D.N. Aidit, Laporan politik pada Pleno IV CC PKI yang diperluas, 'Tingkatkan ofensif revolusioner di segala bidang' (Renmin Ribao, 12 Juni 1965) (艾地主席在印度尼西亚共产党四中全会扩大会议上作的政治报告)

人民日报 Renmin Ribao, 1965-06-12, 第3版 (page 3)标题: 艾地主席在印度尼西亚共产党四中全会扩大会议上作的政治报告在各方面加紧发动革命攻势！ English gloss: Aidit political report to PKI CC plenum: Gerwani Marxist educationSource: 人民日报图文数据库 (People's Daily database), via Columbia University Libraries; article URL http://data.people.com.cn/rmrb/19650612/3/f915fadbdcd240698c896b5b6cc239dcRetrieved 2026-10-18. Article full text as given by the database (replaces the earlier snippet-only file; full-page scan is in the matching PDF).艾地主席在印度尼西亚共产党四中全会扩大会议上作的政治报告在各方面加紧发动革命攻势！ 新华社雅加达十一日电 印度尼西亚共产党中央委员会主席迪·努·艾地五月十一日在印度尼西亚共产党中央委员会第四次全体（扩大）会议上作了政治报告，题目是《在各方面加紧发动革命攻势！》报告的摘要如下：一、加紧发动革命攻势，创造政治气氛，以适应在经济上和建设上扭转方向的方针艾地首先指出，这次第四次全体会议是“在这样的革命形势下召开的：以纳沙贡为核心的民族团结日益巩固；全国反帝的精神正在高涨；亚非和新兴力量的团结精神有了高度发扬；捍卫越南人民打退美帝国主义的野蛮侵略的国际主义精神得到发扬”。报告指出，“进一步发展上述一切好的方面，是每个印度尼西亚革命者所负的光荣任务。这也是我们这次中央委员会第四次全体会议的任务。我们决心在各个方面加紧发动革命攻势来完成这项任务。发动革命攻势是为了促使革命形势向前发展，是为了促使革命形势成熟！”报告指出，“我们以高度的共产主义精神同印度尼西亚人民的其他革命力量共同发动了革命攻势。发表了将近六年的政治宣言，在加强发动攻势方面起了非常重要的作用。在这个期间，人民的敌人一直没有停止过反抗，但是革命的攻势愈来愈猛烈，以致迫使政治宣言的敌人一个接一个垮台。政治宣言的攻势是为了坚决地捍卫根据政治宣言教导制定的印度尼西亚革命的总路线，即建立以工农为支柱、以纳沙贡为核心、以建国五项原则的观念为基础的民族阵线，来完成民族民主革命，走向印度尼西亚的社会主义。“党坚决遵循印度尼西亚革命的这一总路线，一向推动形势向前发展。国内形势在苏加诺总统发表题为《不怕危险生活的一年》的讲话后，取得了巨大的发展；这篇讲话激发了全体人民在以纳沙贡为核心的民族合作之下采取群众行动来反对帝国主义和新老殖民主义，反对买办资本家、官僚资本家和封建地主，特别是为了打破在贯彻土地基本法和收成分配合同法时的停滞状态，粉碎颠覆分子，反革命分子和伪善的政治宣言者。“印度尼西亚人民粉碎头号敌人美帝国主义的斗争日益高涨，在采取抗议向‘马来西亚’提供‘积极援助’、即提供武器援助的行动时，和采取声援越南人民反对美国侵略的英勇斗争的行动时，甚至接管了美国企业。这一事件是在中央委员会一九六三年二月举行第一次全体会议决定美帝国主义是印度尼西亚人民的头号敌人后，只不过两年多一些的时间发生的。这是非凡的革命成就！”报告指出，“到处都觉醒起来了，人民群众的各个阶层都以加强民族团结的高昂的精神展开活动。我们通过以纳沙贡为核心的民族团结的力量，成功地给了人民的敌人以沉重的打击，群众对于一定能击败敌人的信心已经越来越坚定。“但是生活本身证明，从具体的情况来看，敌人还有不可忽视的力量。因此，一切革命者，特别是共产党人都必须更坚决遵循以纳沙贡为核心的民族团结的原则，必须更加善于确定在各个时期的尽可能小的打击面，并建立尽可能广泛的阵线。确定尽可能小的打击面意味着我们应当集中打击最顽固的革命的敌人。具体详细地认识敌人，并真正了解在他们中间所存在的矛盾的各种形式，以及他们同社会各阶层的各种矛盾。建立尽可能广泛的阵线意味着我们应当能够真正团结一切可以团结的力量，以便在一定的群众斗争浪潮中达到目的。我们应当敢于和善于联合，带动我们的同盟者来加强我们的共同斗争。“当帝国主义者看到以纳沙贡为核心的民族团结日益巩固，能够进一步促进并加强人民反对帝国主义和反对封建主义的斗争，他们就采取种种反动措施，建立他们认为更有效的反革命力量的‘神圣同盟’的新结合。美英帝国主义为维护新殖民主义产物‘马来西亚’而进行的合作有了更加具体的表现，即美国以武器援助的形式向‘马来西亚’提供的‘积极援助’。他们暂时放弃同印度尼西亚国内的老右派力量的合作，因为它们的头目早就被揭露了，而且显然是无能为力来面对人民的革命浪潮，他们同官僚资本家和托洛茨基挑衅分子等反革命力量进行了新的勾结。他们希望帝国主义力量同未被充分揭露的、非常虚伪的官僚资本家和托洛茨基分子的头目所进行的新的勾结，将会扭转印度尼西亚的革命形势，掀起反革命的逆流。“帝国主义者、官僚资本家和托洛茨基分子的勾结是反革命在一九六四年活动的特点。他们的主要目的是企图把印度尼西亚人民同帝国主义之间的矛盾转化为印度尼西亚人民内部的矛盾。他们在‘建国五项原则主义’和‘苏加诺主义’的幌子下，采取所谓‘支持苏加诺主义机构’运动的形式，执行‘反共’和‘反苏加诺’的政策。这一切活动都是按照美国中央情报局和情报组织的指挥棒进行的。但是由于人民对加诺兄的学说完全不是反对共产主义的这一点很清楚，所以在短时间内，他们的假面具被揭开了，他们的伪善赤裸裸地暴露了出来。尤其是由于苏加诺总统和印度尼西亚政府对平民党采取了措施，包括对一些托洛茨基的重要人物（属于平民党的要人）采取了措施而出现政治明朗化后更是这样。这种措施含有非常重要的政治意义。印度尼西亚托洛茨基分子自一九二六年第一次民族起义失败和成立印度尼西亚共和国党而背叛印度尼西亚共产党起，就一直扮演着积极分裂民族团结的角色。在荷兰时期，在日本法西斯占领时期，在一九四五年八月十七日宣布独立后，以及到今天，他们还在继续进行分裂民族团结的活动。托洛茨基分子早就不仅叛离马克思主义，而且完全是政治匪徒，他们干的事不外乎是制造阴谋和政治罪行。托洛茨基分子披着马克思主义的外衣来反对马克思主义，用革命的和‘左’的口号来反对革命运动，使尚未受到政治教育的人民群众，在一定程度上能被他们拉拢。托洛茨基分子显然不是左派力量，也不是中间力量，而是有意识地反对共产党和反对纳沙贡的极右力量。因此，如果不对托洛茨基分子采取象苏加诺总统和印度尼西亚政府对他们所采取的那样的行动，要建立以纳沙贡为核心的民族团结是不可能的。”报告说，“显而易见，印度尼西亚人民反对分裂分子，特别是官僚资本家、托洛茨基分子的斗争，由于一九六四年十二月十二日一切政党宣布他们团结一致，由于取缔并解散了‘支持苏加诺主义机构’、禁止平民党及其所属的一切群众团体，并撤换中央至地方的民族阵线和国家机构的平民党人，吊销‘支持苏加诺主义机构’报纸的出版，苏加诺总统下令解散所有‘支持苏加诺主义机构’的支持者和走狗，已经达到了胜利的高潮。这一切都是以纳沙贡为核心的民族团结的伟大胜利，也是为了保卫印度尼西亚共和国的安全而采取的重要措施。”报告指出，“实际情况是，印度尼西亚人民目前正在革命形势下生活和斗争。当前革命形势的主要特点是：（一）人民群众已经积极地为实现能使他们的生活得到改善的改革而斗争；（二）在政权中反对人民的方面愈加受到排斥，而拥护人民的方面愈加占优势，并且政府的政策符合人民的要求的越来越多；（三）人民群众的斗争愈加广泛，使人民群众在社会生活和国家政治生活中所起的作用更大和更有决定性。“我国目前的国内外政策并非只是由国家的领导人制订的。印度尼西亚人民群众积极地并自觉地通过下列斗争使我国的国内外政策得以形成：在大街上举行示威游行，接管外国垄断资本在种植园、炼油厂、工厂的企业，通过群众大会同国家领导人一起显示了自己的力量，在电影院里抵制美帝国主义影片，农民粉碎农村恶魔的斗争，等等”。“任何人，只要愿意继续高举革命的旗帜，就应该很好地认识和了解这一革命形势。一旦人民成为国家政策的制订者，今后就得对此加以维护和发展。为此，我们的口号是：‘攻势意味着成功和胜利。防御意味着挫折和失败’。“印度尼西亚人民要赢得胜利！因此，唯一的道路是，发动革命攻势，发动为赢得每天的革命胜利的攻势。“本着革命攻势的精神，党已经成功地在我国政治形势的发展方面造成了转折点，制止了在去年年底的最后几个月以‘制造建国五项原则’骚乱的形式出现的反共和反民族的宣传活动。这所以可能是由于党在此以前已经成功地发动了巨大的群众力量，例如在一九六四年成功地完成了两大任务，即：第一、关于全爪哇的农民和农民运动情况的调查工作。这次调查的成功，不仅使农民运动更顺利地发展，而且也使党的队伍提高了觉悟，使他们认识到，党的工作只有同调查工作结合，才会取得良好的成绩。这一觉悟的提高必将推动印度尼西亚共产党和群众运动更加迅速地发展。第二、革命文艺会议的召开是党在文艺政策方面的巨大胜利。由于革命文艺会议的成功，党，特别是党的从事文艺活动的干部得到了正确和伟大的纲领的武装，这一纲领推动和鼓舞了他们更多和更好地进行创作，以便击垮捍卫帝国主义和封建主义文化的堡垒。“在一九六四年所取得的成就的鼓舞下，印度尼西亚人民在一九六五年初、不仅对美帝国主义展开了猛攻，包括接管它的企业，而且也使临时人民协商会议第三次大会和万隆会议十周年庆祝活动取得了辉煌的成就。”报告在阐述官僚资本家的特点后说，“官僚资本家的这些特点证实了他们在经济上和政治上的具体作法大大损害了国家和人民。他们同外国垄断资本家，特别是同美国垄断资本家进行合作，在承包、联合事业、联合企业的形式下，和在其它各种外国垄断资本投资性质的新的合作形式下对印度尼西亚进行掠夺。”报告说，印度尼西亚共产党在一九六二年十月十日的声明中，已要求对经济问题给予巨大的重视。“在印度尼西亚共产党中央委员会一九六四年十一月三日致政府的备忘录中，印度尼西亚共产党人强调，希望政府回到经济宣言并彻底执行经济宣言。政府用不着寻找新的方案，因为我们已有了正确的方案——经济宣言，它是包括短期的和长期的经济方案，加诺兄称之为经济上的政治宣言。而目前需要做的是，忠实、勇敢和坚决地遵守并贯彻执行。”报告说，“荷兰资本被接管以后，外国资本的总数约达十一亿美元，其中绝大部分是英美资本。”“一九五四年到一九六一年期间，美孚真空石油公司、德士古石油公司和壳牌石油公司投下的资本达二亿二千二百万美元之多，它们在这八年的外汇收入不少于二十二亿八千五百万美元，或者说多于它们投资的十倍。由此可见，外国垄断资本仅在石油方面的外汇收入每年平均就达二亿八千五百多万美元。从上述的数字可以看出我国的石油资源具有多么大的价值，这些石油被外国帝国主义者运出国外，使国家和印度尼西亚人民遭受损失。“如果坚决地接管英美的资本，那么就可以这么说，在印度尼西亚以直接投资形式表现的外国垄断统治的主要阵地将被铲除。“目前，印度尼西亚共和国对上述资本的控制，不过才达到由一个有工人代表参加的政府工作队进行监督的阶段，但是，这个工人代表还没有足够的代表性。因此，印度尼西亚劳动人民必须加强斗争，直到上述英美的企业被没收并转为国营企业为止。“如果印度尼西亚占有、完全控制并扩充这些油田，那么这将意味着：（一）为在经济方面实行自力更生的原则创造了一个重要条件，因为石油除了带来大量外汇收入之外，它在国民经济建设中也具有很重要的动力来源作用。（二）削弱国内的买办分子、官僚资本家、颠覆运动和反革命的靠山。（三）减少帝国主义生存的源泉。“采取接管帝国主义在印度尼西亚的财产的行动，打中了帝国主义的要害。但是，我们丝毫也不能松懈。必须继续不断地给予打击，直到把美帝国主义和其它以任何形式表现出来的帝国主义从印度尼西亚的土地上清除掉为止。”报告还谈到了工人反对英美帝国主义的政治行动，报告说，在政治行动方面，特别是反对英美帝国主义的行动方面，工人的情绪表现很高。报告在列举了印度尼西亚工人接管一系列美国企业的行动后指出，“这一行动不仅是来自下面的群众行动，而且也是因为它同上面的斗争结合起来。这一成就是执行‘上下革命’路线的结果。“工人对在今年内结束美国在印度尼西亚的全部企业史的决心，仍然很大。工人敦促政府没收美国的企业把它们变为国营企业，并吸收工人参加企业管理。“这种充满爱国英雄主义的反帝行动和接管行动把印度尼西亚人民带到更伟大的凯旋门去，即临时人民协商会议第三次大会和万隆会议十周年庆祝活动的成功。”报告说，“一九六四年期间人民群众的行动的缺点是，对成为国内反革命中心的官僚资本家打击得不够。因此，在一九六五年应当更进一步加速采取行动，要求撤换所有国家机关、国营企业和国营贸易企业的官僚资本家。这项任务应当通过更进一步加强以纳沙贡为核心的工人统一战线和民族统一战线来完成。”政治报告还谈了农村反对封建主义行动的问题。报告说，“由于中央委员会第二次全体会议作出了正确的决定，由于党在一九六四年二月至五月在整个爪哇进行大规模的调查取得了成就，农民为打破土地基本法和收获分成合同法实施工作陷入停滞状态所采取的行动，越来越广泛和高涨。”“农民采取的反对农村封建主义残余的广泛行动，已加强了反对帝国主义的斗争，因为封建主义残余是帝国主义的社会基础，而农村七魔是帝国主义在农村的‘触须’。如果在我国农村，农民的革命斗争没有发动起来，全国就不可能象目前那样有力地反对帝国主义。”“我们党所面临的任务是使反对封建主义的行动同反对帝国主义的行动协调起来。”报告指出，“农民行动的广泛高涨，考验了一切政党和团体的要人，他们是无保留地团结起来站到前头去领导农民的真正革命者呢，还是站在一边或站在后头讥笑和辱骂农民，还是手握刺刀站在前头去反对和镇压农民行动的彻头彻尾的反动分子？”政治报告还谈到了整顿国家机构并把它们纳沙贡化的问题。报告说，“为了克服国内各种问题，尤其在实现工作内阁的三项新纲领方面，中央委员会第二次全体会议提出了各项必须具备的最低限度条件，其中是政府制度民主化的问题。”关于这方面，报告说：“那些头脑或思想已经陈旧腐朽而不能适应政治宣言的地方首长和副首长及其他重要的官员，应当由政治宣言者来接替，所有地方互助合作议会的领导，所有的日常政权机构以及同政权、经济和文化有关的所有机构的成员必须纳沙贡化；各个部局不容许成为恐纳沙贡的人的巢穴。”在谈到关于政府制度民主化的问题时，艾地说，“我们仍然要求立即举行民主普选，来选举人民协商会议、议会和地方议会。普选将产生以纳沙贡为核心的民族力量的合理的比例。”报告认为，“普选可以采用这样的办法：同时在全印度尼西亚举行村长或乡长的选举。在选举村长或乡长时，让各政党和团体推荐一个或几个候选人。把每个政党和团体在各乡村和城市所得的票数统计在一起。以这些票数的比例作为改革地方议会、日常政权机构、互助合作议会和临时人民协商会议的基础。这种选举办法是现实的、民主的和经济的，因为过去到现在，政府从未拨过经费来举行乡长或村长的选举。”艾地指出，在国家机构的整顿中，“最重要的乃是成立以纳沙贡为核心的内阁”，“成立以纳沙贡为核心的互助合作内阁，目前不再是只有一集团或者若干集团的要求，而已经是全体印度尼西亚人民通过在上月举行的临时人民协商会议第三次大会上提出的要求。”“为此，我们还必须加强革命攻势，以便把反人民分子从内阁中清除出去，并成立以纳沙贡为核心的互助合作内阁”。二、在新兴力量的核心，革命形势不断高涨和成熟政治报告的第二部分谈到了国际形势。报告指出，“在新兴力量的核心，即在亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲革命形势在不断地令人振奋地发展。在各方面同旧势力的对抗中越来越强大的新兴力量正在继续向前发展，从一个胜利走向另一个更大的胜利。”艾地在谈到越南问题时说，“越南南方人民反对世界恶魔美帝国主义的游击战争，已经得到了全世界各民族的关切和同情。在越南南方，美帝国主义及其傀儡政权正在遭到狠狠的打击。人民的游击队在四年前还弱小，人数不多，而现在已从地方军和民兵游击队发展成为解放军了。在越南南方，所有的人民力量，不论是在解放区还是在敌占区，已经是一支强大和了不起的政治和军事力量。在这场斗争中，人民群众大大地发挥了他们的创造力，来粉碎敌人。“越南南方的五分之四以上的土地和一千万的居民被解放了，这些解放区已经成为强大的根据地。“相反地，美帝国主义者，由于面临死胡同而更加慌乱。“美帝国主义者开始表现将把‘特种战争’改为局部战争，即把基本上利用傀儡政府和傀儡军的战争变为直接利用美国自己的军队的公开战争。‘战略村’、‘直升飞机战术’的试验，‘不宣而战’的‘特种战争’的一切试验都是巨大的失败。目前，帝国主义者只有等待被人把他们从越南南方的领土上赶出去的时候了。“美帝国主义者在遭到各种失败和面对这条死胡同时，愈加不顾一切地开始把他们肮脏的战争扩大到越南民主共和国的领土。“目前他们用滥施轰炸的办法把战争扩大到北方，其目的是为了吓唬人民，同时也是为了挽救他们在越南南方所面临的困难局面。但是，这恰好说明他们不是强大，而是软弱。他们以为，通过这些轰炸，越南南方人民军的进攻就会减少。他们估计错了。他们看来不懂得，北方人民和南方人民是一个整体。对越南民主共和国进行轰炸，更加燃起越南南方人民战斗的火焰”。“美国采取这种冒险行为，它的命运已经看出来了，它不会越来越强大，不会在军事上取得胜利，相反地，它将被粉碎，并将失去一切。”“全世界的人民支持越南人民，他们以无比愤怒的心情采取最严厉的抗议行动，谴责并惩罚自第二次世界大战以来所发生的史无前例的侵略、野蛮和残暴的行为。甚至在美国本国，数以千计的人民，包括科学家在内，举行示威，抗议这种野蛮的侵略。印度尼西亚人民表示了他们的坚强意志，并准备当志愿人员，同越南人民肩并肩地把美帝国主义军队从越南赶出去。”艾地说，“美国对越南南方人民或对越南民主共和国日益加紧采取军事行动，是为了取得‘实力地位’的目的，以便强迫召开政治谈判。此事意味着美国资产阶级实际上已经承认‘越南问题’的解决不能再用军事手段来实现。“现在，约翰逊及其助手——如官方和自动出面的吴丹、英国社会民主党政府的威尔逊以及现代修正主义者，苦苦地哀求举行‘无条件’的谈判以和平解决越南问题。在铁托倡议下举行的十七国代表会议所提出的关于举行无条件的谈判来解决越南问题的建议，实质上是为了帮助美国，使美国在受到越南南方人民解放军的猛烈打击因而打得美国及其傀儡焦头烂额时能有一个它所非常需要的‘喘息时间’。但是，有谁相信帝国主义和现代修正主义充满毒素和骗人的嘴巴呢？‘喘息的时间’，完全是为了加强自己，重新组织力量，以便对越南南方人民和越南民主共和国，而且也对中华人民共和国发动更大的进攻。”艾地在报告中强调指出，解决越南问题必须根据越南民主共和国总理范文同所提出的四点主张。艾地说，“越南的形势有向这两方面发展的可能性：“一、美帝国主义在还没有把它的‘特种战争’变为扩大到越南民主共和国的局部战争之前遭到失败，被迫接受越南人民提出的条件。二、美国把它的‘特种战争’变为扩大到越南民主共和国的局部战争。在这个问题上，可以肯定，中国是不会置之不理的，正如中国一再表示的那样。如果发生这种情况，那么大战是无法防止的，而美国将遭到更大的失败。”报告指出，“印度尼西亚人民决心做出一切努力支援越南南方人民在今年内把美国赶走。正如在印度尼西亚民族阵线中央委员会和越南南方民族解放阵线中央委员会一九六五年四月二十五日发表的联合声明中所表明的，越南南方人民唯一合法的代表是越南南方民族解放阵线。对越南的进攻就是对我们的进攻，这就是印度尼西亚人民的立场。换句话说，印度尼西亚人民支援越南人民，也就是支援自己，和支援自己的斗争。”艾地说，“南越人民斗争取得辉煌成就的经验教育了我们，一旦人民觉醒起来，掌握了自己的命运，就没有任何力量能粉碎他们。现代修正主义者和那些一贯以‘有核牙齿’的美帝国主义‘厉害’和‘还强大’来恫吓人民的人，最好也从‘有人民牙齿’的历史进程‘吸取教训’！这些经验将使世界上其它国家的人民更勇敢反对野蛮粗暴的美帝国主义，并且愈加相信自己的力量和能力。”艾地在谈到老挝问题时说，“老挝目前遭到美帝国主义者的滥施轰炸，美帝国主义企业把这个国家作为进攻中华人民共和国和越南民主共和国的跳板和军事基地。但是，这里也象在越南和柬埔寨的情况一样，帝国主义者遭到在老挝爱国战线党和巴特寮的领导下的老挝人民的反击。“解决老挝问题的唯一办法是，把美帝国主义从老挝赶出去，正确地执行一九六二年关于老挝问题的日内瓦国际会议协议和苏黎世协议以及查尔平原会议决议，让老挝人民自己在没有外来干涉下解决老挝问题。别的解决办法是没有的。”“我们相信，在老挝爱国战线党和苏发努冯亲王的正确领导下，老挝人民将赢得最后胜利，并把美国从老挝的土地上赶出去。”艾地在报告中赞扬了柬埔寨人民反对美帝国主义的英勇斗争。他说，“柬埔寨人民以豪壮的语言——战斗的语言回答美帝国主义对他们采取侵入柬埔寨领土和武装恐怖的挑衅。（今年）三月在金边举行的印度支那人民会议是对美帝国主义在这个地区的野蛮残暴行动的具体回答，这表明了印度支那人民有勇气和有能力来克服所面临的一切问题并战胜一切困难。“我们很高兴地欢迎西哈努克的声明，他表示准备举行关于柬埔寨问题的谈判，并坚决拒绝把越南问题列入谈判议程。西哈努克拒绝美国、泰国和西贡政权参加这次谈判的态度是正确的，因为这些国家不是一九五四年日内瓦协议的签字国。我们对柬埔寨决定同美国断绝外交关系的勇敢行动表示敬意。”报告还谈到了日本人民反对美帝国主义和日本垄断政权的斗争。艾地说，日本人民“反对美国‘海龙号’核潜艇驶进佐世保港口的群众行动，不仅对日本本国具有重要的意义，而且也具有国际意义。日本人民采取的行动不仅是反对美国的核潜艇驶进日本港口，而且还具有更高的要求：例如，撤销美国在日本的军事基地、取消日美‘安全条约’、取消日韩基本条约，这一条约危害朝鲜的重新统一和亚洲的安全。这些行动得到我们和全世界人民的充分支持。”艾地指出，“反对美帝国主义的斗争的风也开始有劲地吹到菲律宾来了。”他说，争取独立的斗争火焰“仍然在菲律宾真正爱国者的胸膛里燃烧着”，“这一火焰又鼓舞了菲律宾工人和人民，他们最近举行罢工和采取其它反对美国的行动，特别是举行了巨大的示威，要求取消菲美不平等条约。菲律宾青年也展开了活动，反对招募菲律宾青年充当美帝国主义在越南南方所进行的肮脏战争的炮灰。”艾地在谈到泰国局势时指出，尽管为美帝国主义利益服务的他侬政权残酷地镇压，“泰国人民的呼声——独立和民主的呼声逐渐从革命者的隐避处开始响彻在自由的天空。”“泰国人民之声电台去年十二月八日宣布，泰国独立运动发表了一项含有泰国人民运动的纲领性和政策性的宣言”。艾地说，“这是使我们和全世界人民感到振奋的消息。”这表明，“帝国主义及其走狗到处遭到打击，就是它在东南亚的强大堡垒之一，例如泰国也不例外。”报告着重谈到了马来亚人民反对拉赫曼政权的斗争。艾地说，“马来亚人民在最近刚庆祝建党三十五周年的马来亚共产党的领导下，继续进行英勇的武装斗争。在北加里曼丹，群众运动继续发展，游击队的斗争越来越广泛，并且越来越得到当地人民群众的支持。在印度尼西亚人民和其它亚非国家人民的心目中，阿扎哈里总理领导下的北加里曼丹统一邦的威望越来越高。只有帝国主义和新老殖民主义的走狗，或在政治上愚蠢的人才同‘马来西亚’方面唱出同一调子对付北加里曼丹统一邦，即贬低它。最近，在庆祝万隆会议十周年活动前后，日本方面顺从美国的指挥棒设法成为印度尼西亚和‘马来西亚’的‘调解人’。但是，印度尼西亚人民没有上恶毒的圈套的当，这种恶毒的圈套企图偷偷地把‘马来西亚’带进即将举行的第二次亚非会议，企图为美国在东南亚带来‘安宁’，以便能把一切都集中到越南。不论是印度尼西亚人民或者是苏加诺总统都一致认为，将不参加由‘调解人’按美国的指挥棒所准备的会议来同‘马来西亚’进行谈判。“印度尼西亚人民无论什么时候，都不可能同意同‘马来西亚’方面进行谈判，如果这种谈判不会肯定的将导致解散‘马来西亚’、不会撤销在马来亚（包括新加坡）和北加里曼丹的一切外国军事基地，承认北加里曼丹统一邦为北加里曼丹的唯一合法政权的话。”报告分析了非洲、阿拉伯国家和拉丁美洲国家的形势。报告指出，“美帝国主义目前在多米尼加进行的武装侵略，遭到了拉丁美洲人民和全世界人民极为广泛和强烈的反对。“每天的消息证实了，亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲不仅越来越不喜欢美国，越来越敌视它，而且西欧各国和它自己的盟国也越来越不喜欢它，敌视它。”艾地说，“新兴力量阵营，即民族独立、社会主义、进步和和平的阵营在继续强大，不仅是由于各民族的民族独立运动取得了巨大的成就，而且也是由于中华人民共和国的科学和技术的发展结果，以及进行核弹爆炸试验成功的结果。中华人民共和国爆炸原子弹这件事，改变了世界力量对比使之有利于新兴力量。全世界人民以高兴的心情欢迎这一事件。只有帝国主义者和现代修正主义者对这次爆炸极为不高兴和愁眉苦脸。他们千方百计企图保持对核武器的垄断被粉碎了。“原子弹也有阶级性。原子弹掌握在帝国主义者手里，就会变成帝国主义者把它的侵略愿望强加于正在进行反对帝国主义和新老殖民主义而斗争的人民的身上的讹诈工具。原子弹掌握在帝国主义者的手里，就会危害独立、危害世界的安全和和平。”“相反地，原子弹掌握在社会主义国家的手里，就会加强各民族的独立斗争和巩固世界和平。任何正直的相信这条真理的人是不会否认这个事实的。”艾地谈到印度尼西亚退出联合国时指出，“苏加诺总统在今年一月七日正式宣布印度尼西亚共和国退出联合国。这一决定是真正符合印度尼西亚人民的愿望，并且是一个正确的、勇敢的和革命的行动。”“正如苏加诺总统所说的，民族独立的王冠不在于成为联合国的成员，而是善于实行自力更生。“印度尼西亚退出联合国后，只会带来不受帝国主义的束缚，因为联合国一向破坏我国的独立和主权。联合国现在实际上也成为美帝国主义间谍的通道。因此，印度尼西亚退出联合国后，更独立，更自由。“印度尼西亚退出联合国，这一行动不仅对印度尼西亚有利，不仅将推动印度尼西亚人民革命斗争进一步向前发展，而且也将推动亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲的人民和全世界人民反对帝国主义和新老殖民主义的斗争。”报告接着谈到了关于亚非会议和不结盟国家会议的问题。艾地说，“为了加强反对帝国主义的国际团结精神，特别是为了巩固亚非的合作和团结，一九六四年四月十日至十五日在雅加达举行了筹备召开第二次亚非会议的外长协商会议，有二十二个国家的代表出席了会议。“在印度尼西亚倡议下召开的这次外长协商会议，已成功地通过了十分重要的决定，例如，接受了三大法宝：在政治上自主、在经济上自力更生、在文化上具有特点。如果一个国家想摆脱帝国主义和新老殖民主义而获得完全独立，那么，这三项原则是不可缺少的条件。“在一九六四年十月五日至十日在开罗举行的第二次不结盟国家会议，反映了亚非拉人民继续粉碎帝国主义和新老殖民主义，支援各民族的民族独立运动和保卫世界和平的共同愿望。“会议已明确地强调，同帝国主义和新老殖民主义不能和平共处，因为帝国主义到处进行侵略，执行奴役政策。南斯拉夫和印度扮演的肮脏的角色已被彻底揭露。第二次不结盟国家会议作出了符合全世界热爱独立和世界和平的人民的愿望的良好的成绩。“一九六五年四月十七日到二十五日举行的有十四个亚非国家代表团参加的万隆会议十周年庆祝活动，已经取得了巨大的成功。万隆会议十周年庆祝活动不仅仅是一个群众性的、壮丽和盛大的节日。更重要的，它也是亚非进步的力量团结一致全力支援越南人民粉碎美帝国主义的英勇斗争的决心的表现。它是亚非革命力量加强它们的队伍和巩固亚非战斗团结（这是新兴力量粉碎旧势力斗争不可缺少的）的坚强意志的表现。”“亚非会议十周年庆祝活动已经为即将召开的第二次亚非会议指出了明确的反帝方向。”艾地指出，“印度尼西亚有责任维持并进一步发展亚非的革命形势。正如每个进步的和反帝的其它亚非国家那样，为了建立没有帝国主义的新世界而斗争，为争取和平而斗争，印度尼西亚负有重大的责任来继续积极地加强和巩固亚非国家和其它所有新兴力量国家的反帝团结。为此，印度尼西亚必须更坚决地反对英美帝国主义的一切恫吓和威胁，应当更加勇敢地为取消外国的军事基地，和撤退帝国主义的军队，以及反对在印度尼西亚尚存的帝国主义资本的利益而斗争。”“在亚非的日益高涨的革命形势中，发动攻势是唯一正确的态度。我们应当以革命攻势的姿态，促使在阿尔及尔举行的第二次亚非会议取得成功，并朝向召开新兴力量会议的道路走。在国际讲台发动的第一外交攻势是印度尼西亚目前需要做的，以便把世界的革命形势，特别是亚非的革命形势推向更高的顶端。”接着，政治报告谈了国际共产主义运动。艾地说，“在中央委员会第二次全体会议上，我们已经分析出四种类型的共产党，作为国际共产主义运动正在经历淘汰、明朗化和巩固过程的结果。四种类型的党目前仍然是个事实，因为马克思列宁主义小组和马克思列宁主义政党正在发展和日益增多。马克思列宁主义队伍日益强大。我们收到刚成立的马克思列宁主义政党或小组出版的刊物越来越多。这是令人兴奋的事，这说明马克思列宁主义是压不倒的，更不用说被机械的大多数票的表决机器所镇压。“人们可以对从原先的党的母体分化而成立的马克思列宁主义的党和小组说一切坏话，并以进行‘宗派行动’或‘分裂行动’的罪名加以指责。但是，这种行为仍然是革命的行为，因为对现代修正主义，确实要进行正面的斗争，要采取对抗政策。的确，必须反对现代修正主义并把它消灭。“我们党一向为国际共产主义运动作出积极的贡献。我们党在目前反对仍旧是国际共产主义运动的主要危险的现代修正主义的斗争中从来不退席，我们党不停地揭露现代修正主义向帝国主义投降，及背叛阶级斗争和各民族的独立斗争。因此，我们热烈欢迎赫鲁晓夫的下台。“赫鲁晓夫的下台是马克思列宁主义的一个重大胜利，是修正主义政策破产的表现。我们目睹了，由于赫鲁晓夫在苏联共产党最高领导的出现，苏联在国内外政策上犯了重大的错误（苏联共产党新领导自己承认了这点），而且也在国际共产主义运动中造成严重裂痕。赫鲁晓夫修正主义所造成的创伤是严重的。因此，赫鲁晓夫一下台，我们就说，赫鲁晓夫的下台，不仅对苏联共产党是好事，而且对印度尼西亚共产党也是好事。我们知道赫鲁晓夫所犯的错误和他为什么会摔筋斗的原因。每个马克思列宁主义者从赫鲁晓夫下台的事件所能吸取的教训是，任何人，如果想继承赫鲁晓夫已经破产的政治路线，并且不愿意远远抛弃现代修正主义的思想，他必将象赫鲁晓夫那样摔大筋斗。这已经成为历史规律，成为我们当代的规律和世界社会主义革命和马克思列宁主义胜利的时代的规律，目前的时代不是帝国主义和现代修正主义胜利的时代。“在赫鲁晓夫下台半年后，目前的国际共产主义运动的情况如何？我们还得看到这一事实：现代修正主义的危险并未减少。现代修正主义仍然是国际共产主义运动的主要危险。作为帝国主义者的孪生兄弟的现代修正主义者，全力以赴地继续推行赫鲁晓夫的修正主义思想和政策，以使局势在赫鲁晓夫垮台后不至于对他们不利。他们采用更狡猾和更伪善的办法继续努力推行现代修正主义，因此，更危险。这就是我们目前所面临的情况。这需要我们在高举马克思列宁主义的旗帜中保持最高的警惕和最大的革命毅力。“我们的党在加强马克思列宁主义基础上的国际共产主义运动的团结方面一向走在前头。我们必须非常珍视马克思列宁主义的团结，我们要象保护我们自己的眼珠那样来维护这一团结。我们的党始终强调这一必要性：召开共产党和工人党的国际会议必须真正是为了达到在马克思列宁主义基础上的国际共产主义运动的团结，必须是促进国际共产主义运动团结的加强，而不是使分歧更尖锐化，以致造成全面分裂。我们再一次强调，共产党和工人党的国际会议必须在协商的基础上作出最完善的准备及尊重各个党的平等权利和独立的情况下举行。这是不可缺少的条件！”报告指出，“正因为是这样，我们党拒绝参加在苏联共产党中央委员会倡议下于一九六五年三月一日在莫斯科举行的会议，苏联共产党中央委员会邀请了其它二十五个共产党和工人党，但是一部分共产党和工人党拒绝了，包括我们党在内。这次会议是根据赫鲁晓夫的计划召开的，目的只是为了使国际共产主义运动发生正式分裂。我们一贯主张，共产党和工人党的真正团结，即在马克思列宁主义、无产阶级国际主义及一九五七年莫斯科宣言和一九六○年莫斯科声明的革命原则的基础上的团结，必须把它置于首要的地位，同时，只要可能保持国际共产主义运动的表面团结，就继续保持。为了保持表面的团结，我们拒绝参加莫斯科三月一日的会议。我们采取这样的态度，来积极防止表面（团结）的破裂。“正如大家所知道的，三月一日会议已经发表了一项公报，当然，这项公报应由那些与会的党负责，不能硬拉我们党也去负责。我们党也不能对我们从一开始就不同意的会议的结果作出象苏联共产党中央委员会所希望那样的肯定的反应。这是理所当然的事，因为公报的内容显然远远不符合我们的看法，同我们对于国际共产主义运动中的基本问题的立场完全不一致。根据事实，三月一日会议完全没有促进各共产党和工人党的立场的接近。相反地，正如我们在给苏联共产党中央委员会答复他们邀请印度尼西亚共产党参加三月一日会议的印度尼西亚共产党中央委员会的信中所说的，这次会议只会给已开始缓和的论战火上加油。在三月一日会议后的情况确实这样。这并不是马克思列宁主义者的过错。我们也从来没有主张，必须停止公开论战。这点确实无法办到，只要国际工人阶级运动还存在机会主义，并在其中横行霸道的话。一九六五年三月一日会议不仅没有改善国际共产主义运动的气氛，反而使气氛恶化，因为这次会议并没有作出应有的准备和最完善的准备，不遵守各党平等权利的原则，不遵守协商的原则，而仍然遵从赫鲁晓夫的计划。如果没有具备上面的条件和没有所有共产党和工人党将出席会议的保证，共产党和工人党的国际会议确实无法取得成功的。要想国际会议成功召开，需要有完全新的基础，不是建立在已清楚地为一部分党所不同意的象被用来召开不幸的三月一日会议的基础。“我们党已表示过愿意参加共产党和工人党的国际会议，如果这个会议作了很好的准备，和至少得到所有社会主义国家的共产党和工人党就会议的时间、地点和议程的同意。”三、印度尼西亚共产党是具有钢铁般的纪律的群众的党和干部的党报告的第三部分谈到了党和党的干部问题。报告说，“党员目前已有三百多万人，而且组织日益广泛地遍及全国，并日益巩固，这首先是由于贯彻党在一九六四年七月召开的第一次全国大会的决议的结果。我们党在政治和思想方面，也日益巩固。随着党的日益巩固，党同农民的结合也日益巩固，这意味着民族统一战线的基础日益巩固，由于我们党的机智，我们党已成功地解决了反革命分子在去年底试图打击党和分裂民族统一战线的问题。“贯彻执行中央委员会第二次全体会议的路线后，特别是对农民和农民运动的问题进行调查后，大大推动了全国的革命的农民运动向前发展。目前，全党不仅对调查工作的重要性的认识更加深入，而且在革命的群众团体中也开始提高这种认识。“印度尼西亚共产党的领导方法日益深入农民的心中，这可从现在拥有约九百万成员的印度尼西亚农民阵线的发展得以证实。“但是，我们不能满足于我们已经取得的成就，因此，我们还要做许多工作以便实现二中全会所指望的，即实行全面结合，就是说，全体党员毫无例外地同农民结合。“在着重搞农民工作的同时，我们也没有忽视工人、渔民、青年、妇女、知识分子、文学家、艺术家、城市贫民等方面的工作。在这一年半的时间内，我们在农民运动的范围之外也取得了新的成就。”报告接着谈到了关于加强党的钢铁般的纪律问题。艾地说，“谈到关于党和党员的情况，正如我们常说的，基本上是好的。印度尼西亚共产党的干部是非常好的，他们愿意努力工作、努力学习、有良好的品德、守纪律、热情高、勇敢，等等。但我们也常说，反对各种错误倾向的斗争，反对各种弱点和缺点的斗争是我们党内继续不断的斗争。“我们目前处于革命的形势中。在这一革命形势中，革命力量同反革命力量的斗争日益尖锐。革命者应当采取的唯一态度是发动攻势和加强攻势。必须加强革命攻势，以致每天都能获胜。为此，三百多万共产党员和将近三百万参加人民青年团的年轻共产主义者必须始终团结在中央委员会的周围，同时无条件地执行中央委员会的指令和其它的指示。印度尼西亚共产党党员必须是勇敢的、有纪律的、能干的和有文化的战士。只有这样，我们党才能对在印度尼西亚共产党的领导下进行斗争的数千万人民进行更好的领导，以便继续前进，争取一个又一个的胜利。“纪律问题是服从党的领导、遵守党章和遵守已经决定的一切路线和工作作风的问题，是贯彻民主集中制的问题。因此，加强纪律首先是进一步巩固无产阶级的思想问题，而不仅仅是组织问题。参加进来的农民或其他的小资产阶级出身的新党员有可能带来自发性和个人主义等等，对此必须加以反对和彻底清除。只有对共产党人必须执行的光荣任务有着极深刻的认识，才能使自己成为具有钢铁般纪律的人。“然而，为了贯彻党的钢铁般的纪律，有必要进行组织上的锻炼，并在有组织的斗争中得到锻炼。因此，在组织方面采取措施将大大推动纪律的加强。“我们党在目前革命形势中所面临的任务越来越大。这一革命形势将继续日益高涨和成熟。党必须能够领导自己的队伍和全体人民的队伍继续前进，直到攻下人民和革命的敌人的最后一个堡垒为止。为此，我们党已经成为马克思列宁主义的群众的党和干部的党，我们必须进一步通过加强党员的钢铁般的纪律来巩固它。”“我们的斗争是在以马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同印度尼西亚革命的具体实践相结合的革命理论——马克思列宁主义印度尼西亚化的结果——的指引下进行的。“目前，越来越多的人承认马克思主义是能够解决我国革命问题的唯一科学。不仅在各党校讲授马克思主义，而且在党外建立的各种训练班和教育机构也讲授马克思主义。“革命的群众团体，如全印度尼西亚中央职工会、印度尼西亚农民阵线、人民青年团、印度尼西亚妇女运动协会、人民文化协会、印度尼西亚大学生运动联盟等，积极地开始对它们的会员群众进行马克思主义的教育。这是非常好的现象，因为这些群众团体推广马克思主义的教育将会同在讲授马克思主义时所产生的歪曲和模糊的恶果进行斗争，并且将能进一步改进我国全体人民的革命实践，特别是对进一步坚决贯彻执行政治宣言的作用。“在国际共产主义运动中进行的论战，也对提高党的理论水平产生积极的影响。这种尖锐的意见分歧，迫使每个共产党人严肃地进行考虑，把马克思列宁主义理论的真理拿到自己的革命斗争实践中检验。只要以正确的态度面对这些意见分歧和论战，就有助于各个共产党在制定自己的政策方面，真正做到独立自主，和从本国的客观情况出发，坚决遵循马克思列宁主义，并创造性地运用他国的革命斗争的经验来争取本国革命的胜利。”报告指出，“我们今天正处于日益高涨和成熟的革命形势之中，并在其中进行斗争。在我们党的领导下，革命斗争的实际经验很多，并在迅速地增多，因此从这一切经验中作出正确的总结是非常必要的。总结这些经验使之成为理论的工作的迟缓，必将不利于我国运动的进展。因此，短期内增加理论工作者人数和提高他们的能力，是党的一个迫切任务。”关于在文化方面的任务问题，艾地指出，“本着‘在文化上具有特点’的原则的精神和本着反对帝国主义的高昂精神，在一九六四年和一九六五年初在文化方面发动的革命攻势，已经在我国民族的文化生活中掀起了一阵清风。在党的领导下建立的最大的文化团体——人民文化协会，在维护这一崇高的原则和在粉碎腐朽的帝国主义和封建主义的文化方面已经走在最前线。以纳沙贡为核心的广泛的统一战线已经在这个激烈的斗争中形成了，并取得了辉煌的成就。“为反对恶习和提高村民的文化和促进他们的健康而展开的新的文化运动，已经开始得到反应，得到农村的热烈响应，并激发了党在农村的干部和积极分子的热情。”“‘在文化方面具有特点’的原则的继续鼓舞下，我们必须在文化方面，特别是在文学、艺术、教育和科学方面发动革命攻势。”“除了对农民和农民运动的情况进行调查外，我们党在一九六四年最大的活动是召开革命文艺全国会议。革命文艺会议已成为文学家、艺术家和其他革命的文化工作者的灯塔。“目前客观形势为在文艺方面发动革命攻势创造很好的可能性。对美帝国主义文化侵略的打击日益激烈。在这种情况下，革命的文艺家们，应当进一步改进组织，进一步提高他们的创作水平。伪善分子还继续同以美国为首的帝国主义者勾结，采用各种文艺形式来维护他们的幻想。我们必须继续提高警惕，并对也采用文艺活动形式的反动分子的活动加紧发动革命攻势。”政治报告的最后部分说：“国内外形势、革命运动形势以及我们党的情况就是如此。如果对形势有了极深刻的认识，我们就会迈开更坚定的步伐前进，就会动员我们的一切力量和创造力，就会在各个方面加紧发动我们的革命攻势，来促使我们目前所处的并在其中斗争的革命形势高涨和成熟。“我国日益高涨和成熟的革命形势将继续促使我国国内所有社会力量队伍明朗化，将继续积极地改变政治力量对比，将继续促使进步力量向前发展，将继续促使中间力量倾向左方，从而进一步加强以纳沙贡为核心的民族团结，总之，将继续推动革命力量向前发展，把顽固力量孤立起来。正在发展的革命力量，一方面将遇到反革命分子的反抗，但另一方，将通过有效地粉碎反革命分子的反抗为我们在维护和贯彻革命原则中飞跃前进创造更多的可能性。“以革命攻势的姿态继续前进，粉碎五害‘马来西亚’、农村七魔、官僚资本家经济王朝、世界恶魔美国和现代修正主义。“以革命攻势的姿态继续前进，加紧执行我们的两项基本任务，即：继续建立在无产阶级领导下的以工人和农民联盟为基础的民族统一战线，继续进行具有钢铁般纪律的列宁主义的群众的党和干部的党的建设！“继续前进，通过加强我们的国际活动来加强印度尼西亚共和国的主权，促进亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲和整个新兴力量地区的革命形势向前发展，把我们的力量集中打击在东南亚的帝国主义势力，特别是美国在今年内必须从越南滚出去。“以高度的精神，以红色雄牛的精神，以永远前进的精神，以决不后退的精神，以班达·哈拉哈普同志的诗词：即使死亡在等待，也没有一个人想回家的精神，更加激烈地发动革命攻势。”

=== [Page 1] === 人民日报 Renmin Ribao, 1965-06-12, 第3版 (page 3) 标题: 艾地主席在印度尼西亚共产党四中全会扩大会议上作的政治报告在各方面加紧发动革命攻势！ English gloss: Aidit political report to PKI CC plenum: Gerwani Marxist education Source: 人民日报图文数据库 (People's Daily database), via Columbia University Libraries; article URL http://data.people.com.cn/rmrb/19650612/3/f915fadbdcd240698c896b5b6cc239dc Retrieved 2026-10-18. Article full text as given by the database (replaces the earlier snippet-only file; full-page scan is in the matching PDF). Chairman Aidit's political report to the enlarged Fourth Plenum of the Communist Party of Indonesia: Step up the revolutionary offensive on all fronts! Xinhua News Agency, Jakarta, 11th. On 11 May, D. N. Aidit [Dipa Nusantara Aidit], Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Indonesia [PKI], delivered a political report at the Fourth (enlarged) Plenary Session of the PKI Central Committee, entitled "Step up the revolutionary offensive on all fronts!" A summary of the report follows. I. Step up the revolutionary offensive and create a political atmosphere suited to the line of reversing course in economics and construction Aidit first pointed out that this Fourth Plenum was "convened in the following revolutionary situation: national unity with Nasakom [Nasakom] as its core is growing ever firmer; the nation-wide anti-imperialist spirit is rising; the spirit of solidarity of Asia, Africa and the New Emerging Forces has been greatly enhanced; and the internationalist spirit of defending the Vietnamese people in repelling the savage aggression of US imperialism has been strengthened." The report said: "To develop all the above good aspects further is the glorious task of every Indonesian revolutionary. It is also the task of this Fourth Plenum of our Central Committee. We are determined to accomplish this task by stepping up the revolutionary offensive on all fronts. The revolutionary offensive is launched in order to push the revolutionary situation forward, in order to make the revolutionary situation ripen!" The report said: "In a highly communist spirit we have launched the revolutionary offensive together with the other revolutionary forces of the Indonesian people. The Political Manifesto [Manipol], published nearly six years ago, has played an extremely important role in strengthening the offensive. During this period the enemies of the people have never ceased their resistance, but the revolutionary offensive has grown ever fiercer, to the point of forcing the enemies of the Political Manifesto to collapse one after another. The offensive of the Political Manifesto is to resolutely defend the general line of the Indonesian revolution formulated according to the teachings of the Political Manifesto, namely to build a national front with workers and peasants as its pillars, Nasakom as its core, and the concept of the Five Principles of the state [Pancasila] as its basis, in order to complete the national-democratic revolution and advance toward Indonesian socialism. "The Party has resolutely followed this general line of the Indonesian revolution and has consistently pushed the situation forward. The domestic situation made great progress after President Sukarno delivered his speech entitled 'A Year of Living Dangerously' [Tahun Vivere Pericoloso]; this speech inspired the entire people to take mass action, under national cooperation with Nasakom as its core, against imperialism and old and new colonialism, against comprador capitalists, bureaucratic capitalists and feudal landlords, and above all to break the stagnation in the implementation of the Basic Agrarian Law and the Crop-Sharing Agreement Law, and to smash subversives, counter-revolutionaries and hypocritical pseudo-supporters of the Political Manifesto. "The Indonesian people's struggle to crush their number-one enemy, US imperialism, is rising day by day; in taking action to protest against 'active aid', that is, the supply of arms aid, to 'Malaysia', and in taking action in solidarity with the Vietnamese people's heroic struggle against US aggression, they have even taken over American enterprises. This happened only a little over two years after the first plenum of the Central Committee in February 1963 decided that US imperialism was the Indonesian people's number-one enemy. This is an extraordinary revolutionary achievement!" The report said: "Everywhere there is an awakening, and all strata of the people are active in a high spirit of strengthening national unity. Through the strength of national unity with Nasakom as its core, we have succeeded in dealing heavy blows to the enemies of the people, and the masses' confidence that the enemy can certainly be defeated is growing ever firmer. "But life itself proves that, in concrete terms, the enemy still has strength that must not be ignored. Therefore all revolutionaries, and Communists in particular, must adhere more resolutely to the principle of national unity with Nasakom as its core, must become better at determining, in each period, the smallest possible target of attack, and must build the broadest possible front. Determining the smallest possible target of attack means that we should concentrate our blows on the most stubborn enemies of the revolution; know the enemy concretely and in detail, and truly understand the various forms of contradictions existing among them, as well as their contradictions with the various strata of society. Building the broadest possible front means that we should be able to truly unite all forces that can be united, in order to achieve our aims in a given wave of mass struggle. We should dare and know how to form alliances, and bring our allies along to strengthen our common struggle. "When the imperialists saw that national unity with Nasakom as its core was growing ever firmer and could further promote and strengthen the people's struggle against imperialism and feudalism, they adopted various reactionary measures and formed a new combination, a 'Holy Alliance' of counter-revolutionary forces which they considered more effective. The cooperation of US and British imperialism in defending 'Malaysia', a product of neo-colonialism, found still more concrete expression in the 'active aid' that the United States provides to 'Malaysia' in the form of arms aid. They have temporarily abandoned cooperation with the old rightist forces inside Indonesia, because the heads of those forces were exposed long ago and are plainly powerless in the face of the people's revolutionary tide, and have entered into a new collusion with counter-revolutionary forces such as bureaucratic capitalists and Trotskyite provocateurs. They hope that this new collusion between imperialist forces and the not yet fully exposed, extremely hypocritical heads of the bureaucratic capitalists and the Trotskyites will turn around the revolutionary situation in Indonesia and raise a counter-revolutionary countercurrent. "The collusion of imperialists, bureaucratic capitalists and Trotskyites was the characteristic of counter-revolutionary activity in 1964. Their main aim was to try to turn the contradiction between the Indonesian people and imperialism into a contradiction within the Indonesian people. Under the cloak of 'Pancasilaism' and 'Sukarnoism', in the form of the so-called movement 'in support of the Body for Promoting Sukarnoism' [BPS], they carried out policies that were 'anti-Communist' and 'anti-Sukarno'. All these activities were conducted to the baton of the US Central Intelligence Agency and intelligence organisations. But because the people clearly understood that Bung Karno's doctrine is not at all opposed to communism, their masks were torn off within a short time and their hypocrisy was laid bare. This was especially so after the political clarification that came when President Sukarno and the Indonesian government took measures against the Murba Party [Partai Murba], including measures against several important Trotskyite figures (prominent members of the Murba Party). Such measures carry very important political significance. Since the failure of the first national uprising in 1926 and the founding of the Republic of Indonesia Party [Partai Republik Indonesia, PARI], by which they betrayed the PKI, the Indonesian Trotskyites have always played the role of actively splitting national unity. In the Dutch period, in the period of Japanese fascist occupation, after the proclamation of independence on 17 August 1945, and down to today, they have continued their activities of splitting national unity. The Trotskyites long ago not only deserted Marxism but became outright political bandits, whose deeds are nothing but fabricating plots and committing political crimes. The Trotskyites, cloaked in Marxism, oppose Marxism, and use revolutionary and 'left' slogans against the revolutionary movement, so that masses not yet politically educated can to some extent be drawn in by them. The Trotskyites are clearly not a left force, nor a centre force, but an ultra-rightist force consciously opposed to the Communist Party and to Nasakom. Therefore, unless action is taken against the Trotskyites such as President Sukarno and the Indonesian government have taken against them, it is impossible to build national unity with Nasakom as its core." The report said: "It is obvious that the Indonesian people's struggle against splitters, especially the bureaucratic capitalists and Trotskyites, reached a victorious climax when, on 12 December 1964, all political parties declared their unity; when the 'Body for Promoting Sukarnoism' was banned and dissolved; when the Murba Party and all mass organisations attached to it were banned; when Murba members were removed from the National Front and state apparatus from the centre down to the localities; when the publication of the BPS newspapers was revoked; and when President Sukarno ordered the dissolution of all supporters and lackeys of the BPS. All this was a great victory for national unity with Nasakom as its core, and also an important measure taken to defend the security of the Republic of Indonesia." The report pointed out: "In reality, the Indonesian people are at present living and struggling in a revolutionary situation. The main features of the present revolutionary situation are: (1) the masses are already actively fighting for reforms that can improve their lives; (2) within state power the anti-people side is increasingly pushed out while the pro-people side increasingly prevails, and more and more government policies accord with the people's demands; (3) the people's struggle is ever broader, so that the masses play a greater and more decisive role in social life and in the political life of the state. "Our country's present domestic and foreign policies are not made solely by the leaders of the state. The Indonesian masses actively and consciously shape our domestic and foreign policies through the following struggles: demonstrations in the streets; taking over enterprises of foreign monopoly capital on plantations, in oil refineries and factories; displaying their strength together with the state leaders through mass rallies; boycotting American imperialist films in the cinemas; the peasants' struggle to smash the village devils; and so on." "Anyone who wishes to go on holding high the banner of the revolution should know and understand this revolutionary situation well. Once the people have become the makers of state policy, it must thereafter be defended and developed. To this end our slogan is: 'Offence means success and victory. Defence means setbacks and defeat.' "The Indonesian people must win victory! Therefore the only road is to launch the revolutionary offensive, an offensive to win revolutionary victories every day. "In the spirit of the revolutionary offensive, the Party has succeeded in producing a turning point in the development of our political situation, and has halted the anti-communist and anti-national propaganda that appeared in the last months of last year in the form of the 'Pancasila-making' disturbances. This was possible because the Party had previously succeeded in mobilising great mass strength, for example by successfully completing two major tasks in 1964: first, the investigation of the conditions of the peasants and the peasant movement throughout Java. The success of this investigation not only enabled the peasant movement to develop more smoothly, but also raised the consciousness of the Party ranks, making them realise that the Party's work will achieve good results only when combined with investigation work. This raised consciousness will certainly spur the PKI and the mass movement to develop still more rapidly. Second, the convening of the Conference of Revolutionary Literature and Art was a great victory for the Party in its policy on literature and art. Thanks to the success of this conference, the Party, and especially its cadres engaged in literary and artistic activity, have been armed with a correct and great programme, which has spurred and inspired them to create more and better, so as to smash the bastions defending imperialist and feudal culture. "Encouraged by the achievements of 1964, in early 1965 the Indonesian people not only launched a fierce assault on US imperialism, including the takeover of its enterprises, but also made the Third Plenary Session of the Provisional People's Consultative Congress [MPRS] and the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Bandung Conference brilliant successes." After describing the characteristics of the bureaucratic capitalists, the report said: "These characteristics of the bureaucratic capitalists confirm that their concrete practices, economically and politically, greatly harm the country and the people. They cooperate with foreign monopoly capitalists, especially American monopoly capitalists, in the forms of contracting, joint ventures and joint enterprises and other new forms of cooperation of the nature of foreign monopoly capital investment, and plunder Indonesia." The report said that the PKI, in its statement of 10 October 1962, had already demanded that great attention be given to economic problems. "In the memorandum of the PKI Central Committee to the government of 3 November 1964, the Indonesian Communists stressed their wish that the government return to the Economic Declaration [Deklarasi Ekonomi, Dekon] and implement it thoroughly. The government need not look for new programmes, because we already have the correct programme, the Economic Declaration, which includes both short-term and long-term economic programmes and which Bung Karno called the political manifesto in economics. What is needed now is to abide by it and carry it out faithfully, courageously and resolutely." The report said: "After the takeover of Dutch capital, the total of foreign capital amounted to about 1.1 billion US dollars, of which the great majority was British and American capital." "In the period 1954 to 1961, the capital invested by Stanvac [Standard-Vacuum Oil Company], Caltex [Texaco] and Shell amounted to as much as 222 million US dollars, and their foreign-exchange earnings in those eight years were not less than 2,285 million US dollars, that is, more than ten times their investment. It can thus be seen that foreign monopoly capital's foreign-exchange earnings from oil alone average more than 285 million US dollars a year. From these figures one can see how great is the value of our country's oil resources, which are shipped abroad by the foreign imperialists, causing losses to the state and the Indonesian people. "If British and American capital is resolutely taken over, then it can be said that the main position of foreign monopoly domination in Indonesia, in the form of direct investment, will be eradicated. "At present, the Republic of Indonesia's control over the above capital has only reached the stage of supervision by a government work team in which workers' representatives take part, but this workers' representation is not yet sufficiently representative. Therefore the Indonesian working people must intensify the struggle until the above British and American enterprises are confiscated and turned into state enterprises. "If Indonesia takes possession of, fully controls and expands these oilfields, it will mean: (1) an important condition has been created for implementing the principle of self-reliance in the economy, since besides bringing in a large foreign-exchange income, oil also plays a very important role as a source of energy in building the national economy; (2) weakening the domestic comprador elements, bureaucratic capitalists, subversive movements and the props of counter-revolution; (3) reducing the sources on which imperialism lives. The action of taking over imperialist property in Indonesia has struck at the vital point of imperialism. But we must not relax in the slightest. Blows must be continuously delivered until US imperialism and other imperialisms, in whatever form they appear, are cleared from the soil of Indonesia." The report also dealt with the workers' political actions against Anglo-American imperialism, saying that in political action, especially action against Anglo-American imperialism, the workers' mood is very high. After listing the Indonesian workers' takeovers of a series of American enterprises, the report pointed out: "This action is not only a mass action from below but also one combined with the struggle from above. This achievement is the result of carrying out the line of 'revolution from above and below'. "The workers' determination to end the entire history of American enterprises in Indonesia within this year remains great. The workers urge the government to confiscate American enterprises, turn them into state enterprises, and let workers participate in management. "This anti-imperialist action and takeover action, full of patriotic heroism, bring the Indonesian people to a still greater triumphal arch, namely the success of the Third Plenary Session of the MPRS and of the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Bandung Conference." The report said: "The shortcoming of the masses' actions during 1964 was that insufficient blows were struck at the bureaucratic capitalists, who have become the centre of domestic counter-revolution. Therefore in 1965 action should be accelerated further, demanding the removal of all bureaucratic capitalists from state organs, state enterprises and state trading enterprises. This task should be accomplished by further strengthening the workers' united front and the national united front with Nasakom as its core." The political report also discussed the question of actions against feudalism in the countryside. The report said: "Thanks to the correct decisions made by the Second Plenum of the Central Committee, and thanks to the success of the large-scale investigation carried out by the Party throughout Java from February to May 1964, the peasants' actions to break the stagnation in implementing the Basic Agrarian Law and the Crop-Sharing Agreement Law have become ever broader and higher." "The peasants' broad actions against the remnants of feudalism in the countryside have strengthened the struggle against imperialism, because the remnants of feudalism are the social basis of imperialism, and the seven village devils are imperialism's 'tentacles' in the countryside. If the peasants' revolutionary struggle had not been launched in our villages, the whole country could not oppose imperialism as powerfully as it does at present." "The task facing our Party is to coordinate actions against feudalism with actions against imperialism." The report pointed out: "The broad upsurge of peasant action has tested the notables of all parties and organisations: are they genuine revolutionaries who unite without reservation and stand in front to lead the peasants, or do they stand aside or behind, ridiculing and abusing the peasants, or are they thoroughgoing reactionaries who stand in front with bayonets in hand to oppose and suppress peasant action?" The political report also dealt with the question of streamlining the state apparatus and "Nasakomising" it. The report said: "To overcome the country's various problems, especially in implementing the three new programmes of the Working Cabinet, the Second Plenum of the Central Committee put forward the minimum conditions required, among which was the question of democratising the system of government." On this point the report said: "Regional heads and deputy heads and other important officials whose minds or thinking have become old and decayed and cannot keep pace with the Political Manifesto should be replaced by supporters of the Political Manifesto; the leadership of all regional mutual-cooperation councils [DPRD-GR], all routine organs of government, and the members of all bodies connected with government, the economy and culture must be Nasakomised; government departments must not be allowed to become nests of people who fear Nasakom." Speaking of the democratisation of the system of government, Aidit said: "We still demand the immediate holding of democratic general elections to elect the People's Consultative Congress, parliament and regional councils. General elections would produce a rational proportion of the national forces with Nasakom as their core." The report held that "general elections could be carried out in this way: hold elections for village heads or sub-district heads simultaneously throughout Indonesia. In electing village or sub-district heads, let each party and organisation nominate one or several candidates. Add together the number of votes each party and organisation obtains in all villages and cities. Take the proportions of these votes as the basis for reforming the regional councils, the routine organs of government, the mutual-cooperation councils and the Provisional People's Consultative Congress. This method of election is realistic, democratic and economical, because the government has never allocated funds for holding elections of sub-district or village heads." Aidit pointed out that, in streamlining the state apparatus, "the most important thing is to form a Nasakom-cored cabinet"; "the formation of a Nasakom-cored mutual-cooperation cabinet is no longer the demand of just one group or several groups, but the demand of the entire Indonesian people, put forward at the Third Plenary Session of the Provisional People's Consultative Congress held last month." "To this end we must also strengthen the revolutionary offensive in order to clear the anti-people elements out of the cabinet and form a Nasakom-cored mutual-cooperation cabinet." II. At the core of the New Emerging Forces, the revolutionary situation keeps rising and ripening The second part of the political report dealt with the international situation. The report pointed out: "At the core of the New Emerging Forces, that is, in Asia, Africa and Latin America, the revolutionary situation continues to develop in an inspiring way. In its confrontation with the old forces on all fronts, the ever stronger New Emerging Forces continue to advance, from one victory to another, greater one." Speaking of Vietnam, Aidit said: "The guerrilla war of the people of South Vietnam against the world devil, US imperialism, has won the concern and sympathy of the peoples of the whole world. In South Vietnam, US imperialism and its puppet regime are being dealt severe blows. The people's guerrillas, who four years ago were weak and few, have now grown from regional forces and militia guerrillas into a liberation army. In South Vietnam, all the people's forces, whether in the liberated areas or in enemy-held areas, are already a strong and formidable political and military force. In this struggle the masses have greatly exercised their creativity to smash the enemy. "More than four fifths of the land of South Vietnam and ten million inhabitants have been liberated, and these liberated areas have become powerful base areas. "On the contrary, the US imperialists, facing a dead end, are growing ever more flustered. "The US imperialists are beginning to show that they will change the 'special war' into a limited war, that is, change a war that essentially uses puppet governments and puppet armies into an open war that directly uses America's own troops. The experiments with 'strategic hamlets' and 'helicopter tactics', and all the experiments of the 'undeclared' 'special war', have been huge failures. At present the imperialists can only wait for the time when they will be driven out of the territory of South Vietnam. "Having suffered all kinds of defeats and facing this dead end, the US imperialists are ever more recklessly beginning to extend their dirty war to the territory of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. "At present they are extending the war to the North by indiscriminate bombing, with the aim of intimidating the people and also of rescuing themselves from the difficult situation they face in South Vietnam. But this precisely shows that they are not strong but weak. They think that through these bombings the offensives of the South Vietnamese people's army will diminish. They have miscalculated. They evidently do not understand that the people of the North and the people of the South are one whole. Bombing the Democratic Republic of Vietnam only fans the flames of the South Vietnamese people's fighting." "In taking this adventure, the fate of the United States can already be seen: it will not grow ever stronger, will not win militarily; on the contrary, it will be crushed and lose everything." "The peoples of the whole world support the Vietnamese people; with boundless indignation they take the sternest protest actions, condemning and punishing acts of aggression, barbarity and cruelty unprecedented since the Second World War. Even within the United States itself, thousands of people, including scientists, demonstrate in protest against this savage aggression. The Indonesian people have expressed their firm will and are prepared to serve as volunteers and, shoulder to shoulder with the Vietnamese people, drive the US imperialist troops out of Vietnam." Aidit said: "The United States' ever greater military action against the people of South Vietnam or against the Democratic Republic of Vietnam is aimed at obtaining a 'position of strength' in order to force political negotiations. This means that the American bourgeoisie has in fact already admitted that the 'Vietnam question' can no longer be solved by military means. "Now Johnson and his aides, such as U Thant, who has come forward both officially and on his own initiative, Wilson of the British social-democratic government, and the modern revisionists, are begging piteously for 'unconditional' negotiations for a peaceful settlement of the Vietnam question. The proposal made by the seventeen-nation conference held on Tito's initiative, for unconditional negotiations to solve the Vietnam question, is in essence intended to help the United States, to give the United States, battered by the fierce blows of the South Vietnamese People's Liberation Army and so reduced with its puppets to dire straits, a much-needed 'breathing space'. But who believes the poisonous, deceitful mouths of imperialism and modern revisionism? The 'breathing space' is entirely to strengthen themselves and reorganise their forces in order to launch even greater attacks on the South Vietnamese people and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and also on the People's Republic of China." In the report Aidit stressed that the solution of the Vietnam question must be based on the four-point stand put forward by Pham Van Dong, Premier of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Aidit said: "The situation in Vietnam may develop in two directions: first, US imperialism is defeated before it has turned its 'special war' into a limited war extended to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and is forced to accept the conditions put forward by the Vietnamese people. Second, the United States turns its 'special war' into a limited war extended to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. On this question it is certain that China will not ignore it, as China has repeatedly declared. Should this happen, a great war cannot be avoided, and the United States will suffer an even greater defeat." The report pointed out: "The Indonesian people are determined to make every effort to support the South Vietnamese people in driving the Americans out within this year. As shown in the joint statement issued on 25 April 1965 by the Central Committee of the Indonesian National Front and the Central Committee of the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, the sole legitimate representative of the South Vietnamese people is the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam. An attack on Vietnam is an attack on us: this is the position of the Indonesian people. In other words, in supporting the Vietnamese people the Indonesian people are supporting themselves and their own struggle." Aidit said: "The experience of the brilliant achievements of the South Vietnamese people's struggle teaches us that once the people have awakened and taken their destiny in their own hands, no force can crush them. The modern revisionists and those who have always intimidated the people with the 'might' and 'strength' of US imperialism with its 'nuclear teeth' would do well also to 'draw lessons' from the course of history, which has 'people's teeth'! This experience will make the peoples of the other countries of the world more courageous against savage US imperialism and ever more confident in their own strength and capacity." Speaking of Laos, Aidit said: "Laos is at present subjected to indiscriminate bombing by the US imperialists, whose enterprises use this country as a springboard and military base for attacking the People's Republic of China and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. But here, as in Vietnam and Cambodia, the imperialists meet the counter-blows of the Lao people led by the Lao Patriotic Front Party [Neo Lao Hak Xat] and the Pathet Lao. "The only way to solve the Laos question is to drive US imperialism out of Laos, correctly implement the 1962 Geneva international conference agreement on Laos, the Zurich agreements and the resolutions of the Plain of Jars conference, and let the Lao people solve the Laos question themselves without outside interference. There is no other solution." "We believe that under the correct leadership of the Lao Patriotic Front Party and Prince Souphanouvong, the Lao people will win the final victory and drive the United States from the land of Laos." In the report Aidit praised the Cambodian people's heroic struggle against US imperialism. He said: "The Cambodian people answer US imperialism's provocations of invading Cambodian territory and armed terror in magnificent language, the language of struggle. The Indochinese People's Conference held in Phnom Penh in March (this year) is a concrete answer to the savage, brutal actions of US imperialism in this region, and shows that the Indochinese peoples have the courage and ability to overcome all the problems they face and conquer all difficulties. "We warmly welcome Sihanouk's statement that he is prepared to hold negotiations on the Cambodian question and firmly refuses to put the Vietnam question on the agenda. Sihanouk's attitude of refusing to let the United States, Thailand and the Saigon regime take part in these negotiations is correct, because these countries are not signatories of the 1954 Geneva agreements. We pay tribute to Cambodia's courageous decision to sever diplomatic relations with the United States." The report also dealt with the Japanese people's struggle against US imperialism and the Japanese monopoly regime. Aidit said that the Japanese people's "mass action against the entry of the American nuclear submarine 'Sea Dragon' [Seadragon] into Sasebo harbour has important significance not only for Japan itself but also internationally. The action of the Japanese people is not only against the entry of American nuclear submarines into Japanese ports but carries still higher demands: for example, the withdrawal of American military bases in Japan, the abrogation of the Japan-US 'Security Treaty', and the abrogation of the Japan-South Korea basic treaty, which endangers the reunification of Korea and the security of Asia. These actions have our full support and that of the peoples of the whole world." Aidit pointed out: "The wind of the struggle against US imperialism has also begun to blow vigorously in the Philippines." He said the flame of the struggle for independence "still burns in the breasts of the true patriots of the Philippines", "and this flame in turn has inspired Filipino workers and people, who recently held strikes and took other anti-American actions, in particular holding huge demonstrations demanding the abrogation of the unequal Philippine-US treaty. Filipino youth have also begun to act against the recruitment of Filipino young people to serve as cannon fodder in the dirty war US imperialism is waging in South Vietnam." Speaking of the situation in Thailand, Aidit pointed out that despite the cruel suppression by the Thanom regime serving US imperialist interests, "the voice of the Thai people, the voice of independence and democracy, is gradually beginning to ring out into the free sky from the revolutionaries' hiding places." "The Voice of the Thai People radio announced on 8 December last year that the Thai Independence Movement had issued a declaration containing the programme and policy of the Thai people's movement." Aidit said: "This is news that inspires us and the peoples of the whole world." It shows that "imperialism and its lackeys are being struck everywhere, even in one of its strong bastions in Southeast Asia such as Thailand." The report dwelt on the Malayan people's struggle against the Rahman regime. Aidit said: "The Malayan people, under the leadership of the Malayan Communist Party, which has just celebrated the thirty-fifth anniversary of its founding, continue their heroic armed struggle. In North Kalimantan the mass movement continues to develop, the guerrillas' struggle grows ever broader and receives ever more support from the local masses. In the eyes of the Indonesian people and the peoples of other Asian and African countries, the prestige of the Unitary State of North Kalimantan [Negara Kesatuan Kalimantan Utara] under Premier Azahari is ever higher. Only the lackeys of imperialism and of old and new colonialism, or the politically foolish, sing the same tune as the 'Malaysia' side against the Unitary State of North Kalimantan, that is, belittle it. Recently, around the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Bandung Conference, the Japanese side, obeying the American baton, tried to become the 'mediator' between Indonesia and 'Malaysia'. But the Indonesian people did not fall for the vicious trap, which sought to smuggle 'Malaysia' stealthily into the forthcoming Second Asian-African Conference and to bring 'tranquillity' to the United States in Southeast Asia so that everything could be concentrated on Vietnam. Both the Indonesian people and President Sukarno agree that they will not take part in the conference prepared by the 'mediators' at the American baton to hold negotiations with 'Malaysia'. "The Indonesian people can never agree, at any time, to negotiations with the 'Malaysia' side unless such negotiations certainly lead to the dissolution of 'Malaysia', the withdrawal of all foreign military bases in Malaya (including Singapore) and North Kalimantan, and the recognition of the Unitary State of North Kalimantan as the only legitimate authority in North Kalimantan." The report analysed the situation in Africa, the Arab countries and the countries of Latin America. The report pointed out: "The armed aggression now being carried out by US imperialism in the Dominican Republic has met with extremely broad and strong opposition from the peoples of Latin America and of the whole world. "The news every day confirms that Asia, Africa and Latin America not only increasingly dislike the United States and are increasingly hostile to it, but that the countries of Western Europe and its own allies also increasingly dislike it and are hostile to it." Aidit said: "The camp of the New Emerging Forces, that is, the camp of national independence, socialism, progress and peace, continues to grow stronger, not only as a result of the great achievements of the national independence movements of the peoples, but also as a result of the development of science and technology in the People's Republic of China and its successful nuclear test explosion. The explosion of the atom bomb by the People's Republic of China changed the world balance of forces in favour of the New Emerging Forces. The peoples of the whole world welcomed this event with joy. Only the imperialists and the modern revisionists were extremely displeased and scowled at the explosion. Their efforts by every means to preserve a monopoly of nuclear weapons have been smashed. "The atom bomb also has a class character. In the hands of the imperialists, the atom bomb becomes a tool of blackmail with which the imperialists impose their aggressive desires on peoples struggling against imperialism and old and new colonialism. In the hands of the imperialists, the atom bomb endangers independence and the security and peace of the world." "On the contrary, in the hands of the socialist countries the atom bomb strengthens the peoples' struggle for independence and consolidates world peace. No honest person who believes in this truth can deny this fact." Speaking of Indonesia's withdrawal from the United Nations, Aidit pointed out: "On 7 January this year President Sukarno formally announced the withdrawal of the Republic of Indonesia from the United Nations. This decision truly accords with the aspirations of the Indonesian people and is a correct, courageous and revolutionary act." "As President Sukarno said, the crown of national independence lies not in being a member of the United Nations but in knowing how to practise self-reliance. "Indonesia's withdrawal from the United Nations will only bring freedom from imperialist fetters, because the United Nations has always undermined our country's independence and sovereignty. The United Nations has now in fact also become a channel for US imperialist spies. Therefore, after withdrawing from the United Nations, Indonesia is more independent and freer. "Indonesia's withdrawal from the United Nations benefits not only Indonesia and will not only push the Indonesian people's revolutionary struggle further forward, but will also promote the struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and of the whole world against imperialism and old and new colonialism." The report then dealt with the Asian-African Conference and the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries. Aidit said: "To strengthen the spirit of anti-imperialist international solidarity, and especially to consolidate Afro-Asian cooperation and unity, a foreign ministers' consultative meeting to prepare for the Second Asian-African Conference was held in Jakarta from 10 to 15 April 1964, attended by representatives of twenty-two countries. "This foreign ministers' consultative meeting, convened on Indonesia's initiative, successfully adopted very important decisions, for example accepting the three magic weapons: political independence, economic self-reliance, and cultural identity. If a country wants to free itself from imperialism and old and new colonialism and win complete independence, these three principles are indispensable conditions. "The Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Cairo from 5 to 10 October 1964, reflected the common desire of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America to keep on smashing imperialism and old and new colonialism, to support the national independence movements of peoples and to defend world peace. "The conference clearly stressed that there can be no peaceful coexistence with imperialism and old and new colonialism, because imperialism carries out aggression and a policy of enslavement everywhere. The dirty roles played by Yugoslavia and India were thoroughly exposed. The Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries achieved good results in keeping with the aspirations of the independence- and peace-loving peoples of the whole world. "The celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Bandung Conference, held from 17 to 25 April 1965 with delegations from fourteen Asian and African countries taking part, has been a great success. The tenth-anniversary celebration was not merely a massive, magnificent and grand festival. More importantly, it was also an expression of the determination of the progressive forces of Asia and Africa to unite and support with all their strength the Vietnamese people's heroic struggle to smash US imperialism. It was an expression of the firm will of the Asian-African revolutionary forces to strengthen their ranks and consolidate Afro-Asian militant solidarity, which is indispensable to the New Emerging Forces' struggle to smash the old forces." "The celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference has pointed out a clear anti-imperialist direction for the forthcoming Second Asian-African Conference." Aidit pointed out: "Indonesia has a duty to maintain and further develop the revolutionary situation in Asia and Africa. Like every other progressive and anti-imperialist Asian and African country, struggling to build a new world without imperialism and struggling for peace, Indonesia bears a heavy responsibility to continue actively strengthening and consolidating the anti-imperialist solidarity of the Asian and African countries and of all other countries of the New Emerging Forces. To this end Indonesia must oppose all the intimidation and threats of Anglo-American imperialism more resolutely, and must struggle more courageously for the abolition of foreign military bases, the withdrawal of imperialist troops, and against the interests of imperialist capital still remaining in Indonesia." "In the rising revolutionary situation in Asia and Africa, launching the offensive is the only correct attitude. We should, in the posture of the revolutionary offensive, bring about the success of the Second Asian-African Conference in Algiers and move toward the convening of a conference of the New Emerging Forces. Launching a first diplomatic offensive on the international platform is what Indonesia needs to do at present, in order to push the world revolutionary situation, especially the Asian-African revolutionary situation, to a still higher peak." The political report then dealt with the international communist movement. Aidit said: "At the Second Plenum of the Central Committee we already analysed four types of communist parties, as a result of the process of weeding out, clarification and consolidation that the international communist movement is undergoing. The four types of parties are still a fact today, because Marxist-Leninist groups and Marxist-Leninist parties are developing and growing in number. The Marxist-Leninist ranks are growing ever stronger. We receive more and more publications issued by newly founded Marxist-Leninist parties or groups. This is exciting, and shows that Marxism-Leninism cannot be suppressed, much less by a mechanical voting machine of majority votes. "One may say all kinds of bad things about the Marxist-Leninist parties and groups that have split off from the original party matrix, and accuse them of 'sectarian action' or 'splitting action'. But such conduct is still revolutionary conduct, because against modern revisionism one really must fight head-on and adopt a policy of confrontation. Indeed, modern revisionism must be opposed and destroyed. "Our Party has always made an active contribution to the international communist movement. In the present struggle against modern revisionism, which remains the main danger in the international communist movement, our Party has never been absent; our Party ceaselessly exposes modern revisionism's capitulation to imperialism and its betrayal of the class struggle and of the peoples' struggles for independence. We therefore warmly welcomed Khrushchev's fall. "Khrushchev's fall was a great victory for Marxism-Leninism and an expression of the bankruptcy of the revisionist line. We witnessed that, owing to Khrushchev's emergence at the top of the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union made serious mistakes in domestic and foreign policy (the new leadership of the CPSU itself admitted this) and also caused a serious rift in the international communist movement. The wounds caused by Khrushchevite revisionism are grave. That is why, as soon as Khrushchev fell, we said that his fall was good not only for the CPSU but also for the PKI. We know the mistakes Khrushchev made and why he took his tumble. The lesson every Marxist-Leninist can draw from Khrushchev's fall is that anyone who wants to inherit Khrushchev's bankrupt political line and is unwilling to cast modern revisionist ideas far away will inevitably take a great tumble like Khrushchev. This has become a law of history, a law of our era, the era of the world socialist revolution and the victory of Marxism-Leninism; the present era is not an era of victory for imperialism and modern revisionism. "Half a year after Khrushchev's fall, what is the present situation of the international communist movement? We must also see the fact that the danger of modern revisionism has not diminished. Modern revisionism is still the main danger in the international communist movement. The modern revisionists, twin brothers of the imperialists, go all out to continue pushing Khrushchev's revisionist ideas and policies, so that the situation after Khrushchev's collapse will not turn against them. They continue their efforts to push modern revisionism by more cunning and more hypocritical methods, and are therefore more dangerous. This is the situation we face at present. It requires us to maintain the highest vigilance and the greatest revolutionary perseverance while holding high the banner of Marxism-Leninism. "Our Party has always been at the forefront in strengthening the unity of the international communist movement on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. We must cherish Marxist-Leninist unity very dearly; we must defend this unity as we protect the pupils of our own eyes. Our Party has always stressed the necessity that an international conference of communist and workers' parties must truly be for the purpose of achieving the unity of the international communist movement on a Marxist-Leninist basis, must promote the strengthening of the unity of the international communist movement, and not sharpen differences so as to cause a complete split. We stress once again that an international conference of communist and workers' parties must be held on the basis of consultation, with the most thorough preparation, and with respect for the equal rights and independence of every party. This is an indispensable condition!" The report pointed out: "For precisely this reason, our Party refused to take part in the meeting held in Moscow on 1 March 1965 on the initiative of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The CPSU Central Committee invited twenty-five other communist and workers' parties, but some communist and workers' parties refused, including our Party. This meeting was convened according to Khrushchev's plan, solely in order to bring about a formal split in the international communist movement. We have consistently advocated that the genuine unity of communist and workers' parties, that is, unity on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, proletarian internationalism and the revolutionary principles of the 1957 Moscow Declaration and the 1960 Moscow Statement, must be put first, while, as far as possible, the outward unity of the international communist movement should continue to be preserved. In order to preserve outward unity, we refused to attend the Moscow meeting of 1 March. We took this attitude in order to actively prevent a rupture of the outward (unity). "As everyone knows, the 1 March meeting issued a communiqué; this communiqué is of course the responsibility of the participating parties and cannot be forced on our Party. Nor can our Party respond positively, as the CPSU Central Committee wishes, to the results of a meeting with which we disagreed from the start. This is only natural, because the content of the communiqué clearly falls far short of our views and is wholly inconsistent with our position on basic questions in the international communist movement. According to the facts, the 1 March meeting did nothing at all to bring the positions of the communist and workers' parties closer. On the contrary, as we said in the letter of the PKI Central Committee to the CPSU Central Committee replying to their invitation to the PKI to attend the 1 March meeting, this meeting would only add fuel to a polemic that had begun to cool. After the 1 March meeting this was indeed the case. This is not the fault of the Marxist-Leninists. Nor have we ever advocated that open polemics must stop. This is truly impossible as long as opportunism exists in the international workers' movement and runs rampant within it. The 1 March 1965 meeting not only did not improve the atmosphere of the international communist movement but worsened it, because the meeting was not given the due and most thorough preparation, did not observe the principle of equal rights of parties or the principle of consultation, and still followed Khrushchev's plan. Without the above conditions and without a guarantee that all communist and workers' parties will attend, an international conference of communist and workers' parties truly cannot succeed. For an international conference to be convened successfully a completely new basis is needed, not one like that used to convene the unfortunate 1 March meeting, which was clearly disagreed with by some of the parties. "Our Party has expressed its willingness to take part in an international conference of communist and workers' parties if the conference is well prepared and at least has the agreement of the communist and workers' parties of all the socialist countries on its time, place and agenda." III. The PKI is a mass party and a cadre party with iron discipline The third part of the report dealt with the Party and Party cadres. The report said: "The Party now has more than three million members, and its organisation is ever more widely spread over the whole country and ever firmer; this is above all the result of implementing the resolutions of the Party's First National Conference held in July 1964. Our Party is also ever firmer politically and ideologically. As the Party grows firmer, the Party's union with the peasants also grows firmer, which means that the foundation of the national united front grows firmer; thanks to our Party's tact, our Party has succeeded in resolving the problem of the counter-revolutionaries' attempt at the end of last year to strike at the Party and split the national united front. "After implementing the line of the Second Plenum of the Central Committee, especially after the investigation into the conditions of the peasants and the peasant movement, the revolutionary peasant movement throughout the country has been greatly pushed forward. At present the whole Party has not only a deeper understanding of the importance of investigation work, but this understanding is also beginning to rise within the revolutionary mass organisations. "The PKI's methods of leadership are ever more deeply rooted in the hearts of the peasants, as confirmed by the growth of the Indonesian Peasants' Front [BTI], which now has about nine million members. "But we cannot be satisfied with the achievements we have already made, so we still have much work to do in order to realise what the Second Plenum looked toward, namely all-round integration, that is, the integration of all Party members without exception with the peasants. "While stressing work among the peasants, we have not neglected work among workers, fishermen, youth, women, intellectuals, writers, artists, the urban poor and others. In these eighteen months we have also made new achievements outside the scope of the peasant movement." The report then dealt with strengthening the Party's iron discipline. Aidit said: "As regards the situation of the Party and its members, as we often say, it is basically good. The cadres of the PKI are very good: they are willing to work hard, to study hard, have good character, are disciplined, enthusiastic, courageous, and so on. But we also often say that the struggle against all kinds of erroneous tendencies and against all kinds of weaknesses and shortcomings is a continuous struggle within our Party. "We are at present in a revolutionary situation. In this revolutionary situation the struggle between revolutionary and counter-revolutionary forces is growing sharper. The only attitude revolutionaries should adopt is to launch and intensify the offensive. The revolutionary offensive must be intensified so that victory can be won every day. To this end, the more than three million Communists and the nearly three million young Communists participating in the People's Youth [Pemuda Rakyat] must always unite around the Central Committee while unconditionally carrying out the Central Committee's directives and other instructions. PKI members must be courageous, disciplined, capable and cultured fighters. Only in this way can our Party better lead the tens of millions of people struggling under the leadership of the PKI, so as to keep advancing and win one victory after another. "The question of discipline is the question of obeying the Party's leadership, observing the Party constitution and observing all lines and work styles that have been decided, and the question of implementing democratic centralism. Therefore strengthening discipline is first of all a question of further consolidating proletarian ideology, and not merely an organisational question. New Party members who have come in from the peasantry or other petty-bourgeois origins may bring spontaneity, individualism and so on, which must be opposed and thoroughly eliminated. Only through a most profound understanding of the glorious tasks Communists must carry out can one become a person of iron discipline. "However, to implement the Party's iron discipline, organisational tempering is necessary, and tempering in organised struggle. Therefore, measures taken in the organisational field will greatly promote the strengthening of discipline. "The tasks our Party faces in the present revolutionary situation are ever greater. This revolutionary situation will continue to rise and ripen. The Party must be able to lead its own ranks and the ranks of the whole people forward until the last bastion of the enemies of the people and the revolution has been taken. To this end our Party has become a Marxist-Leninist mass party and cadre party, and we must consolidate it further by strengthening the iron discipline of Party members." "Our struggle is carried out under the guidance of revolutionary theory, the combination of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution, the result of the Indonesianisation of Marxism-Leninism. "At present, more and more people recognise Marxism as the only science capable of solving the problems of our country's revolution. Marxism is taught not only in the Party schools but also in various training courses and educational institutions established outside the Party. "Revolutionary mass organisations, such as the All-Indonesia Central Labour Organisation [SOBSI], the Indonesian Peasants' Front [BTI], the People's Youth [Pemuda Rakyat], the Indonesian Women's Movement [Gerwani], the People's Cultural Association [Lekra] and the Indonesian Students' Movement Federation [CGMI], are actively beginning to give Marxist education to their mass membership. This is a very good phenomenon, because the spreading of Marxist education by these mass organisations will fight the evil results of the distortion and obscuring that arise in the teaching of Marxism, and will be able to improve further the revolutionary practice of all our people, especially the role of resolutely carrying out the Political Manifesto further. "The polemics conducted in the international communist movement also have a positive influence on raising the Party's theoretical level. This sharp divergence of views forces every Communist to think seriously and to test the truth of Marxist-Leninist theory in the practice of his own revolutionary struggle. As long as one faces these divergences and polemics with a correct attitude, it helps each Communist Party to be truly independent in formulating its own policies, to proceed from the objective conditions of its own country, to adhere resolutely to Marxism-Leninism, and to apply creatively the experience of the revolutionary struggle of other countries in order to win victory for its own revolution." The report pointed out: "Today we are in a rising and ripening revolutionary situation, and are struggling in it. Under our Party's leadership the practical experience of revolutionary struggle is abundant and rapidly increasing, so it is very necessary to draw correct conclusions from all this experience. Slowness in the work of summing up this experience into theory will certainly be detrimental to the progress of our movement. Therefore, increasing within a short time the number of theoretical workers and raising their capacity is an urgent task of the Party." On the tasks in the cultural field, Aidit pointed out: "In the spirit of the principle of 'cultural identity' and in the high anti-imperialist spirit, the revolutionary offensive launched in the cultural field in 1964 and early 1965 has stirred up a fresh breeze in our nation's cultural life. The People's Cultural Association [Lekra], the largest cultural organisation established under the Party's leadership, has been in the very front line in upholding this lofty principle and in smashing decadent imperialist and feudal culture. A broad united front with Nasakom as its core has formed in this fierce struggle and has achieved brilliant successes. "The new cultural movement launched against bad habits and to raise the culture and promote the health of villagers has begun to draw a response, an enthusiastic response in the villages, and has fired the enthusiasm of the Party's cadres and activists in the countryside." "Continuing to be inspired by the principle of 'cultural identity', we must launch the revolutionary offensive in the cultural field, especially in literature, art, education and science." "Besides the investigation into the conditions of the peasants and the peasant movement, our Party's greatest activity in 1964 was the convening of the National Conference of Revolutionary Literature and Art. The Conference of Revolutionary Literature and Art has become a beacon for writers, artists and other revolutionary cultural workers. "At present the objective situation creates very good possibilities for launching the revolutionary offensive in literature and art. The blows against US imperialism's cultural aggression are growing fiercer. In these circumstances revolutionary writers and artists should further improve their organisation and further raise the level of their creative work. The hypocrites continue to collude with the imperialists led by the United States and use all forms of literature and art to defend their illusions. We must continue to raise our vigilance and intensify the revolutionary offensive against the activities of reactionaries who also use the form of literary and artistic activity." The last part of the political report said: "Such are the situation at home and abroad, the situation of the revolutionary movement, and the situation of our Party. If we have the most profound understanding of the situation, we shall advance with firmer steps, mobilise all our strength and creativity, and step up our revolutionary offensive on all fronts, in order to make the revolutionary situation in which we now live and struggle rise and ripen. "Our country's rising and ripening revolutionary situation will continue to make the ranks of all social forces in our country clarify themselves, will continue actively to change the balance of political forces, will continue to push the progressive forces forward and the middle forces to lean to the left, thereby further strengthening national unity with Nasakom as its core; in short, it will continue to push the revolutionary forces forward and isolate the die-hard forces. The developing revolutionary forces will, on the one hand, meet the resistance of the counter-revolutionaries, but on the other, by effectively smashing that resistance will create more possibilities for us to leap forward in upholding and implementing revolutionary principles. "Keep advancing in the posture of the revolutionary offensive, to smash the five evils: 'Malaysia', the seven village devils, the economic dynasty of the bureaucratic capitalists, the world devil the United States, and modern revisionism. "Keep advancing in the posture of the revolutionary offensive, step up the carrying out of our two basic tasks, namely: continue to build the national united front, based on the alliance of workers and peasants under proletarian leadership, and continue to build a Leninist mass party and cadre party with iron discipline! "Keep advancing, strengthen the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia by strengthening our international activity, promote the forward development of the revolutionary situation in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the whole region of the New Emerging Forces, and concentrate our strength to strike at the imperialist forces in Southeast Asia, especially so that the United States must get out of Vietnam this year. "With high spirit, with the spirit of the red bull, with the spirit of always moving forward, of never retreating, with the spirit of Comrade Bandar Harahap's poem, 'Even if death awaits, no one wants to go home', launch the revolutionary offensive still more fiercely."