialism. In continuing the struggle against imperialism, the resolute attitude of Indonesian Communists is expressed in the slogan "a gun in one hand, a hoe in the other". This slogan, reflecting the people's readiness to take up arms to fight imperialism and to build the country's economy, has been warmly welcomed by the Indonesian people. In the struggle against imperialism, the Indonesian people and the Communist Party fully support the holding of the Games of the New Emerging Forces [GANEFO] in Jakarta this year. The success of the Games of the New Emerging Forces will show that even in sport the imperialists cannot do as they please. (3) The Indonesian people congratulate Korea on its achievements in socialist construction Dear comrades and friends! We were very glad to hear that you have already laid the foundation for a self-sufficient heavy industry with a powerful machine-building industry at its core. These achievements delight and impress the friends of the Korean people and frighten the enemies of the Korean people. We Indonesian people, as friends of the Korean people, pay tribute to the achievements you have already made. These astonishing achievements were made under the correct leadership of the Central Committee of the Korean Workers' Party headed by Comrade Kim Il Sung. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has made achievements not only in industry but also great achievements in agriculture. I do not think I exaggerate in saying that, among the socialist countries, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is one of the most advanced countries in agriculture, able to rely on itself for food and clothing without depending on imports. Korea's agriculture has been mechanised with machines made by Korea itself. Although the people and government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea suffered three years of the war of aggression by the US imperialists, they have achieved tremendous results. Electric lights now illuminate most villages in northern Korea, and irrigation has made the arable land fertile. The mechanisation of agriculture and the development of industry continue rapidly. This shows how correct is the Korean Workers' Party's line of building an independent national economy. Because the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is politically self-reliant and economically independent, it means that it has stood up firmly on its own two legs. The more independent Korea's national economy is, the firmer its economic foundation. All this is a victory not only of the Korean people but also of the entire socialist camp and the international communist movement. In your country there is no longer the unemployment and hunger that existed before the victory of the revolution. Today all children go to school free of charge – indeed they must go to school – and they can enter institutions of higher learning at the state's expense. They go to school in uniforms of various colours. It really looks delightful, a paradise for children. Although I and the PKI delegation I lead have been in your country only a short time, we have seen that the Korean people live happily and work with enthusiasm. Because the Korean people, under the leadership of the Korean Workers' Party and Comrade Kim Il Sung, live happily and work actively, they have eradicated unemployment, poverty, illiteracy and other social ills common to capitalist countries. Here we can see and experience that labour is respected and that labour creates great achievements. The Korean Workers' Party has succeeded in teaching the people to respect and love labour not only in words but in practice. As I have said, I came here in 1956. At that time I was already pleased with and admired the results you had achieved in the short period after defeating the American aggressors. But the achievements you have made now fill me with delight; the Chollima spirit fills the Korean people with courage and makes them work and build with enthusiasm and creativity, achieving great successes. Now you are carrying out the Seven-Year Plan, a plan for large-scale technical construction. You are also pushing the cultural revolution forward, fundamentally improving the people's living conditions, realising socialist industrialisation and equipping all branches of the national economy with the most modern technology. According to the information we have received, 95 per cent of machines are already made by Korea itself. In 1962 you produced 1.2 million tons of pig iron, more than 1 million tons of steel, nearly 1 million tons of chemical fertiliser, 13 million tons of coal and 10 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity. I am convinced that you will fulfil the Seven-Year Plan completely. I dare to say this because I have seen this spirit of labour and your enthusiasm and the Chollima spirit that propels the people of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea forward. On the basis of the Chollima spirit the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has produced 5 million tons of grain and 250 million metres of cloth – which means 25 metres per person per year – and built housing for 200,000 families, and so on. As I have said, all this is not only a victory for the people of northern Korea but also a great inspiration to the working people of South Korea to continue the struggle against US imperialism and its agents, the South Korean militarists. All this is also a shining example for the peoples of countries that have not yet become independent in their struggle to liberate themselves, and an example for the peoples of Asia and Africa. The progress the Korean people have made in building socialism has confirmed the correctness of the line of the Korean Workers' Party under the leadership of its Marxist-Leninist Central Committee. The achievements and fruits of labour of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in building socialism and raising the people's living standards contribute greatly to the development of the international communist movement and of progressive movements everywhere. Indonesian progressives and Communists watch these achievements with joy. And, like you, we are angry at the cruel suppression of the heroically struggling people of South Korea. Indonesian Communists and Indonesian progressives have strongly protested against these atrocities and have held rallies in support of the South Korean people's struggle. The South Korean people's struggle against US imperialism has the full sympathy of Indonesian Communists and progressives. This proves that Indonesian Communists and progressives stand in the same line with the Korean people in opposing US imperialism and in wanting to drive US imperialism out of Korean territory. Korea's destiny must be held in the hands of the Korean people themselves, and the American occupation forces must get out of South Korea. We are convinced that the unification of Korea will not be a distant matter. Thanks to the struggle of the people of northern and southern Korea and the support of progressive forces throughout the world, this joyful moment is already in sight. No force can stop this historical inevitability. (4) Striving for the unity of Marxist-Leninists throughout the world On the basis of Marxism-Leninism, and especially of the 1957 Declaration of the Communist Parties and the 1960 Statement of the Communist Parties, the Indonesian Communist Party, in its relations with the communist parties of all countries, is a Marxist-Leninist party that holds high the banner of independence, equality, equal rights and equal duties. In this respect we are inspired by an old Indonesian proverb: "Share hardship, share joy." By firmly upholding its independent position and correctly facing the problems it confronts, the PKI has not only not been affected by the serious differences of principle in the international communist movement but has even, during the period of serious differences, been tempered politically, ideologically and organisationally. Nevertheless we feel and are aware that the question of preserving unity within a party is much more difficult in capitalist countries than in socialist ones, because in capitalist countries the bourgeoisie's propaganda machine does as it pleases, exploiting disputes among the communist parties to split the ranks of the communist parties and to discourage part of the working masses. But if a Marxist-Leninist party in a capitalist country firmly maintains its independent position and correctly faces such differences, it is possible to struggle against this. Therefore, during the period when such differences arise in the international communist movement, the decrease in the membership of a communist party cannot be blamed on the existence of differences in the international communist movement. What do I mean by correctly facing the differences in the international communist movement? I mean that PKI members, especially its cadres, should study these differences seriously, so that the existence of the differences spurs PKI members to study Marxism-Leninism more seriously and make greater efforts to think for themselves, and thus to be able to draw conclusions from their own thinking, in order to win victory in the Indonesian people's revolution, strengthen the unity of Marxist-Leninists throughout the world and win victory in the world socialist revolution. An independent position by no means signifies a neutral position, nor in any way a wavering position. No, the independent position is the only correct position, the Marxist-Leninist position; such a position is absolutely necessary for preserving and consolidating the unity of the party, for maintaining greater creativity and for actively contributing to the international communist movement. The easiest position to adopt, but not the most reliable, is that of following a certain party, a position of simply accepting the orders of one party. This position is easy to adopt and one need not think much, because other parties have already done the thinking, both on programme and on political line. But this position – which Indonesian Communists call modern dogmatism – is not the correct position. It is a bureaucratic position, the position of a bull led by the nose, so that it can easily be led here or there. Such a party, if it is still called a party, cannot be creative, cannot be combative, and cannot produce leaders with working-class qualities. In the end the membership of such a party will decrease and become out of date, its ranks will fall apart and the masses will rise up against the leadership responsible. Such leaders will be worthless, because they have sold themselves to the imperialists and the reactionaries of that country. An independent position does not mean being stubborn and unwilling to accept the views of fraternal parties. An independent position is precisely being ready to accept the views of fraternal parties, but only after thorough thought, and after these views have been united with all the creative ability and wisdom of the proletariat of the country concerned. Indonesian Communists listen wholeheartedly to the views of fraternal parties, and if these are in line with the needs of the Indonesian revolution and the needs of strengthening the international communist movement, Indonesian Communists are happy to accept them. That is why Indonesian Communists are willing to meet and hold discussions with the leaders of fraternal parties and are willing to see for themselves what the fraternal parties have already done in their own countries. In this way, opinions expressed in analysing the views of fraternal parties can be more objective. If we Indonesian Communists have not changed our view of the Yugoslav revisionists, it is not because we are die-hards but because we see no reason to change our view as set out in the 1960 Statement of the Communist Parties, namely that we have a duty to expose the Yugoslav revisionists further and to defend the communist and workers' movement from the anti-Leninist views of the Yugoslav revisionists. The Yugoslav revisionists have become ever more crude and ever more shameless; they use the cloak of "non-alignment" to serve the imperialists, undermine the socialist camp, undermine Afro-Asian unity, undermine the trade union movement by peddling their concept of a "non-aligned" workers' conference, support the imperialist plan of Malaysia, and interfere in Indonesia's internal affairs, for example by opposing the establishment of the Nasakom cabinet that the progressive Indonesian people now strongly demand, and so on. That is why Indonesian Communists still consider it necessary to condemn the modern revisionists. To stop condemning modern revisionists would mean no longer taking the revolutionary road and would mean helping to split the international communist movement, to split the progressive and revolutionary movements and the movement for democracy, national independence and world peace throughout the world. Whether or not to condemn modern revisionists is the easiest yardstick for measuring whether a Marxist-Leninist party is pure, faithful to Marxism-Leninism, faithful to proletarian internationalism, and faithful to the 1957 Declaration and the 1960 Statement. Our international communist movement is now at a very important and decisive juncture, because it is going through a process of selection which will determine who are pure Marxist-Leninists and who are false Marxist-Leninists. This is a question that must be thought through carefully, because, considering that right now there are some leaders calling themselves Marxist-Leninists who behave like social democrats, that is: they ally with the imperialists and the domestic reactionaries to attack, persecute and imprison genuine Marxist-Leninists. The confusion that has arisen within the communist parties and in the international communist movement cannot be ignored, because to ignore it would mean putting the proletariat and the working people in a state of confusion without trustworthy leadership. Dear comrades and friends! Briefly, this is what I wanted to say to this warm and friendly mass rally, and I thank you all for your concern. I have said these things under the title "The friendship between the peoples of Indonesia and Korea will last for ever" only in order to give a brief introduction to Indonesian society, the Indonesian revolution and the Indonesian Communist Party, and to the PKI's position on a number of domestic and international questions. I believe that to establish and strengthen friendship between countries and between peoples, everyone must work to promote mutual understanding, especially understanding of each other's society, each other's revolution and each other's Marxist-Leninist party. To understand all this is to understand the heart of the question of friendship between countries and between peoples. I hope, and am confident, that the present close friendship between our two peoples and our two Marxist-Leninist parties will grow and be strengthened day by day. The firmer this bond of friendship, the heavier the blows we strike against US imperialism and its partners. In concluding this short speech I want to cry out from the depths of my heart: Long live the eternal friendship between the Indonesian people and the Korean people! Long live the Marxist-Leninist friendship between the Indonesian Communist Party and the Korean Workers' Party! Long live the unity of Marxist-Leninists throughout the world! Victory and glory to the Marxist-Leninists of the whole world! Workers of the world and oppressed nations, unite! Komapsumnida (Korean: "Thank you").