Indonesia: Political Detainees in Indonesia (FCO 15/1941, 1974-75)
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Cleaned OCR text (Good (0.893); proof-reading: no (script-cleaned only)). Old Indonesian spelling has been converted to modern EYD. [Unreadable] marks text that could not be recovered.
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DRO.
DEPT.
H.M. DIPLOMATIC SERVICE or POST Ss — outy EAST AsiA
HAP ee Mo ice NT (Pare)
TITLE: Powticac Derainees iN INpeWESIA.
REFER an REFER 2 REFER TO
NAME NAME NAME
(and dept. when necessary) (and dept. when necessary) (and dept. when necessary)
REVYURN THEM TO KEGIoTRY FOR B.U. OR PA. v
Registry Address
W Ol
YEAR STAMP
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Fae
USEFUL INFORMATION RELATED TO CONTENTS OF THIS FILE © | ©
ChGP FILES:
ed ile |
Gee BELATED FILES: ee. )
a a ae oN ON ei atau GR cw ores astos neat SSEA asleais OVI Go ELV se Ls eS |
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REFER TO | REFER TO | REFER TO
NAME NA (and dept. w® acessary): (and dept. when necessary)
(44)
Registry Address
Room Ne.....- SL...
Pewning Serear (VV)
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Cure
Foreign and Commonwealth Office “Gy.
London S.W.1
3 January 1975
From the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State
The Rt Hon The Lord Goronwy-Roder
rep ply to your letter of sing a letter from i polit ical prisoners in een. so"
Jim has received a similar letter from the Council and | have asreed to receive a delegation from them some tine after my return from mong Kong and the Philippines which | am visiting this month.
| am avare of the strong feelings in this country for the plight of the detainees in Indonesia. | have personally ensured that the Indonesian authorities are under no misapprehension about these feelings and shall continue to do so as suitable opportunities occur. | shall be explaining this to the National Peace Council wnen they call.
| am returning the Council's letter.
John Parker Esq KP
House of Commons -
London SW
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butte
Foreign and Commonwealth Office s Hf.
London S.W.1
3 January 1975 miZey
From the | eee Under Secretary of State
The Rt tlon The Lord Goronwy-Roberts Oh ain
| have been a
29 December Jim Callaghan enclos ing a letter from the National Peace Council about political prisoners in Indonesia.
Jim has received a similar letter from the Council and | have agreed to receive a delegation from then some time after my return from Hong Kong and the Philippines which | am visiting this month.
i ne ae feel tgs in thi 8 country about the oF tne in Indonesia, of which the receiit carly cay ii ff Gown by you and your colleagues is evidence. As | think you know, | have personally ensured that the Indonesian authorities are aware of these feelings and -shall continue to do so as suitable opportunities occur. | shall be explaining this to the Council when they call.
| am returning the Council's letter.
Frank Allaun ésq [iP house of Commons
London Sii1
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Foreign and Commonwealth Office
London S.W.1
RECEIVED IN 9 January 1975 REGISTRY No, 14
14 JAN 1975
| have been asked to reply to your letter of 20 December addressed to the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary about your Council's recent resolution on political detainees in Indonesia.
Due to pressure of time the Foreign and Commonwealth secretary regrets that he is not likely to be able to receive a deputation in the foreseeable future. towever, Lord Goronwy-Roberts would be willing to receive a deputation from the Council. He is leaving at the end of this week for a visit to Hong Kong and the Philippines. He will be glad to see you after his return on 21 January. Perhaps you would telephone me or my colleague Mr Woodland to arrange an appointment. (Telephone No I extension HD.
Yias Grn
“le Gatley
A C Galswor thy
Private Secretary to
Lord Goronwy-Roberts
Councillor A Tomlinson
National Peace Council
29 Great James Street
London WCl
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CONFIDENTIAL
Mr C H Woodland =
REGISTRY No. 14
14 JAN1975
NATIONAL PEACE COUNCIL (NPC) aNGe (ee
16 The NPC is in origin and essence a bona fide and responsible body
long active in its chosen sphere. It was founded in 1908 at the height
of the 'peace movement! of the day, at about the time that the Tsar of Russia provided the money with which the Peace Palace at The Hague was built.
It is a voluntary organisation working for peace and is by no means confined to pacifists (whose proper place is in the Peace Pledge Union, founded by Canon Dick Sheppard in 1936), although of course a number of pacifists are active im 1.
2, The NPC, which is now mainly supported by trade union donations, is affiliated to Mr Sean McBride's International Peace Bureau in Geneva and claims "hundreds of individual members"; more dubiously, it also claims
an affiliated membership, through trade unions and such associated organisations as the Anglican Pacifist Fellowship, the CND and the Fellowship of Reconciliation, of "over four million". Although there are no political tests, the membership tends to be left-wing in character. The current president is Bishop Huddleston of Stepney and the senior vice-president is the Rt Hon Philip Noel Baker, MP.
36 In the 1940s and 1950s, the NPC was particularly robust in fending off the overtures of the Communist peace movement. In more recent years it has become more irresponsible in its pronouncements and now allows the Communistinfluenced British Peace Committee to enjoy affiliated status. Moreover it currently shares its headquarters at 29 Great James Street with the more woolly and Communist-penetrated Women's International League for Peace and Freedom and in recent years the genenal secretary, Mr Albert Tomkinson, has been associated with the public activities of such Communist-infiltrated bodias as the Committee for European Security and Cooperation and the British Campaign for Peace in Vietnam, But however much the present NPC leadership may have strayed from its former paths, the organisation remains the doyen of British peace organisations and deserves the usual courtesies.
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7 > PRP say 9 Vall «lene —
8 January 1975
CONFIDENTIAL
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FLAGS B
and 8
UNCLASSIFIED
Mr Wale t oud
GISTRY No.
PS to Lord Gorgnwy-Roberts He
14 JANI975 ec.c. Mr Wilford
INDONESIA: POLITICAL DETAINEES
as The Secretary-General of the National Peace Council wrote to the Secretary of State on 20 December informing him of a resolution the Council had recently passed about Indonesian political prisoners and asking whether he would be willing to receive a deputation on the matter. Mr John Parker MP and Mr Frank Allaun MP, who received similar letters from the National Peace Council, have written to the Secretary of State drawing his attention to this resolution.
2 It would be difficult for Lord Goronwy-Roberts not to agree to receive a denutation from the National Peace Council; he recently saw a delegation from TAPOL, headed by Lord Soper, with which the National Peace Council have agreed to collaborate.
D3 I submit a draft letter from Mr Galsworthy to the Secretary- General of the National Peace Council and draft letters from Lord
Goronwy-Roberts to Mr John Parker and Mr Frank Allaun explaining that he has agreed to receive a delegation from the Council.
CW TN ks
South East Asian Department 7 January 1975
fat He fe
Ppa.
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SECRET
Reference
Mr Palyer
SoutMEast Asian Department
MRS BUDIARDJO AND INDONESIAN POLITICAL PRDSONER
2. Mrs Budiardjo was born in London SE10 in 1925, nee Brickman. In 1948 she attended a meeting of the Burma Peasants Mass Conference staged by the Burma Communist Party. she had a long history of communist activities, mostly premarriage, She belonged to the International Union
of Students and the World Federation of Democratic Youth, both communist front organizations, She was also a long time member of the Communist Party of Great Britain. In 1963 she was described as a PKI Sympathiser, Her husband, Suwondo Budiardjo, was Chirer of the Shipping Allocation Section: in the Ministry of Sea Communications in Jakarta and also On the staff of the economic section of the Indonesian Department of Foreign Affairs, At this time lirs Budiardjo was also a member of Himpunan Sardjana Indonesia — the Indonesian Scholars Association -
which was reputed to be a communist organization,
4. Mrs Budiardjo and her daughter, Mrs
are members.of TAPOL, the British campaign for one release of Indonesian political prisoners, which
has organized vigils outside the Indonesian Embassy in london and publicity for the campaign including letters and articles in the press and interviews on the radio. According to Mrs Hibbett, her father was a IMember Hf the PKI but a passive one, not in agreement with thecommunist coup. Unfortunately we know nothing of any other members of TAPOL, or the Secretary, Sarah Leigh, nor do we have any evidence of any activity beyond that aimed at the release of the prisoners. There is no evidence to link TAPOL with Similar organizations in the Netherlands. The Indonesi are obviously concerned at the publicity achieved by Mrs Budiardjp and a press statement of 28 August 1974 Said that "Mrs Budiardjo's communist background explained why she was actively campaigning against the Indonesian Government and blackening the name of the Indonesian Republic abroad. She was engaging in such a campaign because she opposed the destruction of the communist party and communist ideology in Indonesia",
5 The conditions in which the political prisoners ar
kept have been the subject of interest since 1965, i attaeh a copy of a report of 1968 of visits by 4 member $f the FCO to two Indonesian political prisons.
in 1971 there was a much publicised visit to Bumeu
) FHL
toate
BP betlf
iV INA
CULS “PRe
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SECRET
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SECRET
by two International Red Cross officials who reported,that conditions were "very acceptable", I also attach some later freports which may be of interest.
(iM teen Cnr
Kathleen Kazer
S &SHAsia Section
Research Department
5 October 1974
It A CODV tA AST ¥
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CONFIDENTIAL
Reference
Miss Kager (Research Department G. 65/l)
VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS: INDONESIAN POLITICAL
PRISONERS
Sak.
Na I attach a minute from Mr James of UN Department to me asking for information which might form the basis of a brief for our Mission to the UN against the time when the question of Indonesian political detainees comes before the UN Commission on Human Rights, probably early next year.
can answer points C-D in paragraph 6 ies' minute from our own files here but
La} grateful for some assistance on
+AY f an 2 uestions A and B,
De I have asked our Registry to find out whether we have seen and have at any stage commented on Mrs Budiardjo's testimony of December 1972 (exhibit H of the UN document). I should be frateful if you could let me know whether you have any information which would allow us to accept or refute Mrs Budiardjo's evidence. I suspect that this will be difficult: as a former detainee now released and living in complete freedom she must know perfectly well that whatever she says about her treatment as a political prisoner will be difficult if not impossible to refute since none of us is in a position to verify the accusations. I note however that she does not mention that she met and married her husband whilst studying in Prague in 1950 and that she is careful to emphasize that she was a member of various trade uniong and women's organisations rather than that she was a member of the PKI. I consider that it would be helpful for our delegation in New York to know something of
Mrs Budiardjo's background and particularly of the circumstances in which she renounced her British nationality in 1954 but was able to acquire it again in 1971 on renounciation of her Indonesian nationality to enable her to be released from detention and deported to this country. It would also be helpful to have any note from ouvert sources tha:
Mrs Budiardjo is at present engaged in activities which go well beyond seeking to secure the release of her husband and other detainees in Indonesia;
that she is orchestrating a campaign to arouse hostility to the Indonesian regime both here and in other IGGI countries in order to isolate and thus weaken President Suharto's Government both externally and domestically.
Ju. The
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CONFI DENTIAL
hs. » The impression I have of the Indonesian Government's attitude towards allegations of violations of human rights is ostrich like. Do we have any
further information about their policy other than
the statements contained in the UN document and the occasional publicised visits by journalists to Bara
and their indications to us that they resent interference in what they regard as pnternal political affair.
R E Palmer south Hast Asian
DSW86A
5 September 197)
GONFIDEN TIAL
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Reference: 23.0.0 fe
UM 50/6
CONFIDENTIAL Wank
Mr peangl (se - W 86A) 4a,
cc. with encl: Mr Relton (LAD)
Mr Wiggin (BAD)
Mr Holloway (EAD)
Mr Philip (Caribbean Dpt)
Mr Williams (MED)
Miss Brimelow (SWED)
COMMUNICATIONS TO THE UNITED NATIONS ALLEGING
VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS
1 Each year, several thousand communications (petitions, in more everyday parlance) are sent to the UN Secretary- General alleging violations of human rights in this or that part of the world. Under a procedure established
in 1971, these communications are now considered in the first instance by a Working Group of the UN Sub-— Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. The Working Group meets prior to the annual session of the Sub-Commission in August, and
sifts the communications to bring to the attention of the Sub-Commission those which appear to reveal"a consistent pattern of gross violations of human rights". The Sub-Commission is then empowered to forward such communications to the Human Rights Commission, which
in turn may conduct its own investigation into the allegations contained in the communications.
Pa In 1973, the Sub-Commission decided to forward to the Fuman Rights Commission communications relating to
8 countries, namely Brazil, Burundi, Guyana, Indonesia, Iran, Portugal, Tanzania and the United Kingdom (the latter communication was a report by Amnesty International alleging maltreatment of detainees in Northern Ireland in 1971). At its session in February/March earlier thig year, the Human Rights Commission did not discuss these
8 communications substantively, but instead decided to establish its own Working Group to meet prior to next year's session of the Commission in February 1975 to examine the communications and report to the Commission.
De The procedure for dealing with human rights: communications at the UN is relatively untried and still evolving, and is opposed by many countries, notably the East Europeans. Our own policy has been to give full support to the introduction of the procedures and to seek to strengthen their effectiveness as a means to investigate allegations of human rights violations. At the last session of the Human Rights Commission, however, our main concern, reflected in our delegation's brief, was to secure a satisfactory outcome to discussion of the Amnesty International report on Northern Ireland in the form of a decision that the information contained in the report did not constitute evidence of a "consistent pattern" of violations. This will presumably remain our objective at next year's session of the Commission,
4. In the meantime, there has been some Parliamentary interest in our policy towards the allegations relating to other countries (see the attached PQ from Mr
CONFIDENTIAL /and
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CONFIDENTIAL
and Mr a written reply). The noncommitta ine of the reply was only made possible
by the change of Government on 28 February. We had
in fact instructed our delegation to take the line that we did not wish to take sides on the substance of allegations related to other countries, although we did think that prima facie these allege far more serious violations of human rights than the Amnesty International report on Northern Ireland: we hoped that the Commission would
deal with each allegation on its merits. A complicating factor at that time was that, because the procedures are confidential, we had not in fact seen copies of the communications related to the other countries. It seems likely that Mr Faulds will return to the charge before
the next session of the Commission.
Dn We therefore need to co-ordinate our policy towards these communications before then. A number of factors have to be considered, such as our general policy of support for the communications procedures, our policy on Northern Ireland, our general stance on human rights at the UN and our bilateral relations with each country concerned,
6. I attach a copy of the communication on Indonesia and would be grateful for your comments on the following points:
(a) the reliability of the information contained in the communication;
(b) the policy of the Indonesian Government towards allegations of this nature;
(c) whether we have made bilateral representations to the Indonesian Government on the substance of these or similar allegations, or on other human rights questions;
(d) whether support for discussion and investigation of these allegations at the UN would be likely to damage our bilatertd relations with Indonesia and whether such damage would be significant.
I am copying this minute to the desk officers listed above, together with a copy of the relevant communicatian relating to the country with which they deal and would be grateful if they too could answer the above questions mutatis mutandis. When I have received replies from everyone, I will attempt to draw the strands together.
lke The copies of the communications are the only ones we have at present and I would be grateful if they could all be returned to me with replies to this minute. If other Departments wish to keep a copy, perhaps they could produce
one themselves.
JaSow.0
J R James
United Nations
4 September 1974 Department
CONFIDENTIAL
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ned
SONI THI TAF ” 6
oe hy tar Y Ge ay Bye
an Political Prisong Api’6s
Report on Visits to Two Indom si.
x ey py A Onannt ars Mann.
by tng inird Secretary, Mir, Morgan,
On 1 February, 1968 I visited the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) Detention Centre at Tengserane outside the capital, and foblowed this the next day with a visit to Salomba Detention Centre in the heart of the Clty. As 2 was the only diplomat ever to be allowed into these political prisons, it was a particularly novel end interesting experience, ‘he following is an account of these visits.
Tangerang
2. Tangereng is a small town about 25 kilometers west of Djakarta, connected by railwey and situated on the main Djakarta= Merak road, The Dutch colonial governnent planned jt as a major penal contre and built three large prisons there, two of which are now for juvenile delinquents and
the third, the one I visited, is used one-tenth for criminals and nine-tenths for members of the PKI, Tangerang itself
has the distinction of being one of the few towns of Indonesia in which the inhabitants of Chinese origin outnumber the
re S Le) e fhe Prison
3. The prison itself, a square white-washed building,
was constructed in 1931 end stands in parkland about ls Kiloneters off the main road. ‘The prisoners! blocks are
arranged in the form of the spokes of a wheel covering semicircle with the administrative, functional end educational block in the middie, The PKI prisoners live in two blocks, B and C, 403 in one and 425 in the other, and are fenced off from the sighb of the criminals, with whom they have little contact. Each coll, measuring 3 meters by is metors, consists of four wells end a concrete floor with no furniture whatsoever beyond a few pegs in the wall, Generally three people share a cell in which they stay from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. each day, Sometimes a person will be by himself, but for obvious reasons there are never two together,
4, To spend 12 hours a day in a small bare room with nothing to do would, in other circumstences, be montal torture; but in the hot air and with the weakness induced by lack of food most of the prisoners long ago: acquired the habit of sleeping throughout the dark hours,
A Day in the Life of a Prisoner 6. ‘The day begins st 6 a.m. with the banging of an iron gong and the unlocking of iron cell doprs, set for half their heipht with sturdy bars, At 7 a.m. a nhysical:, a 2 Ae ee P 1 fa] i e training instructor muuifests himself snd they are put /torough
CONFIDENTIAL,
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mit Go) ENP TA 4
Lhrough stronuous jorks and paces by a men, who, unlike thom, hos gust had his bree ikfost. At 8 Beil there is a period
for the washing o f clothes and bodies at tho lerre troughs in the centro of ae compound. 08 D ‘is not provided but must be brourpht, if required, by visiting relatives, Cells ere also washed out by the inmates at this time.
6. Fron 10 a.m to 11 4m. priscners ere allowed to sce the governor or commandant of the prison to explain thoir ersonel wae pha The govarnor is supposed to do what 1@ can on their panast in tho OY of nondine brokun hones etc., but since the Governor presides over the two other Djekortéa political prisons, Salemba with 2,000 prisoners and Bukitduri, the womens’ rrison, with 100 ‘npisoners, the physicel fm esibility of one man dealing with the Raye 2 problems of 3000 people is self-evident, Tha
nts looked about as sympathetic es a briele wall.
nob pied to write letters (nor me aoa Or ero thev allowed to
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3d envthing
Lik ee cold an - 32;: J ee es |! 4 1
& Lioe ate G TSULILLONS mat arin} Cna Col Wer bolieve | fhe SUC! it da: A dh ¥ CRS mASD. bated by dt & biG | WrLsi apy int [Unreadable]
808 Solon) ae about his api:
HALLE PLCS EUYPLLeES Liat = a © erly considered. w:!
mo the moral dilemma of Lting a PKI prisoner starve setting hin fre
9. Between 12 noon end 5:
ook for yerious acti ivitic S. Compulsory:
attanded for l<2 hours a Gay in tne:
ist tent Oe This is combined with al indoctrinetion,
10, Specially selected prisoners can work on 110 hectares to the south of the prison and s
volloy-bell end other sports, The rest appog in their compound,
the fara of ome play
or to remsin ore eS Pelle there is a roll-call end et 6 pin, thay are locked up egein in their colls,
tion ofthe Communi ct Prisoner
ia thing to strike an observer ebout tho prisoners Perse youthfulness, T would not have said some a apove 17 » VON allowdir tf for the roma ey able ebility Tor preseivetion. One boy I eroke to.
imo he was “almost 20" after looking cusstioninely ¢ at my escort Beye ee euee I was told the minimum ape;
was 19 ¢ i the ma n 60, I would calculate that at least
Vig
/halt
é wh wre
VORP TT CP
CONT DENT
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half of them were balovw a. lore Oo a Numbor
and distineuis sned~Looking old fentlenon who seoned qu out of place,
13. Since a fpoat many Indons: sien citizens could be deseribed as lithely built, it is not vary helpiul to
Say they were thin, but wher Ain certainly. none of them carried any surplus weight, fron fhe several hundred prisoners I sew there vas no ovic Once of pross malnutrition whatsoever.
14, One thing was remarkable, In a country where 8 frtalistie resipmation to the se end hardsnips of life is the rule rather than the exception, ono might expect fron seria who have been locked uD for more then two YELLE, who hava little hone of diawinont pelease, and whose Live
is &n end: Less routing or drudrery end Cin pines: IS gy a state
of anothetic despair, whether or not it is a reflection
on bie mont al fortitide or Cormunt ism in genel ral i would
not Know, | bub thar Lit evidences 38%~_. OW peonla nave cone mad Ci fas told) end vorvuler syehologic tests show most prisoners to be remarkably alert.
Ty of CF ey
AN be in
Run Ventaroly. ny ry: is ston or CHG to OL } “urd, it produces vorets bles. The Et 3!
l is in sight. Everything the irri Labion diter ( they been LErvad ordinary Vigour in the heat and weanuets from Cydney, AUSLY ETI eg noved me hav he hed bea crossin, WE WEG, &1ll we need, is our guard loafed in the shade,
16, It seemed a monstrous irony that here in a centre for pe oe should ors Yind the perfect comaune, nut por ter “ll the moral lies in the fac See él obson ca 0. eat 3ecdom Was 1wCosse y for its ISS
FPerhe. )
and Visiting,
17, énother strenpe thing on the farn was the way in which rouns of prisonors worked without, eny guard supervision, vouglines the nearest puard was half a milo away, And yet escane hardly ever oec BUD 7 vas told no one ever ran eve by t49 Governor, but a little chert outside one oftha b rethor onbe rrossingly stated "itor EME, this we 6k ~ Jt),
The roeson Lor this eanypears 3 to be that nr st of the priso
would only be returning to ene chor hard life anyway,
/Bocause
ropes ‘Torr vy ‘] (f ret Pay I 1 fees
BEAR LA We 0 ts
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C CRIrtn TPIVY AT
Because of the close-Init villare socisty outside the Citios end often within they Be they vould immedictely arouse suspicion, and in any 2266, #8 the man LLOI - Austre lia said, ého only aii most of thon havo is to retum to their femilies where they would immediately be noticed, I pe to one person who ectually only lived three milos OWAY.
18, Visitors, wives or closa relations are om ay
for ehout ton minutes per mont a Political prise sparad the Dlus uniform of criminals b
must iedng them clothes (which ware aanerei te ty a bed state), ‘hose who are destitute however will ba issue with military green outfits,
anrkean th -
Derker “hineg
19, Yunishnent was a ify nbject to broach, Although as recuired, I was told by the Governor that PELIOUB offencers ware ra i One| at & WeCkK or co whe selt water retion ¢ ut fas a suivicient det Lorrent.
As I Supnese in the both in “alombe end Tancor picking, 1 nasty AN shoven:
Wray 0 enecul 11,63 OH)
aut thoy cleerl y hoid, those who play ee! mes; Thess n cer § i! ine to eno “ainee ris Psa ero Se rye te hoa. }foubonsnt obyps of r i? Sid iskers, great
Bir, Ne im diate) poaee to mind
Ssueers in "Nicholss if
Wud ua
, Governor of the three prisons in on the other hand seemed firn but belding with a vrominent meustache
and 2 Pape smile, he s gl tie cepicultursl vpoject, hes &llovod | thing 5 to members of the FKI cultural group and is ] 1a activities, bearing in mind on absence of fi
Cn Lomhn
Pedieds
are Tone preatest problem is Calemba prison in tho heart of Djakarta whore there is no seope for faring. The prisoners reap et » flower beds and vozstablo plots in immaculate shape sg mt thera is more of & “caged snimal" atmosphere than at Tanrerang, Whereas et Vane 7ePeNG all the vriscners were Groun u Cperd haral | Communists), ct Salemba thers era 400 Croup A, the he avd core, and £00 ‘Group Bowith nother 800 Group Ci. dy Ar) tre Ui 4ekrobi rave % Beis) Folace Gue rd, who WOERS
cantained by Colocnol Untung, he initietor of the 1965 tt aceeen coup, wera thore for viewing, They Rlored out
fires
CORD TLL
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2 toe Gry
ordeal
mitered decd i
frou behind thoir bars in the way that a snake j & mouse, silent and unblinking,
Concluss ons |
22, ft the end of it all, I could sincore Colones] Wirjedi, the _ irc drmetion" ofvicer me throughout, that I was very Pee an erro one érbicle in tho Par astern { I was rrepared to find starving Condit one, in tect evoeryth ting |
sed the central lavetory NYSE much of their lives thems toat J J sav one chart showing al NRE in Salemba in 1946 whe:
double the present figure, dise which is common here anywey wonld v, with 80 ea peonle in Vory contect &0 been misled on this score, impossible glances, eee bhey hav< bias at Military Hosnital aaly al it emonsat thenselves fol, almost every other condit
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aten
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25. The real tro;
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er ‘ ‘ os =
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werd
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IO last your, Drecdon is t is “as ya ti horefore, that Sts fia a and courers in the fsee of Gua ally released and their | spirit 411 be @ most praisewort phy and
ble 1 ravage
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ore BVEll
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' “DAG NEE Bu
18-3593
AMBASSADOR ALAMSJAH ON. 4 PPSAL OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL Ny 6. THE HAGUE, March 19 (Antara) (if Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands, H. Alamsjah Ratu Perwiranegara, has said in an interview with Antara that the efforts and concern expressed by Amnesty International
towards the Indonesian Government on the fate of political detainees should be welcomed and appreciated.
The Ambassador was reacting on statements by Sean Macbride, chairman of the executive committee of A.I. in Phe Hague March 14 last in which a general amnesty was called for for political detainees in Indonesia and in which he expressed concern about the fate and treatment of the detaineas.by Indonesian authorities.
If A.I.'s concern is based on humanitarian grounds, it can be pointed out that the Indonesian Government has done everything in her capability for the improvement of their living conditions, he said, in accordance with the basic principles which are also the geals to be achieved by Indonesia, although it is necessary to remind the A.I. that those detainees -- directly or indirectly -- had inhumanly murdered Indonesian leaders and had practiced political terrorism in the past.
Mieesijan Said. that 1f Acc... aims at improving the conditions of the political detainees who have been involved in the Gestapu/ PKI rebellion, in accordance with living standards of developed countries, Indonesia can impossibly meet entirely those aims.
But as a developing nation, the Indonesian Government has already progressed much in improving conditions among those detainees,
as far as the means and forces and capabilities available to
her permit in the respective fields. But in addition she also
has to improve the living standard of the Indonesian people in
all fields and she has to consider the national security which
has continuously been troubled by negative elements, and she
must rehabilitate the woundsinflicted by the Gestapu/PKI rebellion, as well as enhance vigilance against subversion which is troubling Indonesia from outside,
With regard the absence of trials, the Ambassador said this is not true. Indonesia's development presess is very complex and overall and the infrastructure has not bsan sufficiently developed, but still trials are held by the Government in accordance with pregress in the country at present.
On family reunions, he said it is not entirely true that wives and children could not join their husbands and fathers.
A.I. is perhaps also aware that the communications proplem as well as the transportation in Indonesia, with her thousands Ot:
islands is not as easy a problem as thought by the leadership of theA.I. But the IndonesianGcvernment has enabled such xyeunion so that the detainees can live a normal social life again,
He said perhaps Mr. Sean Macbride has not been very up to date on the latest data on the number of detainees. The exact amount of detainees on the island of Buru is 9,927 at present, he added.
Continued overleaf
=== [PDF page 21] ===
It should also be pointed out that the Indonesian Government very much appreciated the struggle of A.I. for the upholding of humanitarian values, but this should not only be done by criticism but also by contributions for the solution of the of political detainees in Indonesia.
The Indonesian Government will welcome all positive efforts and even seriously wants to Carry out a democratic 7» PEOCeESS In the real sense, in acoordance with the conditions and aspirations of the Indonesian people.
But on the other hand, Ambassador Alamsjah said, Indonesia has the Eight £0 criticise an a priori standpoint coming from whatever side. Indonesia will appreciate it.yery much if efforts and attention from A.I. would not only be directed to one country only, but her concern and efforts should
also be directed to other countries in the world where political detainees are present.
In conclusinn Ambassador Alamsjah said he is of the hope that a person with political knowledge the leader of A.I.should hold himself in control and should prévez:n the impréssicn: that he is intervening in domestic affairs Oe
‘ ~ountry.
=== [PDF page 22] ===
AM INESTY URGES INDONESIA TO FREE
. Oe, Sierra Ay Oe ~
ae A)
OSE. "155,000 UNTRIED
CIVILIANS
At a press conference held in The Hague, Holland, on March 14th, Amnesty International urged Indonesia to declare a general amnesty for more than 55,000 men and women who have been detained without trial for the past seven years.
The call came in a letter to Indonesian President Suharto from Sean Mac- Bride, Chairman of Amnesty’s International Executive Committee and it coincided with the publication by Amnesty’s Dutch Section of a new report devoted to the plight of the thousands of I nesians detained since the 1965 abortive left-wing coup (extracts from she Dutch report appear elsewhere on these pages»
An Amnesty spokesman ft the pr td the prisoner issue had assumed an even orale urg acy jrVi nesia § new peacekeeping role as a member of the Internati bat Commis: Paeesietee and Control in Vietnam. “It would be rove Indonesia were to be involved in arranging the
es of South Vietnamese political prisoners while doing nothing about her own”, the spokesman said.
a Ne St i a
=== [PDF page 23] ===
Ata press conference held in The Hague, Holland, on March 14th, Amnesty Intemational urged Indonesia to declare a general amnesty for more than 55,000 men and women who have been detained without trial for the past seven years.
The call came in a letter to Indonesian President Suharto from Sean Mac- Bride, Chainnan of Amnesty’s International Executive Committee and it coincided with the publication by Amnesty’s Dutch Section of a new report devoted to the plight of the thousands of Indonesians detained since the 1965 abortive left-wing coup (extracts from the Dutch report appear elsewhere on these pages).
An Amnesty spokesman at the press conference said the prisoner issue had assumed an even greater urgency in view of Indonesia’s new peacekeeping role as a member of the International Commission for Supervision and Control in Vietnam. “It would be ironic if Indonesia were to be involved in arranging the release of South Vietnamese political prisoners while doing nothing about her own”, the spokesman said.
Last month, Amnesty, which has consultative status at the United Nations, drew the attention of the UN Human Rights Commission to Indonesia’s violation of human rights in her detention policy. The submission will be considered by a UN sub-commission later this year.
In his letter, Mr. MacBride told President Suharto that Amnesty International felt “grave concern” over the continued detention of so many untried prisoners. Amnesty International has estimated that there are more than 55,000 people detained in Indonesia for political reasons. Of these some 39,000 are officially scheduled for trial (Category A prisoners) or for continued untried detention (Category B).
“Bearing in mind the fact that many of these men and women have been in custody for over seven years, that none has been convicted of any criminal offence or been given any opportunity to question their detention, we would strongly urge your government to announce a general amnesty during 1973, the 25th anniversary of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” Mr. MacBride said.
He said that Category A prisoners should be included in the amnesty “on the grounds that they could be said to have purged their alleged crimes by over seven years imprisonment”’.
In addition, Ammesty has urged that:
— a definite trial date be set for those prisoners against whom the government still intends to level major criminal charges
— death sentences on prisoners already tried should be commuted and no further executions should take place. According to Amnesty International records, at least 30 persons are now under sentence of death
— until an amnesty is implemented all prisoners should be informed of the alleged grounds for their detention and should be given the means to appeal against it
— Category B prisoners on Buru Island should be included in the amnesty and the government should cancel its plans to set up new ‘resettlement’ areas for such prisoners
— the government should implement the UNs Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners which ensure adequate food, medical care, contacts with families and access to legal aid, and prohibit torture or other cruel or inhuman treatment
— the government should publish with minimum delay a comprehensive list of all persons in detention as large numbers of detainees and their families have lost contact with each other during the past seven years.
=== [PDF page 24] ===
ac SE
PROPRIO CL cromys me polices were the tools or the colonial poverniment, p=. finding fault with the people; not. seeking to improve them. They were not
/ “: *,.. the friends but the foes, of the people.
- At present, our police, from the top to the bottom, are the friends of the people. They protect the people and put emphasis on peace and 9 security of the people's lives at home.
Therefore, the TEKAB membe Martawibawa are not the people Jakarta Police Chief who hz taken measures in accordance with the ire of the people.
Our people have/long been thirsty of Justice and/friendship from the.“ police. We hope tht the death of a detainge as a esult of brutality committed: by the “Wk: m will become a bitter ‘ lesson. - Such in the future! ~, [Unreadable]
PROBLEM OF POLITICAL PRISONERS & HOW TO.HANDLE IT
. I think Indonesians who have travelled abroad will agree with me that one of the difficult things is when we are asked questions about the political prisoners. Usually our arguments in defense of the govern ‘4. ment are. easily refuted so that at most we can say that they don't under- Stand.the conditions and situations in Indonesia. Meanwhile,they continue piercing us with questions like these: "Is it human to keep people in custody for seven years without trial? What do you think about the staterent of attorney general Sugih Arto that B-category political prisoners are considered guilty but since this cannot yet be proved they are not brought to trial?"
Interest in the political prisoners have apparently been growing particularly since the Vietnam war was nearing settlement. When formerly we were asked about Bali when they knew we were Indonesians, now they, notably students, ask questions about political prisoners.
Why has the problem become popular now? The reason is of course that there are individuals or groups that camaison against it. It can be assured that they are Communists or Commmist sympathizers but there also those who
-"" agitate about it purely on grounds of humanity. The latter includes Amesty International which campaien aseinst political prisoners in Indonesia and “i,./ also in other countries, including the Conmmist countries. -But Indonesia is promptly.in the focus of attention because it has the largest number of prisoners and is called "le plus grand prison du monde," the biggest prison an. the worlds. =." aR HbA ea A ae ee ee Rs The eampaion will probably become more‘intense. Two months ago, the >. Dutch and-Belgian branch of Amesty International published a book on “3% political prisoners in Indonesia. ‘the book was prepared well, illustrated - with pictures of the prisoners and contained stories which were so written that they were moving when you read them. - (For example, the story of Sugiyah, a girl who-was ‘captured at Lubang Buaya when she ‘was thirteen and cried for - her mother when she was taken away. Since her ‘arrest, she hes never seen her family).
S| Stories
=== [PDF page 25] ===
Stories like this make the ordinary people in Europe interested in the problem and promptly relate it to Nazi concentration cams in the second world war so that the problem is seen even more dramatically.
Meanwhile, demonstrations were staged such as that which theater and movie artists staged in London the day before yesterday. When [EI visited France, some Inglishmen, including menbers of Parliament, wrote a letter to THE GUARDIAN calling attention of the British government to the problem before giving economic aid to Indonesia. In France itself there was a profusion of publications issued by leftist groups on the subject.
When Pak Harto was welcomed in the Parts city hall, a couple of newspapermen deronstratively left the room by giving the Nazi salute. (In France the Conmmist party is very strong). There are other matters which can be told endlessly.
What interests me is our government attitude to the problem. It
‘ seems that the government adopts this stand: let them agitate, anyhowthey are Commmists and it is proper for Commmists to mount such a campaign.
This attitude is obviously inadequate because the problem of political prisoners is not purely a political problem but also contains humanitarian aspects. This makes the position of Amnesty International strong in its campaign and the groups that are politically mtivated also exploit them.
They seek to put themselves on a level with Amesty International.
If the Indonesian governnent is fostile to this organization and regards it as a Commmnist group, then this attitude will bolster the Commnist groups which campainn for political purposes. In Europe everybody knows that Armesty International is a non-political organization which is viewed with enmity by both the Spanish and Greek governments and the governments in Eastern Furope. To the Europeans, hostility to Amesty will make the country concerned unpopular and Amesty and those who ride on its bandwagon more popular. It is the letter that is a problem for us.
I think the Indonesian government had better revise its attitude in dealing with public opinion in Europe. A strategy almed at separating the froups which campaign for political ends and the groups which struggle nonpolitically is very important at this time. Having met ‘various kinds of people in Europe, I think we can tall with those who question the problem of political prisoners on a moral basis. With those who are politically motivated it is difficult indeed to talk, but fortunately our position is at least equal to theirs, if not stronger. We can easily point to the political prisoners kept in the Conmmist countries and we can also say that if Indonesia was a,Conmunist country it might not be better with regard to political prisoners.
Of course, it is not enough to maintain better contacts with Amnesty International and similar institutions to cultivate public opinion in ‘Europe. Something must be done at home. I’: think it is time that the prodlem was settled before it is too late, that is when public opinion in Europe is as negative toward Indonesia as it is toward the present South Vietnamese fovernment. The rejection of President Thieu to visit France and his unpleasant welcome in Bonn when thousands of students were demonstrating against him should be made a lesson. If the situation is like this, only the Conmunist groups that are talking about the political prisoners will smile.
Whether we will Jearn from the experience of others or will want to have the experience ourselves, that's the question.
=== [PDF page 26] ===
YA arerin J (CS ae me UK
Bap,
BRITISH EMBASSY
DJAKARTA
2k May 1972
J 8 Chick Esq
SWPD
FCO
LONDON sSv4
Dye Sox,
POLITICAL DETAINS&ES: BURU
The Attorney General, General Sugih Arto, recently called on President Soeharto to report on the families Cf wne polscaca detainees on Buru island.
ae He told the Press afterwards that the first Shipment of Families would be made in July and that 1,600 political detainees would be reunited with their families. fhe completion of prefabricated houses, built by the detainees, was expected this month. Prefabricated material for 1,200 houses and seven primary school buildings was now in stock.
Be He added that a survey team was Visiting the families the political detainees to enquire if they wished to join men on Buru island.
us it looks as though the Attorne wis! POrecacu, ait beginning of last year (se Hunt tex f 19 January
TO Sullivan) WaS aonousy Pricht. cording Paces amros Mation, there are now 10,COO detainees on Buru. ct Wile tare sone tine to transport ail their ee to the island — if, inceec, the families can be persuaded to EO But it shows at Lease chat the Indonesian Coreen. ave sincere Im their
expressed aim or improving the lot cf the Buru detainees
PCR CONIA GaNe
CMe oe to OS SAS a
BW eees> we TD Ue iw
: FDIS eel
9 AER en Bagh a se
i udp) | if 2 ‘
eee Bae e aati
aca ON ee tallies
=== [PDF page 27] ===
DJAKAI TA
UNCLASSIFIED Ss Ce
4/5 RCS Cine
t oer
$+ awh
"45 Febru: ry 1974
P J Sullivan Esq
South Vest Pacific Depe rtment
FCO: ty,
London 'SiVi 7 a fssip (me. Put do
ow (ES) D,
[Unreadable]
Rood saat J ie %
POLITICAL DETAINERS re.
You may be interested in the attached report from Antira’ lo;
Agency on a visit by a representative of the Internat: onal Red Cross to Buru Islard to see the Group B deteinees there
2 As you will sce, the report is quite favourable.
3 We have not yet secr a copy of the report of Amnes: 7" Ini national following Maci ride's visit here last Novembe:: but of the Indonesian vorn: cular dailies "Indonesia Raya" carr)
extrects in'two of its issues on 5 and 8 Vebruary. ‘'T:-ansi appeared in the Americ: n VYranslation Unit Press Revie s on 10 February. ‘The extricts were carried without comae) b+ anil appeared to be reasonai ly fair und accurate,
(RM HUN
=== [PDF page 28] ===
‘EXTRACT FROM "ANTARA" 3 12 FEBRUARY Ueue
a ie i
2 Nay roy te, \Jbde se ue
CONCENTRATION C_MPy SVS INSP Ne 9!
uD CROSS wxXWCULLV ie 4
DIVKaRT A, FuBRUARY 1 RT lie) oo ile Ue Dr. | CS head of the Health Burea at the International Red Cross in Gerieva, told newsmen here ‘today that the resettlement area for political détainees in Buru island, Central Maluku, did by no moans look like a concentrat-~ ion camp. Bae
Talking of his impression during his loureday vislt to the”
. island late last month ME sid be Saw no inhuinan BGs ', treatment upon’ political detainves in the island, ge «accompanied by a member of the International Red Crogs Comnittce, Dr, made a four-day. visit to the island late last month to observe the condition of eae political detainees sent to the island in tho iniddle OL 1969. Sac hi i
i aaa Sc eS
ce said they aro free to meet and talk with detainees
while in the island and had no impression as if the, Indonesian
; Sovernment had made arrangcments in order that they heard and
*.- note only favourable Chins, 4:
Though isolated in an island the detainoes still en-
JOycd frecdom and livcd in a frecr situation than those in th Langerang and -Bukit Duri prisons which they also visited, he
_ added, ne;
Daring tho World Wor II, he addud, he had once visited
@& concentration camp in Wust Garmany and what he observed
in the cand could nob be comparud to tha conddbdon dan Doty
Leland,,
He also noted a harmonius communication betwoen ‘the detainces and their guards and other government oft dein tig working in thoisland, he added,
4nswering a question he gaid-he could not comparo the,
- conditions of tho detainuus tn tho deland with politica detainces in communist countries since those countrios, had.never Dermittéd Ingornational Rud Cross orficlals, te: visit.thoip dota juste eo
[Unreadable]
Mone hoo we ~ Lk LonBe A771 B
“Be International Red Cross had once eu pueee a pune for 4 vVinstk to political detainu g in Indonesia during tho
¢ } i top ke ra dishael, fies preadet, ee ae es he Biru Jiidan vw 2) 1 bo SonUtiod LH Bw WIN Ele th moporh that. wld. Do Satie Shantou ieee Indondneet pevarninunts "aol soport wid. olue eta ke Bins ae bey bbe Ped ppenieg aan foririipnh ot b£fotba to diuprove he Cancers lee a Ae Pie Mr a ails
LWSOZ7N OOS QLD
=== [PDF page 29] ===
i a a a a ln Sn
hnsloutter / (Ota A
BRITISH EMBASSY
DJ. A
RIGISTRY No.52
ZoJLk 197} 19 January 197
PJ Sullivan Esq
South West Pacific Department
FCO IRD.
London Sw1 f Ney — ie
"Coli sie (ce, Shc.)
Porn Cra. dal)
Mire bax Below. Be
POLITICAL DETAINEE
In the Ambassador's absence I attended a briefing on Saturday 16 January given by the Attorney General to Heads of Mission on the latest position regarding political detainees,
2 I understand that the idea for the briefing came from lir Adam Malik, the Foreign Minister, after members of the Indonesian delegation to the United Nations had told him that they had received many critical questions while in New York about the Indonesian Government's treatment of political detainees.
3 The briefing was well attended by Asian and Western Heads of Mission but there were few representatives from Communist countries,
4 General Soegih Arto opened the proceedings by saying that he intended to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. He asked us to understand the economic background to the
problem of political detainces and to appreciate the limitations of the Indonesian Government.
5 He said the paramount consideration was the security of the State. People were only detained if they constituted a threat to security. There were degrees of threat. The detainees had been divided into four groups:- \ Group A were hard core PKI leaders on whom enough evidence had been amassed to prosecute them in a court of law. The present nunber of detainees in Group A totalled 4,179. Up to the end of last year 130 Croup A detainees had been tried.(is. wGa.
_ Trials were lengthy and costly, usually taking at least a “fortnight for a single detainee with the court Sitting all day every day. At the present rate, he considered that 120 trials a year was an optimistic target, However, his Department were training 500 new judges and the rate of trials would, increase considerably when these judges completed training in
Se cre acter
=== [PDF page 30] ===
CONFIDENTIAL
about a year's time. He added that his Department was also extremely short of prosecutors,
Group B were lmown PKI leaders on whom there was insufficient evidence to prosecute in a court of law. The present number of detainees in Group B totalled 14,796. They constituted
too much of a threat to the security of the State to be rehabilited and released and the Buru Project had been devised to absorb then.
Group C were what the Attorney General called "fellow travellers".
He said they were not real Communists, but had been misled. The present number of detainees in Group C totalled 11,232. They
were in the process of rehabilitation and it was the Government's intention to release all of them in due course. Many had already been released and experience had shown that some of them had difficulty in gaining acceptance by their neighbours when théy returned to their home villages. For such outcasts, the facilities of Buru would be made available as for the Group B detainees,
Group X were detainees still under intensgation and awaiting categorisation into Groups A, Bor C. The present number of detainees in Group X totalled 12,300.
apne i
6 As at 31 December 1970 the total figure of political detainees ain Indonesia was 42,507. 3
THE BURU PROJECT
7 Buru Island was chosen for a resettlement project for political detainees for three reasons.
pot
a) It was a long way from the political centre of Djakarta.
b) It was sparsely populated.
c) It had good soil.
The Attorney General said Buru was slightly larger than Bali with a population of 30,000 as against Bali's 2 to 3 million. Most of the
30,000 lived around the coast and were engaged in fishing or making salt. The Government had negotiated the acquisition of 100,000 hectares of good agricultural land from two local Sultans in return for the building of a mosque costing Rupiahs 3 million. The Government had Surveyed the area and constructed thirteen camps. They had also cut down trees and -Opened up over 700 hectares of forest land ready for planting.
8 In 1969 2,500 detainees were transferred to Buru. These were followed in 1970 by another 5,000 detainees, making 7,500 on Buru Island as at 31 December 1970, ‘they were all males in good physical condition under 45 years of age, from different parts of Java. They were treated in exactly the same way as normal migrants under the Government's transmigration schemes. In other words, they were given oight months Supply of clothing and food and kitted out with agricultural implements, kitchen utensils, mosquito nets and household equipment. They were also given
CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 31] ===
sant isos ant
a A RR A i ig
shana canlinhiie nice oars tallaai 5
Se cE Ee eC i a eer What rsa aa bsitiniit
Po i
CONFIDENTIAL
seed, insecticides and Sprayers. This kitting out process took place at a penal island south of Tjilatjap which was a prison for long term criminals. The detainees were medically examined and inoculated there before being shipped to Buru. In Buru they moved into barracks in camps of about 200 or more where they were kept under guard. They worked in the fields every day from 7 in the morning until 4 in the evening. The Attorney General said by the time they returned to their barracks they were too tired to indulge in political discussion.
9 The aims of the project were to make the detainees self-supporting,
_ to reunite them with their families and to resettle them in society.
To date, they had not produced enough food to be able to Suppat their families. The Attorney General thought that the first families should be able to join detainees on Buru Island in 1972, There were, however, two other considerations before detainees could be reunited with their families. ‘The first was what the Attorney General called Pantja Silaisation, ie mental rehabilitation and pursuasian away from Communisn.
The second consideration was whether the families wished to join detainees, Many of them had been Separated for 4 to 5 years.
10 ‘Cost of the project worked out at Rupiahs 16,000 transportation for each detainee, and Rupiahs 80,000 a detainee for eight months supply of necessities. The total cost to the Government of all political detainees was Rupiahs 650 million a year.
11 On organisation, the Attorney General said he was responsible for looking after the detainees, but that he was guided by an advisory board consisting of all the interested Government Departments including Agriculture, Health, Religion, the four Armed Services and OPSUS. He stressed that the detainees were held under the rvle of law (Presidential Decree No 5 of 1969) and there was nothing in the Indonesian law that
was contrary to human rights. He welcomed any questions,
12 The Japanese Ambassador asked what successes they had achieved in their mental rehabilitation programe, ‘The Attorney General said it was noteworthy how many of the detainees Since arriving in Buru had taken up religion. Each camp had a moSque and a church and services were always very well attended, He thought that most of the Group B detainees were being weaned away from Communism,
13. The New Zealand Ambassador said there had been international criticism avout the slow rate of bringing the Group A detainees to trial. Could the Attorney General elaborate on his plans to accelerate the process. General Soegih Arto admitted that the rate had been slow and saw little chance of an improvement in 1971.
14 The Australian Ambassador Said the total figure of 42,500 was much lower than the figure of 75,000 which had been commonly believed, The
CONFIDENTIAL
a Ds
=== [PDF page 32] ===
aac A a RE cil cc NL NN RE te i ats ade eis
CONFIDENTIAL
Attorney General said the explanation was to be found in the release of many of the Group C detainees. On the other hand, the number in
Group X was increasing as KOPKAMTIB investigations brought to Pian | further FKI activities. As interrogations proceeded numbers in all}
groups would fluctuate up and down,
15 I have little extra information to add to the Attorney General's presentation. The Sultan of Jogjakarta told the Ambassador earlier this month that most of the Group © detainees had been released but there waS a problem in that many of them were not acceptable in their villages. He said arrangements had therefore been made to settle then in an area near Palembang (Sumatra) where they were completely free to come and go as they pleased,
16 I trust that ‘this letter provides the more detailed report which was promised by de Fonblanque in his letter 1/17 of 6 November.
[Unreadable]
LOR tei.
(R M Hunt)
Copied to:
JG Doubleday Esq
POLAD
Singapore
CONFIDENTIAL
aid
=== [PDF page 33] ===
lRea cr
Jakarta, March 4
Conditions on Buru Island are more those of a_ farming community than of prison camp, two International Red Cross officers from Geneva reported here this month. The living conditions acceptable’, they
ff pt
prisoners’ are ‘very
. said.
The two _ officers,
Roland Marti, head
Red Cross health bureau, and Mr Bernard Daniel, a member of the Red Cross international Committee, had just returned from four days on Buru, Indonesia’s prison island for suspected communists near Ambon in the Moluccas, So farabout 7,500 prisoners have been — sent thereand another 2,500 are due to go this year,
Dr. Marti said he and Mr
Daniel were given every opportunity to observe conditions and were able to interview prisoners Without supervision. They found that relations between the prisoners and their guards were good, and that the prisoners were in good health and well-fed.
‘{ did not see evidence of pressure or tension on the faces or in the eye of the prisoners’, said Dr Marti.
‘Moreover, so long as their farm work succeeds _ their standard of living is very
The oe Island camps were not concentration camps, he continued. The prisoners were given a good deal of liberty, much more than was given prisoners in camps in Java which they visited before going to Buru. Only in one of Buru’s 13 camps, for neweomers, had they seen cells or barbed wire.
In their report to the Indonesian Government, however, they would suggest improvements, Dr Marti said, As an example he said that prisoners and their families should be able to write to each other but otherwise he did not go into detail.
Their findings were greeted with relief here, for an unfavourable verdict would have made nonsense of recent official attempts to justify Buru in the face of overseas criticism.
These attempts haye included special bri¢fings for diplomats and some articles ‘planted ® in Jakarta newspaper which depict life on Buru in glowing terms.
Last month, for instance
Chas weekly, publication connected with the Defence Department, reported that
Namlea, Buru’s principal town, was booming as merchants from surrounding islands flocked to Buru to buy the prisoners surplus farm produce,
And in the camps, continued, the prisoners
of the
Chas have
been building their own homes
23S we ae
pels
in permanently
IST aE
Cleat
Ei sslan
“in the style of West Java or Central Java or Timor, and so on, ”;
Vegetable gardens flourish.
a machine has been installed to mill the prisonets’ crops of high-yielding rice from itrigated padi fields, and the money prisoners get from - their surplus production enables them to buy cigarettes, tobacco, tea, coffee, sugar, nails and clothing. To some ofthem are growing their own tea, coffee and tobacco.
They stage concerts, they have doctors to attend to their medical needs and each camp has. a mosque, two churches (Catholic and Protestant ) and a Buddhist temple for their spiritual needs so far there have been 125 baptisms, nominal Muslims arcreturning to mosque and the campaign against atheism is going well. On top of this, some prisoners can look forward tohaving their wives and children jointhem.
As Chas reported the
Situation, itis not surprising that it was able to tell also of a Buru islander who so impressed that he asked what he must do to become 8 political prisoner, too.
The Red Cross report confirms that this Banc esse- Government will a better able to answer critics of the Buru scheme. But good prison conditions do nothing to change the fact that the prisoners have been sent to Buru without trial or any other form of judicial process.
The 7,500 men on Buru
and about 7,500 men and
Women jn prisons elsewhere are ‘Category B’ prisoners,
which means the Government has not enough evidence to bring them to trial, though it is convinced they were involved in the 1965 Gestapu coup attempt.
Not that the situation
would change materially if the Government should find evidence to bring them to court, Then they would be reclassified into ‘Category A’ and they would join about
5,000 other prisoners who have beep in prison for six years, mostly, waiting on the glacial processes of Indonesian justice.
Only about 35 trials have been completed so far: 26 menhave sentenced to death and most of the rest to life sentences. So far there have been only six executions,
Part of the trouble is that special military courts
anti-subversion courts handling these cases are encumbered with elaborate processes inherited from Dutch Jaw which make heavy demands on time, money and legal manpower, the last two short supply.
the and
save money °
s indonesia’s
But it is difficult to believe the pace could not be faster.
The Attorney-General, Major-General Sugih Arto, has conceded that at this rate 5,000 category A trials will
200 years and has proposed training law graduates specially to try communists. But to change the system for greater speed would inevitably smack of a further reduction of the prisoners’ legal rights and is probably not possible.
There are also about 35,000 prisoners in other categories, most of whom the Government would like to release ii only to save the cost of keeping them but even this is difficult and the release rate is slow.
First, suspicion persists that these prisoners, so far as is known only indirectly
take _
Pherae
connected with the communists |
or the coup attempt, include undetected communists who return to subversive activities.
Yoo high a proportion of teleased prisoners have been found in operations against communist remnants, notably in East Java, for this suspicion to be discounted.
Second, so many cases of released and attacked by villagers on their return home
have been PY reporied thet mass ra} eotog bl soe necessarily be the kindes:
course,
- What is the answer? “We |
Wish we knew",
Defence Departmens said recently. “When I
Overseas last year I[ tackled about the number = People we have in mee I tried to explain the problezs and asked for suggestions.
Put beyond saying we should let the prisoners go- whica we cannot do, for their ox sake often as well as for ccr own-no one had an answer.
senior
Wes was
the Burs formula must seem more attractive now, particu)
to prisoners with nothin:
to look forward to excsct more years in prison. (ASIA-r
Except
=== [PDF page 34] ===
BRITISH EMBASSY
DJAKARTA
MA ohpA i lo WWE
6 November, 1970 twp /6- Con, wb eel G*
Taso
(41/17)
Met — dS
Pose, On. Dp) _ (Yar. Sri
A, Giewle the
Dewy Dad Y Me | eee Se oe
Indonesian De
This is by way of an interim reply to your letter of 15 October Reliable information on detainees is hard to come by. We are still Making enquiries and hope to let you have a fuller report in due course. However, you may like to have our first reactions.
2. a: letter 1/24. of 30 Se ee ber last year referred to the transfer of 2,500 'B' class prisoners to Buru Island in the Moluccas.
The Attorney-General stated last Nias that this move had proved successful. The prisoners had become self-sufficient; they had built their own houses and were able to grow their own food requirements. He stated that in the first stage families were not allowed to join the prisoners, but that later they would be permitted to resettle in Buru. The chief problem, according to the Attorney- General, was how to "brain-wash and discard their Communist ideology so that they would become, g008 citizens". Other reports have indicated that the prisoners are treated somewhat like other transmgrants. They are given tools, housing in camps, undeveloped la
and food for some eight ~cnths. They are reported to have been
by eighty officials of the Trans-Migration Department who had appa ly helped them to open up 875 hectares of forests.' The Attorney- General has stated that there are two doctors and twelve nurses to look after their health.
3.. In August, the Press reported the shipment of a further batch of 5,000 category 'B! prisoners to Buru Island. It was stated that no further prisoners would be shipped to Buru this year. We do not know how many 'B' category prisoners this leaves, but the figure is probably 6# the order of 5-10,000 (sce the figures in J's letter 1/24 of 31 March, 1969).
4. As regards 'A' category prisoners, trials continue at a very slow rate and are generally reported in the Press at the rate of about one a month. The Attorney-General is quoted as having said that at the
Sullivan, Esq.,
South West Pacific Department,
KC.O.,
London, S.W.1.
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 35] ===
RESTRICTED
present rate the trial of all the 'A' class prisoners (believed to number about 5,000) will take 200 years. He apparently has plans to train prosecutors specially for the trial of Communist s spects,
Dis As regards the 'C' class prisoners, who are all scheduled for eventual release, there is no doubt that substantial releases have taken place in most parts of Indonesia. However, it is clear that substantial numbers (estimated at 30,000) remain in prison. With
the approach of the General Elections, it is likely that the rate
of releases will slow dow.
6. Mr. RM and tiss BM have now completed their visit to Indonesia, They did not make contact with us. It appears from the attached report from the 'Indonesian Observer! that the Indonesian Government was helpful and gave them access to the relevant senior officials and Ministers.
ke We hope to let you have a more detailed report of the position of the detainees in due course.
Vor )
Wen
(3.8. de Fonblanque)
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 36] ===
Reference
CONFIDENTIAL
Mr James UND
COMMUNICATIONS TO THE UNITED NATIONS ALLEGING VIOLATIONS
OF HUMAN RIGHTS
Ve I am content with the guidelines set out in paragraph 15 of your draft submission. It seems to
me that our over-riding aim must be to win a "not guilty" verdict on the charges facing the United Kingdon. I think we must do this even at the
cost of passing up the opportunity of pressing for the investigation of allegations of violations elsewhere.
If we do not succeed in clearing our name it will surely be extremely difficult to get even a hearing in a human rights forum in the immediate future, let alone hope to influence the attitudes or policies of other Governments.
2 I have one further thought about cases in which Amnesty International is involved. You will know better than I whether Amnesty reports on other countries appear more reliable and better substantiated than the one on Northern Ireland, but there are
clearly potential difficulties in supporting
Arnesty's findings in, say, Brazil while rejecting them in the case of the United Kingdom. Other delegations might consider we were operating a double standard and this could make the going rougher.
bru Snell
J B Donnelly
30 December 1974 Republic of Ireland Department
Mr Palmer ee
Mr Relton (LAD)
Mr Crabbie (LAD)
Mr Wigan (EAD)
Mr Holloway (EAD)
Mr Philip (Caribbean Dept)
Mr Williams (MED)
Miss Lowry (SWED)
Mr Blatherwick (NENAD)
CONV IDENT IAL
=== [PDF page 37] ===
ABT (236) baler
29 % James Street London WC1N 3ES_ 01 - 242 3228 N ational Peace Coun
Founded in 1908 Lites ‘e9]. a sr | { P A
President: The Rt. Rev. Trevor Huddleston, C.R., The Bishop of Stepne —s Sf Chairman of Council: Arthur Hewlett < rA G \\ a Chairman of Executive Committee: Harry W. Robertson ths Honorary Treasurer: Frank D. Swift Rt Hon James L@kkaghan MP
Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs
Downing St
Dear Foreign Secretary
General Secretary: Cllr. Albert E. Tomlinson
20 th December 1974
Could you please note that at the last Juarterly Meeting of the National Peace Council the f llowing resolution was passed nem. con.?:-~ " This Council Meetin: he National
Peace Council, held on December 12 th 1974, is deeply concerned that
fate of the 70,000 or more tried political prisoners in Indo -
) the m 5 ori ty of who! h- \ be. he oP ae 3 it years has
ken up b he 2ace Mov 12 80 5 LG reso hi problem vigor i Ci POuedes
nN CQ )
tn ZL,
TTT
=== [PDF page 38] ===
Ente. bi
BriQh Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Priso: Hite
Sponsors:
Lindsay Anderson The Rt. Rev Bishop B. C. Butler The Rt. Hon the Lord Gordiner Sybil Morrison
Peter Archer, OC MP The Rt. Hon the Lord Caradon Rabbi Dr. David Goldstein Dr. Joseph Needham, FRS FBA Dame Paggy Asheroft Lawrence Daly Han Suyin Professor John A. Rex
Lord Avebury Robert Edwards, MP Glenda Jackson Alan Sapper
Roland Berger Lady Fleming Joan Maynard The Rev the Lord Soper
103 Tilenurst Road
Wandsworth Common
London SW18
(NC Vv
29th December 1974
R.D. Palmer Esq.,
Foreign and Commonwealth Office Whitehall
London SW 1
Dear Mr. Palmer,
Following the meeting on December 10th between Lord Goronwy-Roberts and Lord Soper's deputation, it was agreed that TAPOL would send you current informa-— tion on the political prisoner situation in Indonesia.
fherefore, I enclose copies of our bulletins nos. 5, 6, and 7 and will dispatch to you future copies.
You may be interested to read them fully, but may I draw your attention specifically to the following articles which relate directly to Lord Roberts' remarks about recent 'improvements' within Indonesia: -
1) Bulletin 7 page 5
2) Bulletin 7 page 6
3) Bulletin 6 page 1 and bulletin 7 page 2.
In addition, the following two references will give you some idea of what we know to be happening to political prisoners in Indonesia currently: -
4) Bulletin 5 page 1 and bulletin 7 page 3-
If you require any further information do not hesitate to contact me.
M. Mares - R stactr Dips Yours sincerely, [Unreadable]
=== [PDF page 39] ===
British Campaign for the
PULLETIN “No. 7
Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners
Octoper. 1974
TAPOL AND THE INDONESIAN DEFENCE DEPT.
Editorial
On 28th August, the spokesman of the Indonesian Department of Security and Defence, Brig-General Sumrahadi, held a special press conference in order to make a statement about TAPOL, the British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners.
According to a report in the Antara National News Agency, he stated that "he considered it necessary to give clarifications to the people of a friendly country concerning the London-based organisation called the British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners". He said also that if proper explanations were not given, it was feared that misunderstandings might be created by the campaign, and went on to accuse Mrs. Carmel Budiardjo, who he said was responsible for the campaign, of actively trying to discredit the Indonesian Government. The pretext frequently used by her in her campaign, he said, was that political detainees in Indonesia were 'inhumanely treated’,
In connection with this attack, we wish herewith to make the following statement:
As its name makes quite clear, TAPOL was established in order to work for the release of Indonesian political prisoners. The Indonesian Government regards this campaign as a deliberate attempt to discredit it. But the Indonesian Government stands discredited in the eyes of so many people by its own policy of continuing to hold in detention without charge or trial many tens of thousands of political prisoners.
The only contribution TAPOL has to make is to ensure that a situation, as yet so unknown to the British public and indeed to the public in many countries, becomes more widely known and that more is done internationally to strive for the release of these prisoners.
There is no point trying to belittle the growing feeling in Britain about Indonesia by suggesting that TAPOL is nothing more than the machinations of a single individual.
This is, moreover, a serious slight on the integrity of a number of public figures who have indentified themselves with the campaign, including TAPOL's twenty sponsors.
TAPOL has never denied its relationship with Mrs Budiardjo and regards her presence in Britain, with her detailed knowledge of imprisonment, as being a useful contribution in developing a campaign.
To argue as the Indonesian authorities are doing that they treat their prisoners humanely is to fly in the face of reality. How can any regime that holds people in detention without charge of trial for years at a stretch claim to
to humane? This in itself is the most glaring form of inhumanity which no amount of good treatment can rectify.
While TAPOL is deeply concerned about the deplorable conditions in which the prisoners are held and has published plenty of factual material to document its concern, the main complaint it makes is not about the treatment but about the whole question of detention for political reasons, a fact which Brig. General Sumrahadi makes no attempt to deny.
Finally, many of TAPOL's supporters who have heard about the Defence Department's statement regard it as evidence that TAPOL is beginning to prove its worth. While appreciating this opinion, TAPOL would prefer to regard it as nothing more than a reason to intensify its endeavour.
The Indonesian authorities may be afraid of 'misunderstandings developing between Britain Indonesia. In TAPOL's view far more has to be done to ensure a proper understanding in Britain of the true facts about a country that is still so remote and unknown to most British people.
LIST OF TAPOL SPONSORS
Lindsay Anderson, film director Peter Archer, QC, MP
Dame Peggy Ashcroft, actress Lord Avebury
Roland Berger, businessman
The Right Rev. Bishop B.C. Butler The Right Hon. the Lord Caradon Lawrence Daly, trade unionist Robert Edwards, MP
Lady Fleming
The Right Hon. the Lord Gardiner Rabbi Dr David Goldstein
Han Suyin, writer
Glenda Jackson, actress
Joan Maynard, trade unionist Sybil Morrison, pacifist
Dr Joseph Needham, FRS, FBA Professor John A. Rex
Alan Sapper, trade unionist
The Rev. the Lord Soper
=== [PDF page 40] ===
The trial of Hariman Siregar, the student leader who is being charged with subversion, has now been in progress for two months. Some observers believe that the trial will be allowed to drag on for some time while the government makes up its mind on whether its political purposes could be best served by a lenient sentence, intended as a paternal warning, or by a harsh sentence intended to convince world opinion of the seriousness of the threat to the regime's security.
Hariman, who was Chairman of the Students Council of the University of Indonesia until the time of his arrest in January this year, is being charged on the basis of two laws: Law No. 11, 1963 which makes acts of subversion punishable by death or life imprisonment, and as an optional charge, Article 107 of the Criminal Code, according to which conspiracy against the State is punishable by 15 years to life imprisonment. Under the first charge, he is being accused of taking actions to undermine and change the course of policy of the State by creating widespread disorder, and so, undermining the authority of the lawful government. Under the second charge, he is being accused of acting with intent to overthrow the government.
The indictment of the Prosecution argues that these charges can be made on the basis of a series of activities undertaken by Hariman during the last three months of 1973 and in January1974. These include his role in drafting and signing the 24th October Petition (see Box), his actions in visiting student unions in various university towns to solicit support for the Petition, various statements he is alleged to have made reflecting his desire to see President Suharto replaced, and his role in organising the protest demonstration on 15 January when the Japanese Premier was visiting Indonesia.
Much of the questioning to which Hariman and the witnesses have been subjected has centred round the 24th October Petition, with the court endeavouring to discover whether the Petition was intended merely to register dissatisfaction and appeal for public support, or as a call to action. The court is trying to prove that, by making an attack on the government's development strategy, the Petition was in opposition to established State policy and was therefore subversive.
The court also attaches considerable signficance to a University of Indonesia Discussion Group of which Hariman was a member. The questioning by the court appears to be trying to prove that, as a student of medicine, there was no apparent justification for Hariman to join a Discussion Group which concerned itself with economic and social questions, unless he had ulterior motives. Furthermore, the court has tried to establish a link between Hariman's membership of this Discussion Group and the drafting of the Petition.
Another point over which Hariman has been intensively questioned is the dissemination of ‘abusive poetry’ through which the movement of dissent expressed itself.
Hariman and several of the witnesses have argued that the abuse was directed against the situation, not against individuals.
During questioning, Hariman has strongly denied the claims made in the indictment. He has also vehemently denied that students of the University of Indonesia who participated in the 15 January demonstration under the leadership of the Student Council had participated in deg
truction of property.
All the witnesses heard so far have b@puen leaders, most of whom are themselves in des@ition. One witness, Jusuf AR, refused to testify, saying that he was emotionally too disturbed to do so. He complained that although he had been promised an opportunity to meet his family, this promise had not been kept. When the court warned that refusal to testify in a case of subversion could make him liable, under Law No. 11, 1963, toa 5year sentence or a heavy fine, the witness replied that he was prepared to take the consequences of his action.
Atmosphere during the trial
Hariman himself has been under severe pressure during the trial. Two twin baby girls, born to his wife recently, died shortly after birth, his wife is also very ill and his father, also in hospital, has had several crises;
on one occasion, the trial had to be adjourned to allow the defendant to be by his father's bedside.
Observers attending the trial feel concerned at the way in which the proceedings have been conducted. The court consists of a panel of threejudges who subject the defendant to intensive and often hostile questioning. Defence counsel has had occasion to remind the court that, according to Indonesian law, the accused must be presumed innocent until found guilty.
Witnesses who may themselves soon be tried for charges similar to those being made against Hariman, are expected to answer questions under oath without the advice of a lawyer, and may in this way be saying things that would be detrimental to their own interests. When, as indeed has happened during the trial, a witness admits to the court that prison interrogations were held in a ‘free atmosphere’, he ignores the fact, as any lawyer would advise him, that the very circumstances under which the interrogation was held, namely in prison and under the threat of a charge of subversion, means that the atmosphere is far from free.
Defence Protests Against Publication of Book on 15 January Events
Just a few days prior to the commencement of the trial, a book appeared presenting a very one-sided account of the 15 January events. The book, entitled The 15 January Affair, was written by Marzuki Arifin. If is seen by many as presenting the interpretation of events favoured by General Ali Murtopo whose rival, General Sumitro, was removed from power in the wake of the January events. Murtopo is believed by many to have been responsible for turning the students' orderly demonstration into riots with widespread attack on property. Hariman Siregar figures prominently in the book as one of the persons directly responsible for the events leading up the January incident.
BRITISH STUDENTS URGE HARIMAN’S RELEASE
The National Union of Students of the United Kingdom sent a cable to President Suharto in September protesting about the detention of political prisoners and about Hariman's trial. The cable reads:
"NUSUK, representing over 650,000 students demands the release of student leader Hariman Siregar and all political prisoners in Indonesia."
24 OCTOBER PETITION
This Petition was solemnly signed at a ceremony on the night of 24th October, at the Kalibata Heroes' Cemetery. Signing for the Student Council of the University onesia was Hariman Siregar as the Chairman of the Council.
We Indonesian young people, who are owned by, and the owners of, the country and nation....
(1) must review the development strategy and formulate a strategy which ensures a balance in social political and economic affairs and which is aimed against poverty, ignorance and injustice, must free the people from legal incertitude and violations of the law, from rampant corruption and the abuse of power, from price increases and unemployment.
the institutions for channelling the people's views must be strong and in good working order, and the people's views must be given the widest possible scope and attention.
we are the ones who have most interest-in the future and therefore the future of this State as a continuation of the present is a part of our rights and responsibilities. May God the Almighty bless the path of the Indonesian people.
(#)tapors' Defence Ministry Admits:
TAPOLS USED AS FORCED LABOUR
In our last issue, we reported the statement issued by Brigadier-General Sumrahadi for the Department for Defence and Security denying a press release from TAPOL regarding the use of political prisoners as forced labour.
Since that issue, we have received another press report of his statement which refers to additional remarks he made which are, we feel, significant enough to translate, even at the risk of some repetition. The report, which appeared in the Jakarta daily, Sinar Harapan on 26 June 1974 includes the following:
After quoting (or should we Say misquoting) the TAPOL as having said that ''35, 000 political prisoners have been used as paid labour by private companies", Brig-General Sumrahadi claimed that this statement was clearly aimed at discrediting the Indonesian Government.
"Since 1973,'' he went on, "not a Single political prisoner has been used as forced labour." He then continued
by quoting Mrs Budiardjo as having mentioned in her
"letter" (there was of course no letter by any individual
but a TAPOL press release) the example of a Japanese
cement plant in Central Java as a place where prisoners are being used as forced labour. The Sinar Harapan then continued: Ck Teta
"'Brig-General Sumrahadi said that this was indeed true insofar as, prior to 1973, political prisoners were being used as labour on public works projécts. On one occasion in 1970, Genera! Suharto was on an official tour when he stopped his motorcar and spoke with these people who were doing forced labour. But this ended in 1973, Brig-General Sumrahadi declared. 'There are no longer political prisoners doing heavy work or forced labour. '""
The London paper, The Guardian, commenting in its issue of 18 September on this report, has the following to Say: "So the conclusion inay be drawn that forced labour has been going on for at least three unpublicised years, and we have to take the work of the Army Command that this practice was discontinued last Vear ta!
U.K. VESSELS
FOR INDONESIA
The British Government has agreed to allow a program to go ahead for British suppliers to construct four naval ships for the Indonesian Navy.
The matter came to light in a letter addressed by the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office to Frank Allaun MP who had asked for clarifications regarding a statement made by General Panggabean, Commander-in- Chief of the Indonesian Armed Forces (see TAPOL Bulletin No. 6) that Indonesia would be purchasing arms from Several Western countries including Great Britain.
"The press report to which you refer was doubtless based on an Indonesian decision made earlier tiis year to invite British tenders for the construction of four small naval ships. For the reasons outlined above (the written reply by David Ennals to a parliamentary question put by Bob Mitchell on 22 May, see TAPOL Bulletin No. 5) we intend to ‘et the programme for this order go forward.
"IT fully understand your feelings about military dictatorships but in this case the considerations mentioned in David Ennals' reply to Bob Mitchell are important and, I believe, hopeful."
BRITISH E MPIRE - NE W (capital) COLONY
The British Industrial Exhibition in Jakarta from 7-13 November 1974 is the first of its type to be mounted in Indonesia and reveals the quickening interest of UK investors in that country. The exhibition is being sponsored by the British Overseas Trade Board with the aim of “familiarising Indonesian businessmen with a range of British products with export prospects in the Indonesian market’.
The emphasis, as the name implies, is on industrial products, however, and shows the keen interest of British inveStors in capitalising on the relatively rapid industrialisation now taking place in Indonesia. This has been made possible by the extensive oil revenues now being received by the Government and the virtually autonomous oil giant, Pertamina.
Indeed, the Indonesian Government has specifically asked the British Government to exhibit goods and serv-— ices to support the industria] projects being undertaken throughout the archipelago, most of the largest ones by Pez.amina. This seems somewhat in contradiction with the aims of Indonesia's Second Five-Year Plan, Pelita II, which was designed to increase agricultural production and the social welfare of the people,
Most of the exhibits therefore are capital-oriented and mainly in the engineering field. Over 35 British compan - ies will be taking part, among them the following: Aluminium Wire and Cable Co. (Conductors, Power Cable Accessories), Aveling-Barford Ltd (Road Building Equipment), Decca Survey Ltd (Marine Radar, Navigation and Position Location Equipment), GKN International (Plastics Machine -Welding Equipment), General Electric Co.
(Gas Turbines - Electronics), Klippon Electricals (Terminal Gear and Strips), R.A. Lister & Co. (Diesel Engines and Generating Sets), Renold Ltd (Power Transmission Equipment) and Vickers Ltd (Printing Equipment).
SET OF SLIDES ON POLITICAL IMPRISONMENT
IN PREPARATION
TAP'*L is now preparing a set of slides on political imprisonment in Indonesia for use by people wishing to speak at public meetings. The set will consist of about 24 black-and-white photographs, each with background information. They will be arranged in such a way as to provide the framework for 2 tectare to be given by anyone fairly well acquainted with the problem,
=== [PDF page 41] ===
The set of slides will be offered for sale in our forthcoming issue. We invite readers who may be interested in obtaining a set to inform us by letter so that we may have some idea of potential demand. We shall endeavour to keep the price as low as possible, covering production costs, postage and a small extra fee to cover general expenses involved.
INDONESIAN AMBASSADOR
‘NOT HAPPY’ ABOUT THE TAPOLS'
General Sutopo Yuwono, Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands, does not feel happy that Indonesia has so many political prisoners, or so he told a Dutch newspaper in August. *) The General who, prior to his present appointment, was chief of the Intelligence Coordination Agency, BAKIN, and was thus responsible for the capture and interrogation, with torture, of tens of thousands of political detainees, said that it was only when he came to The Hague that he realised how Serious the term 'political prisoner' was for people in Holland and other countries of Western Europe.
Indonesia frankly admits that it has political detainees, he said, and tries when necessary to explain why they are being held. This is an internal matter for Indonesia, but Indonesia is always willing to exchange views about the problem with anyone. The detainees were now being tried and efforts were also being made to evaluate their political aims, said the Ambassador. With regard to the process of justice for them, he said that "the evaluation of their aims forms part of their processing". This is a clear admission that when the Indonesian authorities speak of 'processing' this may in Some cases mean trials, but for most it means checking their politics.
While asserting that the detainees were being provided with the means for improving their lot, the Ambassador admitted that this did not do away with "the uncertainties of their lot". On the other hand, the security of the State and nation demands that Indonesia does not give an opportunity to communists to take over State power.
(* -- Interview with a correspondent of Algemeen Dagblad, Amsterdam, as reported in Empat Lima, Jakarta, 29 Aug.)
SOCIALIST GOVERNMENTS KEEP QUIET
ON TAPOL QUESTION
Indonesia's Foreign Minister, Adam Malik, who made a tour of East European countries to discuss new credit and investment agreements, has admitted that he was expec - ting to be asked about the political prisoners detained for nine years without trial or charges. This is clear from an interview he gave to Tempo (28 September 1974). The relevant part of the interview runs as follows:
Adam Malik....Although our politics and economies are quite different, these socialist countries understand Indonesia's present situation. In fact they saw our outstretched hand as an effort to reduce these differences.
Tempo: So, they didn't make an issue of the political prisoners, for example?
Adam Malik: Not at all. I was ready with my answer if they had raised this question. But they had enough understanding, it anpears, to refrain from discussing this very complex question.
TAPOL wishes to take this opportunity to express its warmest appreciation to the Institute for Research in Art and Technology, Michel Julian, Jim Perry, Chris Smith and Richard Fuller. Without their able efforts and long hours, the Bulletin would not have been possible.
AUSTRALIA
AND INDONESIA
An appeal for the release of Indonesia's tapols was @ published in The Australian, Australia's only nationwid daily, as a prominent large-sized agent on 14th August, just a few days prior to Indone S National Independence Day on 17th August. The statement which is sponsored by a large number of leading trade unionists, trade unions and individual Supporters makes the following call-upon the Whitlam Government:
"To inform the Ambassador of the Indonesian Republic that the Australian people want the release of all political prisoners.
To appeal to the Indonesian Government to honour its obligations as an ILO member to permit freedom of operation of the Trade Unions.
To cease the training on Australian soil of Indonesian military officers in techniques which serve to assist in political repression at home.
To halt the programme of military aid which helps the existing military government to maintain its dictatorial position and ensure that other Australian aid is used to help the people and not sidetracked to further enrich corrupt officials.
To establish control over Australian investment to ensure that it does not destroy smaller local industries or aggravate the problems of unemployment,"
The signatories conclude by saying that a democratic and prosperous Indonesia would contribute to peace and Stability in South-East Asia.
AUSTRALIAN PROFESSOR CONCERNED
ABOUT INTENSIFIED REPRESSION
IN INDONESIA
In a letter on 12th September to the Australian daily, The Age, Professor Herb Feith, professor of politics at Monash University, Melbourne, expressed his belief that the Suharto Government has become more harshly repressive in 1974. The letter was written in reply to an article that had appeared in the paper a few days previously. Professor Feith rejected the argument that conditions in Buru are certainly good and in many cases better than those of rural Indonesia. "Thanks to their own often back-breaking efforts, the Buru prisoners now eat enough to meet basic nutritional needs. In this respect their conditions are very different from those in most of the gaols and camps in Java. But the majority of them continue to urge their wives to reject Government suggestions that they follow themto the penal island."
Professor Feith is concerned in particular at assertions that things have been getting better as far as political imprisonment in Indonesia is concerned.
"The truth is that the Suharto Government has been more harshly repressive in 1974 than in any previous year. That has been particularly clear in its arrest of lawyers, civil liberties leaders, academics and students in the wake of the January 1974 riots and the tight restrictions subsequently placed on universities, student organisations and the press -- restrictions that have produced an extraordinary demoralisation among Indonesian inte]llectuals of all political hues. It has also been evident in the widespread re-arresting of former prisoners held between 1965 and 1971-72."
DANNY BOY
(Written a few months ago by a tapol in Jakarta)
Oh Danny Boy the time the time is flying, rom hours to weeks through months the years go by, And in the day.the men the men are dying, And women e in prayer and softly cry.
But come the Gay when walls no longer hide you, And evil tongues are hushed and truth command, The you'll be free and justice stand beside you,, So we will live in peace in this our lovely land.
(Sung to the tune of. Danny Boy)
“‘LABORATORIUM’ FOR TAPOLS
IN WEST KALIMANTAN
The Commander of West Kalimantan Territorial Command, Brig-General Seno Hartono, has announced plans to establish a special camp as a 'laboratorium', where the prisoners will be subjected to'treatment' by specialists, including psychologists and social workers.
The camp will be established in Ketapang, the most southerly part of West Kalimantan, as far away as possible from the area bordering on Serawak which continues to be a serious trouble spot for the military regime.
Brig-General Hartono is quoted by the weekly, Tempo (17th August), as saying that following the Suppression of the New Style PKI in the border-area at the beginning of this year, during which a communist leader, S.A. Soyfan, was Caughtand shot, the work of maintaining security in the region has become far more arduous. With all the political prisoners under detention since 1965 and the new prisoners caught during military operations early this year, "we are being kept extraordinarily busy," said the General. "It isn't possible for us simply to kill them, and if we continue to hold them in detention, how much would this cost us?"
‘We must keep these prisoners as far away as possible from the border-area and they will be placed in Ketapang
- Ketapang will be a kind of "laboratorium!' and is intended as part of a plan to restore security in the borderarea (a plan to establish a Panca Sila bulwark within the next ten years). ''We must be quite free of PKI infiltrants both physically and ideologically."
The commander would not state how much was to be spent on setting up the "Ketapang laboratorium' but only said that Kopkamtib had approved the plan and that work on the project would soon commence.
If costs are a problem and the General feels disinclined to murder the prisoners, one would think the option of releasing them might be considered. But this is clearly not so. The 'Ketapang Camp' must now be added to the list of detention camps where political prisoners will be 'dimanfaatkan' (made use of) by the military in ways which may for some time still be kept secret from the outside world.
Meanwhile, according to Colonel Soegondo, Vth Assistant at the West Kalimantan Military Command, a total of 527 prisoners were taken captive during operations in the region recently. This figure probably does not include the political prisoners who have been under detention in the area since the initial arrests after 1965. The number of tapols to be sent to Ketapang may therefore well exceed one-thousand.
~ CANOW OFFICIALLY ADMITTED THAT MAN
-ATEGORY PRISONERS STILL AWAIT RELEASE
A statement that "Category 'C' political prisoners will be restored to society by the end of 1975" has once again revealed that past declarations by Indonesian offi- Cials about the release of category 'C' political prisoners are quite worthless.
The statement was made at the end of August by Lieutenant-General Widodo, Commander of the All-Java Defence Command. He said that so far, only the 'C-1'
category prisoners had been released. This clearly contradicts many statements made in the past two years, among others by President Suharto himself, that al) 'C’ category prisoners have already been released.
From Lieutenant-General Widodo's statement it is Clear that there are at least three sub-groups within ce'egory 'C', as he also refers to 'C-2' and 'C-3' political prisoners. The 'C-2' and 'C-3' prisoners should not, he said, be permitted to work in vita] enterprises, particularly the plantations and telecommunications. He stated that those within these categories who were at the moment working in these sectors would have to be removed.
Widodo's statement appears to be making two apparently contradictory points: firstly that category 'C-2' and 'C-3' political prisoners have not yet been released, and secondly, that many of them were working in 'vital sectors' which is not permissible. [t adds yet another puzzling instalment to the cynical numbers game that Indonesian officials have long been playing with regard to political prisoners.
His statement also revealed another aspect involving serious discrimination against released political prisoners for he states that in West Java, for example, exdetainees are issued identity cards of a different colour than those issued to other members of the community.
This method, he admitted, causes a psychological barrier.
He commended instead the method used in East Java where identity cards were of the same colour but those issued to ex-detainees bore a certain mark of distinction which was only known to officials. This method may appear to be more discreet but it élearly opens the way to all kinds of abuse and few people who know anything about the Indonesian administration would believe that such secrets can anyhow be kept.
REMISSION OF SENTENCES...
BUT NOT FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS
Sentence remissions were granted to 11,190 convicted criminal prisoners in Indonesia on the occasion of Inde - pendence Day, 17th August. Over 2,000 were granted immediate release, and the remainder had their sentences cut. But not a single political prisoner was granted a remission.
When announcing the decision to grant remission, the Department of Justice stated that there were aitogether 16, 880 criminal prisoners being held in Indonesian pri- Sons, excluding those in Ambon and Medan for whom figures are not available (but who probably amount to only a few hundred),
This means that political prisoners grossly outnumber the criminal prisoners being held. Even according to the Indonesian Government's currently-held figure of 36,000, they amount to twice as many, and according to TAPOL's figure, which too may understate the problem, politica] prisoners amount to more than four times the criminal prisoners being held.
EX-TAPOLS BEING RE-ARRESTED
Widespread publicity has been given in the Indonesian press to the re-arrest in August of three ex-political prisoners of the 'C' category in the district of East Java.
According to a statement by Admiral Sudomo, the three men were caught in connection with a robbery during which, it is alleged, they were trying to collect funds to finance an illegal communist group. People with similar backgrounds have also been caught in Kendal (Central Java),
Sudomo used this announcement as an opportunity to warn that communist remnants still pose a potential threat to the country. He said 'armed gangs' were known to be operating also in Banten (West Java), Cirebon (Central Java) and Purwakarta (Central Java). This and other reports indicate that ex-tapols of the 'C' category are now being re-arrested.
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KOPKAMTIB CHIEF INSPECTS BURU
The Chief-of-Staff of Kopkamtib, Admiral Sudomo, made an inspection tour of Buru Detention camp during the early part of September. He was accompanied on the trip by journalists from several dailies and from the national news agency, Antara. Brig-General Sumrahadi, spokesman of the Department for Security and Defence, was also in the party.
We now await the reports that are bound to appear shortly in the Indonesian press about the Buru camp, the camp which is better known internationally than any other camp or prison.
/2)_ALL PRISONERS TO BE TRIED SHORTLY?.
The Head of the Jakarta High Prosecutor's Office in Jakarta, Mr Soegiri Tjokrodidjojo, has been quoted in the Indonesian press (Indonesian Times, 26 July, 1974) as saying that 'tall cases related to the communist coup of 1965 will be tackled shortly'". All public prosecutors, he said, who are in charge of political cases have been instructed to submit dossiers of those involved in the abortive coup attempt for trial as soon as possible.
It remains to be seen how the Indonesian courts which have handled far less than a thousand political cases in the past nine years now propose to handled tens of thousands of cases 'shortly’. Even accepting the Indonesian Government's current figure of 36,000 political prisoners (which is probably half the actual figure), the courts would would need to handle one hundred cases a day to get through the whole lot in a year, or ten a day to get through in ten years.
Political Clearance Certificates:
TO HAVE OR NOT TO HAVE
A senior Police officer, Colonel Suwarno, Chief of the Information Bureau of the Police Force, announced on lth July this year that political clearance certificates, known as Surat Bebas G.30.S (certificate of non-involvement in the 30th September Affair) are no longer required for those applying for jobs, both in the private sector as well as in the state sector. They continue to be required, he said, for persons wishing to move from one part of the country to another and for persons joining the Armed Forces.
Considering that similar announcements have been made in the past and appear not to have been put into practice, it remains to be seen whether this will be the case again.
And, as is evident from the following excerpts which we have taken from the Indonesian press, the applicability or otherwise of this vicious means of political surveillance is still a very complex matter and Colonel Suwarno's announcement does not necessarily mean that the surveillance
is now being relaxed.
Medan Daily Editorial
Sinar Indonesia Baru, a Medan (North Sumatera) daily, commented at Iength on the announcement on 23rd July from which we take the following excerpts:
"The 30th September Non-Involvement Certificate creates the impression that the holder was definitely not involved even though the certificate contains the words: '...no guarantee against activities at any time’ and '... according to investigations so far'. So we can see that the certificate which creates the impression that the holder was not involved in fact doesn't mean a thing.... At any time, investigations could be made if there were indications of a person's involvement.
Thus, the position of someone holding a certificate is quite the same as that of someone wilhout one.....
"The impression these certificates create of noninvolvement is in fact bei.g utilised by those who are involved! They make desperate efforts to get these certificates, by any means, including money.
"This means that the value in security terms of these certificates is falling. These certificates, originally, intended to help the security efforts to » with the PKI remnants, have now become a mere for®ulity....
"Col. Suwarno's announcement, which we hope will also apply here in Medan, should, we hope, step up our vigilance against the latent danger from the communists because the unnecessary impression created by these certificates will have to be eliminated. This means that the authorities are now free to suspect anyone without being hampered in any way by a person's possession of a certificate.”
Three weeks later, the following reader's letter appeared in the columns of the Jakarta daily, Kompas, on loth August:
"On 5th August, I went to the Bandung Komtabes (Town Military Command) to renew my 30th September Non- Involvement Certificate and my good-behaviour declaration. To my astonishment, I was told to obtain a new declaration about my non-involvement in the 30th September movement as well as a statement of good behaviour from my local neighbourhood association. I was astonished because six months previously the officer at Komtabes had told me that I did not need to get new declarations but could get a new non-involvement certificate simply by presenting the original or a copy of the letter I had previously obtained.
I would therefore like clarifications on the following points:
1) What actually are the regulations regarding the
30th September non-involvement certificates’? In practice, these certificates are required even to continue one's schoo! education even though accord ing to a statement made by Kopkamtib, clearance certificates are no longer needed for this purpose.
If a new declaration is demanded every time from one's neighbourhood association, this should mean that finger-printing and archives are not necessary.
It is a public secret that differential charges are levied in acquiring these certificates, dependent upon whether a person wishes to obtain the certificate speedily and without difficulty."
POLITICAL PRISONER ON TRIAL IN ACEH
Abdul Gani Muhammad, who is described as a leader of the PKI in the North Sumatera region of Aceh prior to the 1965 events, is now on trial before the State Court in Banda Aceh. The trial commenced on 26 August. The accused is defended by two lawyers, Abdullah Achmad SH and Amiruddin Wahab SH, both of whom were appointed by the State.
The accused is charged with trying to change, undermine or distort the State ideology of Panca Sila and to overthrow or undermine state authority or the lawful government by spreading hostlity, splits, disruption and disorders.
These charges are all related to the activities of the defendant prior to the events of October 1965 when he is said to have been involved in preparations being made by the PKI in Aceh to respond to the coup that was organised by Army officers.
The defendant is being charged on the basis of Law No.
11, 1963 against Subversion as well as Article 110, paras 1 and 2, in connection with Article 107 paras 1 and 2 of the Criminal Code. This trial is typical of the trials of a number of district PKI leaders in many parts of the country that have taken place during the past few years. In al!
cases, verdicts of guilty have been passed and sentences have ranged from 20 years imprisonment to death.
OCTOBER WEEK IN BRITAIN
or the first time, an October Week is being organised @= to commemorate the first mass arrests that place in Indogesia during October 1964, in the wake of the abortive co
Activities have“#een concentrated on informing people about the question of political imprisonment in Indonesia, about which there is such widespread ignorance, not only here in Britain but also in many other countries.
The Week will commence with a Seminar on 19th October which will be addressed by several speakers who are well-informed about current developments in Indonesia.
The speakers are: Malcolm Caldwell, lecturer in S.E.
Asian history at the Univ. of London School of Oriental and African Studies, Professor W.F. Wertheim (Emeritus) who has written a number of books on Indonesian sociology and was until recently Head of the Anthropological and Sociological Centre for South and South East Asia in Amsterdam; Richard Payne, economics lecturer at the Croydon Polytechnic, and Carmel Budiardjo, ex-political detainee for three years.
For two nights running, a dramatised documentation entitled Nine Long Years will be presented at the Cockpit Theatre, London. The drama presents scenes of political imprisonment based on letters from prisoners, interviews by foreign journalists and statements made by Indonesian officialdom about the question.
On 24th October, a Public Meeting is to be held at the London School of Economics New Theatre at which the speakers will include Stan Newens, Member of Parliament in the 1974 Parliament and candidate in the October elections.
In preparation for the Week, several feature articles have appeared in the press, including student and trade union journals and the large-circulation popular London weekly magazine, Time Out. An exhibition of photos and other display material will be appearing in the window of Dillon's University Bookshop.
sea Se came EE aor eke ae Ee
PURGE OF CIVIL SERVANTS CONTINUES
A widespread purge of civil servants and government employees regarded as having been 'involved' in the 1965 abortive coup is now under way in Indonesia. The purge, which is one of a series that have been carried out since 1965, was launched by an order of Kopkamtib in 1974 according to which all government offices and companies must 'cleanse' their staff of'C’ category people by the end of 1975. This applies to people who are alleged to have been members of various trade unions and organisations which were banned in 1965. The following are some purges reported recently in the Indonegian press:
According to the Indonesian Times, 17 July 1974, 707 elementary school teachers in West Java have been dismissed from their jobs in the past few months for alleged ‘involvement' and another 183 are currently 'under investigation’ and are shortly to be replaced.
In East Java, 673 employees of the State Electricity Company, PLN, were dismissed on 29 June this year, according to a report in Sinar Harapan, 7 July 1974. They were people who had been classified as 'ex-PKI' and therefore of the'C’ category. Ir Sujudi Surachmad, head of the East Java division of the Company said that since the beginning of 1973, 900 people had been dismissed.
This accounts for 30 percent of the Company's total work force in East Java, he said.
Meanwhile, Lieutenant-General Widodo, Commander of the All Java Defence Command, has declared that 'Indonesia's Armed Forces have been intensively purged of communist and 1965 movement elements and influences".
He also said: ''We must be alert against any dangerous issues that may entrap us."
Lieutenant-Colonel Solichin of the Jakarta Kopkamtib has announced that three political prisoners are ‘shortly’ to be brought to trial. They are: Oei Tju Tat lawyer and Minister of State in the last Sukarno Cabin et, Karim D.P., journalist and chairman until October 1965 of the Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI) and Miss Sulami, Secretary of the women's organisation, Gerwani.
Incidentally, the documents regarding Karim's case were handed over for prosecution nearly a year ago at which time a statement was made that his trial would take place 'shortly'. Presumably, by the standards of the Indonesian military authorities, who have held so many prisoners for nine years, one year is a relatively 'short' period.
Books on Indonesia
For those of our readers who read Danish, one valuable book that has recently come to TAPOL's attention is Indonesien by Poul Erik Jensen. In only 77 pages, Jensen offers a good statement of the historical roots of the present situation in Indonesia and a useful analysis of the 1965 coup and since. Though brief, Jensen discussed the plight of the political prisoners and the socio-economicpolitical factors that contribute to their continued detention. A useful bibliography is also provided.
(Pub: Demos - Grgnnegade 37, 1107 Copenhagen K., 1971)
Just off the presses is a new publication, Repression and Exploitation in Indonesia, published by the British- Indonesia Committee. {E provides an excellent analysis of political and economic developments in Indonesia under the Suharto regime. It contains six contributions by different authors.
The first article documents the adverse effects of the Government's economic policies on the Indonesian people, and the results of the increasing dependence of the economy on foreign investment and loans. This is followed by a penetrating account of military corruption during the 1971 elections, and the repressive measures by which the military holds on to political power.
An article on the suppression of the Trade Union movement since the 1965 coup provides a highly original account of events in an area that has been neglected by most commentators on Indonesia.
The history and present status of political imprisonment is fully documented in an article written by an ex-political prisoner Another contribution summarises major developments in the struggle against dictatorship since 1965.
The booklet concludes with an analysis of the various ways in which British investment has increasingly given economic support to the Suharto regime since 1965.
Overall, it provides an excellent popular introduction to events in Indonesia since the coup. It is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the background from which political imprisonment developed and is perpetuated by the Suharto Government.
(Copies: 21 Solon Road, London, SW2. - 50 pence)
GLOSSARY
tapol: abbreviation of tahanan politik, meaning political prisoner. This word is now widely used in Indonesia.
Kopkamtib: abbreviation of Komando Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban, the Command for the Restoration of Security and Order, the Army Command in charge with political security and directly responsible for arresting and detaining the political prisoners.
surat bebas G.30.S: certificate of non-involvement in the
eptember movement. G.30.S is the way in which
the coup attempt of 1st October is described in Indonesia. The movement itself used this name although the attempt was actually made on 1st October.
Panca Sila: the Five Pillars of State Ideology. These are Belief in One God, Nationalism, Humanitarianism, Democracy and Social Justice.
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TAPOL
INDONESIA
FREE THE 70,000
POLITICAL PRISONERS
HELD SINGE 1965 WITHOUT TRIAL
Specially produced by TAPOL in connection with 'October Week’, this poster is available to Bulletin readers and supporters in Britain and internationally. Measuring 20x30."
it is strikingly silk-screened (by our own hands) in 3 col-
- ours (black, ochre yellow face, red slogan) and costs 45 pence + packing and postage. Choice of 3 slogans: 70,000 held nine years --free them now; Remember the prisoners as U.K. aid continues; Student leader on trial for life. For our foreign friends in the expanding campaign, the lower space is left blank so any slogan in any language can be inserted. Order yours now while they last.
WHAT IS TAPOL? This is the Indonesian word
for political prisoner, and it is the name we
have taken for our organisation, the British eS Campaign for the Release of Indg cal Prisoners, and likewise for
jan Politi-
Bulletin.
WHAT'S THE BACKGROUND? Young readers and many others may have forgotten the bloodbath of October 1965, when the Indonesian Army under General (now President) Suharto overthrew the government of President Sukarno, and carried out one of the worst slaughters in history - when somewhere between half a million and a million people were killed.
AND TODAY? Nine years later, there are still some 70,000 political prisoners held without trial, some of them allegedly members of organisations now banned but perfectly legal prior to the Suharto takeover. Many prisoners were not even members of banned groups. At best, the tapols are living under unbelievably horrible conditions. At worst, they are subjected to torture, starvation and denial of medical care.
The release of these prisoners is TAPOL's main concern.
ANY QUESTIONS? If you have any questions concerning the historical background, we shall be glad to answer them.
Please address subscriptions and correspondence to:
TAPOL --103 Tilehurst Road, Wandsworth Common, London, SW18 Subscription Rate:
£1.50 for one year (6 issues) in Britain and Europe;
£2.00 for one year (6 issues) for overseas (airmail)
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British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners
BULLETIN No. 6
August, 1974
“JANUARY INCIDENT TRIALS BEGIN
Hariman Siregar, Chairman of the Students Council of the University of Indonesia (Jakarta) until his arrest in January this year, is now on trial before the Central s akarta State Court.
He is being charged with subversion and plotting to overthrow the Indonesian Government to replace the Constitution. He faces possible death sentence or life imprisonment.
Siregar is one of scores of detainees held since January this year in connection with the demonstration held in protest against the visit to Indonesia of the Japanese Prime Minister, Tanaka, and the movement of dissent that preceded these demonstrations.
Two days prior to the commencement of the trial on Ist
August, ‘readiness manoeuvres’ were held by the Army in the capital of Jakarta, during which heavily-armed troops displayed their tactics in dealing with riots and protest demonstrations. The entire capital was affected by the exercises which lasted 6% hours and which were under the direct command of the Commander of the Jakarta Military Command who is also Jakarta Commander of Kopkamtib (Army Security Command).
When the trial opened, the courthouse was surrounded by many thousands of people who had come to see the accused and to listen to the proceedings on loudspeakers. The entire area was heavily guarded by armoured vehicles and armed croops. There can be no doubt that the ‘readiness manoeuvres’ two days previously were specifically aimed at warning anyone against organising any large-scale expression of solidarity with Hariman Siregar on the day the trial commenced.
Hariman, who is 24 years old and a final-year medical student, was in good spirits when he appeared at the court. He is being defended by four barristers of Peradin, the Indonesian Bar Association. S Tasrif, chairman of Peradin, is leading the defense team. Up to the moment the trial opened, Hariman had not been given any opportunity to appoint counsel or to meet
EDITORIAL
NEARLY NINE YEARS...
In two months’ time, in October this year, the vast majority of tapols in Indonesia will be saying: ‘Nine years already. When will this end?’
Well may they ask, for recent developments in Indonesia indicate that the end is getting not closer but even more remote.
The transfer of thousands of tapols to workcamps is a ‘solution’ that prolongs the agony of the prisoners and puts off the day when the only real solution — unconditional release - can be expected.
any lawyers. The lawyers were appointed for him by the Rector of the University of Indonesia, Prof Mahar Mardjono who is himself now living under constraint.
At the opening session, the team of lawyers told the court of their deep dissatisfaction that the accused had not been permitted to consult a lawyer during the entire period of his detention. A request by the defense for a postponement to allow time to prepare the case was granted by the court.
When the court reassembled on 12th August, Mr S Tasrif submitted a demurrer, arguing that the law under which Hariman Siregar was being tried, namely the Presidential Decreee 1963 on Eradicating Subversion, had in fact already been revoked. Following this startling move, the court again adjourned for a week and will resume hearings on August 20th.
34 Witnesses to be Called
The indictment read out by the Prosecutor deals extensively with Hariman’s activities as chairman of the Students Council in organising meetings from October 1973 to January 1974 at which opposition and criticism was expressed about the Government’s policy and the widespread corruption in government and military circles. He is quoted for example as renaming Koptamtib the Komplotan Penindas Masyarakat Tidak Berdosa (Conspiracy to Suppress the Innocent Masses). Prosecution informed the court that 34 witnesses would be called.
The list consists largely of student leaders and some intelkctuals, the majority of whom are themselves now in detention.
Hariman’s wife was not in court. She is in hospital suffering from hepatitis, after having given birth a few weeks ago to twins, both of whom were stillborn. His father-in-law Prof Sarbina is himself a detainee, having been arrested in January this year.
The decision of the military regime to go ahead with the trial of Hariman Siregar, the first of the January 1974 tapols to come for trial, rather than hold these tapols for a few more months then quietly release them, as some people had expected, suggests that the regime is determined to make of the January events a long-term political issue which will keep this new crop of prisoners in prison perhaps for several years.
October is an anniversary that should be commemorated
not the ninth anniversary of the abortive coup which is marked in Indonesia in an effort to justify the continuing repression, but the ninth anniversary of the first mass arrests.
In Britain we intend to commemorate this occasion, and we urge our readers and friends in other countries to consider ways of commemorating the occasion too.
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MORE ON TAPGL FORCED LABOUR
The Oil Pipeline
According to very reliable sources, one of the projects on which political prisoner labour is now being used in Central Java is the construction of an oil pipeline running from Cilacap in the south to Cirebon in the north. The pipeline is being built by Pertamina, the all-powerful state oil company which is under full military control. The tapols working on this project are accommodated at Nusakembangan, the prison island just off the south coast of Central Java, near Cilacap.
Other workcamps where fapol labour is being used are in Boyolali, near Salatiga, and Ungaran, near Semarang, both in Central Java.
The Nusakembangan Cement Works
Meanwhile, the statement issued by TAPOL in June exposing the employment of tapols as forced labour has provoked a denial by the Head of Information of the Indonesian Defence and Security Ministry, Brigadier-General Sumrahadi, who told foreign journalists in Jakarta on 24th June last that ‘not a single political detainee (is) made to do forced labour’ and that ‘the mention of the Cilacap cement works proves that the news is not true (because) the Cilacap cement works at the moment are not built’ (Kompas, 24th June, 1974).
This denial however is quite unconvincing because it was never suggested that rapols were being used as regular factory labour in a completed factory but rather most probably in the construction of the plant. We have now discovered, on further investigation, that the plant in question is actually located on the island of Nusakembangan itself. In a statement to the press, reported in the Jakarta daily Buana on 26th September 1973, Ir Sunarjo, Director of the Indonesian company participating in the joint venture building the cement works in question, stated that work on the project would commence in the early part of 1974 and would not be completed until 1976. The plant site, he said, would be located in the district of Brambang Nusakembangan, with packing and servicing stations at the ports of Cilacap and Tanjung Priok (Jakarta).
The plant which will involve a total investment of $50 million,is being set up by two Japanese companies and an Indonesian company. The Japanese companies are: Onoda Cement Co Ltd and Mitsui & Co. The Indonesian Company is PT Gunung Ngadeg Djaja.
ILO Also Worried
Less than a month after his denial of the TAPOL statement, Brigadier-General Sumrahadi found it necessary to issue yet another denial on a similar issue, in response to a decision adopted at the June meeting of the ILO in Geneva this year, which, Sumrahadi states ‘obliges Indonesia to report on the implementation of Convention 29 on forced labour, in particular forced labour by untried political prisoners’.
The Jakarta daily Sinar Harapan, which reports Sumrahadi’s statement on 13th July last, states that ILO was focussing attention on the tapols now on Buru, where they are working a full 12 hours a day on civilian projects and other endeavours in the interests of the commanders.
Incidentally, it is very disturbing to note that Sumrahadi stated there are ‘about 9,000 to 10,000’ tapols on Buru, whereas the most recently published figure was 9,988 in October 1973. Why was the General being so vague about the figures? Is this yet another example of the Army’s inability to be precise? Or are we to assume that the death-rate on the island has accelerated recently?
SOME NOTES ABOUT CONDITIONS IN SEVERAL
PRISONS
Recently we have been able to obtain more information about conditions in several different prisons and places of detention from sources which, for obvious reasons, we cannot divulge. We would like to share this information with our readers.
Salemba Food conditions are very bad. Rice of staple food rations are down to three spoonfuls a day. Prisoners gr, spinach on a vegetable plot ard this is virtually the onl etable they eat. Understand«oly, after years or onths eating the same vegetable, a revulsion for it dev s. On an average, only one prisoner in eight receives supplementary food from relatives, and this extra food is usually shared.
Thus, in many cases, one prisoner is looking after seven others.
Sometimes, in desperation, prisoners capture cats or rats for food.
One block is reserved for criminal prisoners, mostly people convicted of murder, bodily assault or other serious crimes.
‘Their conditions are much better than those of the tapols. A
common form of punishment for a fapol is to spend a period in the criminal prisoners’ block where they are often badly treated and deprived by their co-prisoners of what food they receive from outside. Salemba which accommodates under conditions of extreme overcrowding about 2,000 prisoners, is a high-security prison, under complete military control, with about 90 percent political prisoners. The criminal prisoners’ block is maintained there probably for two reasons:
because high security is needed for the prisoners who are convicted of crimes of violence, and because the block provides a convenient form of punishment for the tapols.
Military Prison, jalan Budi Utomo 7, Jakarta Conditions here are quite different from Salemba. The prison accommodates about 200 prisoners, mostly high-ranking officials or senior Army officers. Food from outside is therefore more plentiful, and family visits are permitted far more frequently.
The tapols here are generally those awaiting trial or waiting to be called to testify in a trial. This prison also accommodates criminal prisoners, usually those held on charges of corruption. These men receive plentiful food supplies from their families and this prosperity is often shared with the political prisoners. Restrictions are far fewer than elsewhere:
some prisoners have their own TV and are permitted to receive light reading (eg Readers Digest), to study languages etc. But, as many prisoners here are under intensive investigation, torture is common and the psychological atmosphere is often very tense.
Nirbaya This accommodates a small number of tapols, mainly ex-Ministers, senior Army officers and others of the elite.
The tapols here enjoy comparatively comfortable physical conditions, with separate rooms that are furnished with a bed and a table. This is perhaps the only prison in Indonesia which is underpopulated. The majority of prisoners are highranking military personnel and receive regular visits from families.
Cipinang This prison is under the jurisdiction of the Justice Ministry and mainly accommodates convicted criminals. But there are a number of convicted tapols there too. Because they are no longer under military supervision, their conditions are comparable with the criminal prisoners and they are subjected to the same conditions. This is very unusual: elsewhere, where tapols are under the supervision of the military, which applies to the vast majority of prisons, the tapols live under far worse conditions than criminal prisoners. About 18 months ago, following a prison riot that broke out among
the criminal convicts, security was very much increased at Cipinang, affecting all categories of prisoners.
Plantungan Women’s Camp, Central Java Food is now down to 1% ounces of rice or other staple once a day with less than 2 spoons of vegetable. Some prisoners obtain money from handicrafts they make or from relatives outside, and can therefore buy soap, sugar, tea and coffee. Others must do without such things. The Commander of Plantungan, Major Prayoga, was reported in Suara Merdeka on \st June 1974 as saying that most tapols there ‘could in fact be restored to society’. Some, he said, ‘conscientiously carry out their religious rituals, but there still are some who display complete lack of interest when asked questions to test the degree to which they are conscious of the correctness of the government’s policy under the New Order’. According
to Mgmer Prayoga, cash allocations per prisoner amount to
Rp: day (approximately 6% pence). Small as this is, the rations whi: prisoners actually receive suggest that even part ofwmis allocation does not reach them. Regarding the health of the prisoners, Major Prayoga said a major scourge among the women is breast cancer: three women have died of this and another is now in a critical condition in hospital suffering from womb cancer. Another major affliction is rheumatism.
INDONESIAN INTELLIGENCE OFFICERS
TRAINING IN AUSTRALIA
Firm evidence seems to have developed in recent months that the Australian Government has been training Indonesian officers in interrogation and torture techniques at its mysterious School of Military Intelligence at Woodside near Adelaide. The big question is whether these techniques are carried home and used on the 70,000 political prisoners
held without trial in Indonesia for the past nine years by
the Suharto regime.
Cornered by repeated allegations in the Australian press of a torture camp at Woodside, Lance H Barnard, Australian Minister of Defence admitted in a statement 24th June 1974 that 24 Indonesian officers were being trained but not in the ‘two courses concerned with interrogation. No Indonesians have attended these courses’. But later in his statement he says: ‘In 1973, on the last such course conducted for foreign officers — including Indonesians — there was a total of 277 40-minute periods. Of these, eight periods of lectures and one demonstration/seminar-type exercise dealt with aspects of interrogation in the intelligence setting. This comprised six per cent of the overall course’. So Indonesians were trained last year. Can we be sure they are not this year?
Significantly, a TV programme by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation in June of this year declared: “The Ministry of Defence confirmed that the Australian Army conducts courses in interrogation techniques at Woodside, that foreign military officers are instructed in interrogation methods at Woodside as part of a seven-week intelligence course, that these officers come from Indonesia, South Vietnam and Singapore’.
The programme also quoted the Commander of Woodside, Lieutenant-Colonel Guy Boyleau as confirming that the Code of Conduct courses (which include training in torture techniques, run ostensibly as a preparation for soldiers when they fall into enemy hands) are still being held twice a year. He also confirmed that Indonesian officers had taken part in intelligence courses over a number of years. Though none of them had taken part in Code of Conduct courses, he was expecting a number of Indonesians in October or November this year, who would receive four 40-minute instruction periods in how to resist hostile interrogation methods. He also told the programme that since the Whitlam Government had recognised China and North Vietnam, he had received instructions that ‘the enemy’ was no longer to resemble orientals.
AND IN BRITAIN...
Optimists in Britain who believe that such things could never happen in free, democratic society and that our hands are clean in respect of President Suharto’s means of suppressing opposition, won’t be encouraged by the answers to two questions recently asked in Parliament.
On 22nd May 1974 in reply to a question asked by Richard C Mitchell (Labour, Southampton), David Ennals, Minister of State at the Foreign Office, stated: ‘It is the policy of Her Majesty’s Government to strengthen the present close and friendly relations with Indonesia, including our economic relations, following the successful State visit in March and particularly in the context of Indonesia’s standing with Commonwealth Governments in the area and its role in the United Nations and other international organisations’.
And on 14th June 1974 there was the following question from Stan Newens (Labour,Harlow):
‘To ask the Secretary of State for Defence, what military training is provided for members of the Indonesian armed forces by Her Majesty’s Government?’
The answer, from Mr Brynmor John, was:
“A small number of Indonesian officers are attending training courses in this country’.
AN EYEWITNESS ACCOUNT —Sunday Observer — Australia, 16/6/74
“There is an initial interrogation for the prisoners at Woodside
. and it is terrifying. There are stripped naked, abused, shamed, jeered at, sexually humiliated, and generally rcughened up, though there is no actual violence. They are issued with ill-fitting clothes. Everything at this camp is simulated to make it exactly like one you could find in Asia. There are underground cells, a People’s Court, interrogation centres (soft and hard), filthy open toilets and a well. In the initial interrogation sessions prisoners are taken to the underground cells. They are made to sit on a one-legged stool. There are two interrogators and one plays the strong man. He swings a length of short rubber hose and occasionally kicks the stool away from under the prisoner... this is done from behind.
The strong man also hits the hose violently against the wall.
This induces fear in the victim. Sometimes prisoners have their arms placed in splints and are tightly banuaged. Another tactic is to force the prisoners to keep their arms outstretched for long periods. The interrogation room is designed so that a prisoner will strike his head on the door frame when he enters it. The men are brought in with hoods over their heads and the door is very low. In the next interrogation another room is used. Arc lights are played on the prisoner’s face as he sits on a low-legged stool. When the prisoner starts to relax under the hot lights a dish of icy water is thrown in his face. There is continual abusive questioning humiliation... threats. Visits to the toilet (kept as filthy as possible) are limited and some prisoners relieve themselves in their cells. I have seen several officers come out as babbling wrecks from this course.
The camp’s infamous well is the most frightening feature...
It is alarge concrete well with a grill about 6 feet from the bottom. Prisoners are placed in the well and the iron top
is slammed down. Water is then poured in while the interrogators pound on the iron top with sticks. This sound echoes
in the well’.
BURU ISLAND PERMANENTLY CLOSED TO
FOREIGNERS
The Commander of the XVth (Pattimura) Territorial Division of Eastern Indonesia has issued an order effective from 26th April this year banning all foreigners from residing in or visiting the island of Buru. Foreigners already resident on the island were ordered to!eave within 45 days. Firm measures will be taken against those who resist the ban. The order also applies to all Chinese who moved to the island since 1965:
only those who have resided there since 1965 from the order.
ire exempted
IMPRISONED PAINTER’S WORK MADE INTO POSTCARD
A painting by Hendra Gunawan, one of Indonesia’s best known painters, who is now in detention on Buru Island has been reproduced on a postcard by the painter’s Amnesty International adoption group, Danish Group 22. The painting reproduced in black and white, is called ‘Delousing’ and depicts
a familiar Indonesian scene of a group of women cleansing
each other’s hair. The reproduction has been taken from ‘Art in Indonesia’ by Clare Holt.
The card is intended to be sent to the Indonesian authorities demanding Gunawan’s release and relates the painter’s biography. The card would also be an effective way of popularising Indonesia’s tapols. Readers wishing to get copies for use should write to: Anna Le Steen Hansen, Broderskabvej 251;
2000 Kobenhaven F, Denmark. Anna explains that the cards cost 10 kroner for ten. We strongly recommend them to our readers.
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REPRESSION & MILITARISM
IN INDONESIA
Indonesia is one of the leading recipients of US military aid, the money to be used largely to ‘underwrite repression and militarism’. This is the charge made by US Senator Alan Cranston in an analysis of the foreign aid request of former- President Nixon, prepared by the Senator’s staff.
Indonesia is slated to receive $221 million of a total aid bill of $7.5 billion sought for 1975. Aside from the countries of Indo-China and S.Korea, Indonesian ranks as the third largest recipient of US aid. Sen Cranston’s study, as reported in the International Herald Tribune, 22 July 1974, underscores the fact that more than two-thirds of this aid will go to military dictatorships and authoritarian governments. It concludes that 57 of the 94 governments listed for the aid ‘range from oneman or one-party to out-and-out police states including 18 governments which the State Department itself classes as ‘military dictatorships’.
The Herald Tribune story continues: “Critics of the programme have said that the United States is bolstering military dictatorships abroad in the mistaken belief that the policy will provide more protection and friendship for the United States’.
Similarly, a lengthy analysis in the New York Times (26 June 1974) of US military presence in Southeast Asia reveals growing involvement in Indonesia. ‘In the aftermath of the war (in Vietnam) the United States has been able to undertake a new and important military relationship. In the last two years after a hiatus of more than a decade, it has quietly resumed ‘military aid to Indonesia’.
How does Suharto stand to gain? The article continues:
‘the United States.. armed two mobile brigades to serve, as the House Appropriations Committee was told last year, ‘as a valuable deterrent to any significant dissident challenge in that far-flung archipelago’.
In return, US eocnomic penetration seems assured.
Representative Otto Passman, chairman of the committee, obtained a special briefing on Indonesian natural resources and then supported the move, telling his committee: ‘They just discovered an island that is almost sinking with nickel. It is the largest nickel deposit the world has ever known. Another island is almost solid copper’.
Indonesian Officers Train in the US
Finally, the story reports that about 200 of the 1000 Asian military officers being trained in the US will be Indonesians.
In return, ‘seventy American military men are stationed in Indonesia — as inconspicuously as possible because that is the way both governments must have it’.
Published information of the US Government reveals that actual aid disbursements to Indonesia in 1973 were $244,365, 000 of which $28,745,000 were military assistance grants and $4,500,000 were excess defence articles.
Other information available to TAPOL reveals continuing US. interest in the effectiveness of the Indonesian police forces. The US Police Assistance Program gave $10m in aid to Indonesia over recent years. In addition, 231 Indonesian policemen were trained in America.
What Indonesian police may learn from their stay at Washington’s International Police Academy is indicated in an article by Jack Anderson (New York Post, 3rd August 1974) which refers to ‘chilling views about torture tactics’.
While the school obviously does not officially teach thirddegree methods, many reports and theses written by the students support or recommend those techniques. Anderson quotes various inspectors at the academy as saying such things like: ‘As a last resort, torture is a practical necessity’.
‘Based upon experience we are convinced there is just One sure way to save time and suppress stubborn criminal suspects... proper use of threats and violence.
‘The water torture is a very effective method in breaking a tough man and can make a raving lunatic of any human being after an hour’.
USSenator:US‘UNDERWRITES —
INTERNATIONAL ARMS MERCHANTS SIGNING
NEW DEALS WITH SUHARTO
Jakarta (Associated Press) 31 July, 1974 — Indonggm plans.o beef up her defence by purchasing arms from the UIs States, Britain, The Netherlands and West Germany, Defence Minister General Maraden Panggabean said here Wednesday.
Panggabean said the arms would include 100 armoured cars, about 40 ‘Corvet’ warships and several airplanes.
The defence minister made the statement following discussions with President Suharto at the Presidential office.
Informed sources said some non-governmental American arms representatives were now negotiating with the Indonesia Government on the arms sales.
WORLD COUNCIL OF CHURCHES ASSEMBLY MEETING
SWITCHED FROM JAKARTA
After nearly three years of preparatory to convene the Fifth General Assembly of the World Council of Churches in Jakarta, a meeting of the Council’s Central Committee decided on
12th August to cancel these plans and to switch the venue, probably to Vancouver in Canada.
It was felt that such a meeting might have an unfavourable impact on Indonesian national unity, following growing signs that the Moslem community in Indonesia would raise strong objections to a meeting of 3,000 Christians in Jakarta. The decision may also have been influenced by statements made in June by Adam Malik, Foreign Minister, stressing that the Assembly would have to abide by Indonesian rules and regulations, which appeared to hint that the Indonesian Government would withhold visas from persons whose presence it felt to be undesirable. It is also very likely that the prospect of the Assembly taking a clear stand on human rights made the whole venture far less palatable to the Indonesian authorities.
News of Trials
ANOTHER DEATH SENTENCE
There is a steady stream of news about trials of fapols, held in most cases since 1965 for alleged ‘involvement in the October 1965 Coup’.
Trials and verdicts reported in the Indonesian press in the past few weeks include the following: Mrs Amnah, described as a leader of the left-wing women’s organisation, Gerwani. She was tried by a court in Tebingtinggi, Riau Province and sentenced to life imprisonment in late March this year. Tried together with her was Mario, described as a member of the Indonesian Communist Party. He too was found guilty, and was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment.
Another woman, Taty Hartaty, has also been given a life sentence recently in North Sumatra. Others sentenced to life in North Sumatra, apparently at the same time, are Katimin and Captain David. The first two are described as communist leaders; Mrs Hartaty is said to have held illegal meetings with other communist leaders while Katimin is accused of having trained communist cadres before and after the 1965 coup attempt. Captain David, a former deputy commander of the 202 infantry division, was found guilty of treason and plotting to overthrow the legal government. Yet another life sentence was passed against Kite Tarigan, formerly a communist leader in Deli Serdang. In Pekalongan, Central Java, a military court sentenced Major Darsono to 12 years imprisonment for involvement in the 1965 coup attempt.
On 2nd May the trial of Ruslan Widjajasastra commenced at the Central Jakarta Subversion Court. He was a member of the Central Committee of the Indonesian Communist Party and Deputy Chairman of the now-banned left-wing peasants union, Barisan Tani Indonesia, and is also described in the indictment as the Chairman of the Communist Party appointed after the arrest of Sudisman in late 1966. He has been charged with ‘criminal plotting and revolt’ as well as subversion. He was arrested in July 1968 in South Blitar, East Java when the Army discovered an underground network established by leaders of organisations that had been banned in October 1965.
Ruslan told tHe court that he had tried to organise the PKI afterg d been banned by setting up a base in South Blitar.
The conceived an overall armed struggle he said for defensive pu s as they were always being hard-pressed by government ed patrols.
On 15th July, the court senfenced Ruslan to death.
There is news too of the trial of 170 political detainees in Central Java. The trials which took place in June this year were
held before military court.News of the verdicts is not yet available.
Former Minister to be Tried
Oei Tju Tat, Minister of State in the last Sukarno Government, who was arrested on 13th March after Sukarno had been compelled to surrender virtually all his powers to General Suharto, is to be brought to trial. The documents related to his case have been formally handed over to the Prosecutor’s Office by Kopkamtib.
Oei Tju Tat was a leading member of the left-wing nationalist party, Partindo, and was also a Deputy Chairman of the Baperki, an organisation mainly of Chinese-born Indonesian citizens set up to help integration into Indonesian society. Both these organisations were banned in October 1965 for alleged associations with the Indonesian Communist Party.
When the documents were handed over, it was stated that the case would come up for trial ‘immediately’. Similar statements were made nearly a year ago about the case of the journalist, Karim D.P. who still has not been brought for trial.
January 1974 Incident
ARRESTS, DETENTION AND BAN ON TRAVEL CONTINUE
Although government spokesmen continue to refer to a figure of 42 for those still under detention since the January 1974 student demonstrations, it is clear that the actual number is far greater than this. Not only have there been more arrests recently in Jakarta in connection with this event, but a number of student leaders have been arrested in other parts of the country too. This figure also ignores the fact that people are frequently called for interrogation and held in detention for several days, thus adding to the general atmosphere of intimidation and fear.
Besides those held in detention, a number of well-known intellectuals have been affected by a ban on travel abroad.
Included under this ban are Sudjatmoko, adviser to the State, Planning Office and Indonesian Ambassador to Washington until 1971; Mochtar Lubis, editor of the banned newspaper Indonesian Raya (according to one report, Lubis has in fact been detained), Dr Umar Kayam, sociologist and short-story writer, and one-time head of the Radio, Television and Film Directorate; Professor Dr Mahar Mardjono, Rector of the University of Indonesia; Danuwinata S.Y,a Jesuit priest;
Albert Hasibuan S.H.of the Legal Aid Bureau; and Sudarno Sastrosatomo, a businessman.
A new acronym, tapol malari, has now entered the Indonesian vocabulary to describe the post-January 1974 detainees.
Tapol means political prisoner and malari is a compression of ‘the night of 15th January’. Broadly speaking, tapol malari fall into five groups: (1) The student leaders; (2) the socialists;
(associated with the social-democratic party, PSI banned under Sukarno and never restored to legality);(3) Moslem figures;
(4) pro-Sukarnoists and persons associated with the purged leftwing of the nationalist party PNI (described as PNI-ASU)
and (5) some Army Officers.
IPI FAILS TO CONDEMN PRESS CENSORSHIP IN
INDONESIA
Although the International Press Institute has on several occasions sought to secure the release of the many journalists now in detention without trial in Indoresia, it failed at its last General Assembly meeting in Kyoto, Japan in May this year to adopt resolutions on this matter as well as on the serious aggravation of press censorship in Indonesia since the beginning of the year.
Early this year, while on a visit to Australia, Mr Ernest Meyer, Director of the IPI, indicated that he ‘was unable to obtain background information from our Indonesian colleague’
and that ‘our letters simply remained unanswered’.
Since that time, the position of the Indonesian press has sharply deteriorated with at least twelve dailies and periodicals now permanently banned. How rigidly the press is controlled is indicated by official policy, enunciated by Admiral Sudomo, Chief-of-Staff of the Kopkamtib, the Army Security Command, in charge of political and social affairs.
‘Papers must uphold the spirit of the New Order, respect the Panca Sila ideology, refrain from inciting the public, refrain from twisting facts, and refrain from carrying reports that would incite tribal, religious and social conflict. They must not disobey the national leadership. We guarantee the freedom of the press, based on constructive criticism’.
Yet despite this, a resolution on press freedom in noncommunist countries made no reference to any of the countries in Asia, although five countries, including Indonesia, were included in the original draft submitted to the meeting.
The journal-of the IPI, /P/ Report, in its June-July 1974 issue, states that the resolution was Vigorously debated’ and that reference to the Asian countries was eventually deleted.
A Battle to Defend Press Censorship
An insight into how this happened is given in an article by one of the Indonesian delegates who attended the Kyoto meeting, Chrisianto Wibisono, in Suara Karya on 13th June, 1974.
Wibisono reports how the Indonesian Foreign Minister originally refused an invitation to address a speech to the Assembly but changed his mind at the last moment. ‘It can well be imagined how frantically busy we were, lobbying, pleading and urging, especially the Committee and the IP] Director, that just ten minutes be found for this message to be read out. It was very necessary to have this message read out in order to be able to explain the philosophy and identity (of the Indonesian press) in particular to the US and Scandinavian delegations because it became known that they were going to table a resolution condemning the Indonesian and other governments for failing to respect the freedom of the press’.
Yet despite Adam Malik’s message, which was eventually read out, the offending resolutions were tabled. Then the Indonesian delegation had to redouble its efforts. ‘With all the energy at our disposal, we went on lobbying to eliminate that resolution. The previous day’, Wibosono writes, I had succeeded in slipping through a point of view in a 3-page document which, as a result of personal approaches with the secretariat (sic!) was duplicated and distributed to the delegates, though on the last day this document was withdrawn by the Committee... developing countries cannot be forced to accept in toto and undiluted form that which is referred to as freedom of the press in the advanced countries... There must be a partnership, a tolerance and co-operation with the government’.
Having won a determined battle at the IPI Assembly meeting, Wibisono says that ‘it is absolutely essential to defend and fight, tooth and nail, to uphold Indonesia’s position at the (annual meeting of the) International Federation of Newspaper Publishers (FIEJ)...as... recommendations made by the FIEJ will be used as guidelines by the UN in determining an attitude towards the press in the developing countries’.
Wibisono concludes: ‘Now after having got the better of the bigwigs in the IPI, it is up to the SPS (Indonesian Newspaper Proprietors Association) to complete the victory. The fight at the IPI was the preliminary battle; the FIEJ will be the arena for the final battle of 1974’.
BRITISH CAPITAL IN INDONESIA
UK investors have, on the whole, been slow to launch new
investments in Indonesia and have left it to the Japanese
and Americans to exploit widely the opportunities offered
to Western capitalists by the Suharto regime. At the end of
1973 the British share of total foreign investment since 1967
stood at $45.2 million, just 2% of the total $2,413 million. The
number of projects involved was 38, from a grand total of 655.
Both these figures, however, are somewhat illusory,
indicating only approved investments. Actual implementa-
=== [PDF page 47] ===
tion of the global figure is thought to be much smaller; in 1971, it was only about one-fifth of the total which stood then at $1,300 million. However, the rate of implementation of British investment is probably a good deal higher than
the average, as much of it has been in the rehabilitation of plantations and other interests lost prior to the overthrow
of Sukarno. Much that is new has come from multi-nationals and groups already operating in the Far East, in schemes such as forestry which can easily set up and are extremely profitable.
The figure above is derived from the Indonesian official records of approved investment which does not accurately indicate the actual source of capital, so that British capital interests in Indonesia may be much higher, concealing investments made through companies registered in places such as Hong Kong, Singapore and Malaysia. When the operations of multi-national banking and financial groups are considered, total UK involvement may be more far-reaching than is immediately apparent
[ ocroBER WEEK’ IN BRITAIN
British TAPOL is planning a series of activities during October this year to commemorate the ninth anniversary of the first wave of mass arrests in Indonesia, immediately after the abortive coup was crushed.
The Week will run from 19th till 27th October. We have selected the last week in the month in order, hopefully, to avoid clashing with general elections which are generally expected to take place in late September or early October.
On 19th October, a Seminar will be held in London Papers will be presented by well-informed experts on Indonesia’s political and economic situation, its foreign relations and its system of repression.
On 20th and 27th October, we shall present performances of the dramatised documentation of political imprisonment in Indonesia which had such an enthusiastic reception when it was first put on in March this year at the Embassy Theatre in London
We shall also be organising a protest event, the precise nature of which is still under consideration
As soon as the programme has been worked out in more detail, we shall issue and distribute a leaflet on the events of the Week.
We look forward to widespread participation in our October Week which, we hope, will help to put the Indonesian tapol question on the map in Britain
We invite any of our British readers wishing to help with the organisation of the Week to contact TAPOL at the address given at the bottom of the last page of this Bulletin. And we remind our supporters that such activities cost money so, any contributions will be gratefully received
WHAT IS TAPOL? It is the Indonesian word for ‘political prisoner’, It is therefore the name we have taken for our organisation, the British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners, and likewise for our Bulletin.
WHAT’S THE BACKGROUND? Young readers and many others, certainly, may have forgotten the bloodbath of October 1965, when the Indonesian Army under General (now President) Suharto, overthrew the government of then-President Sukarno and carried out one of the worst slaughters in history — somewhere between half a million and a million people were killed.
AND TODAY? Nine years later, there are still some 70,000 political prisoners held without trial, some of them | allegedly members of organisations now banned but perfectly legal prior to the Suharto takeover. Many prisoners were not even members of banned groups. Many are children. At best, they are living under unbelievably horrible conditions. At worst, they are subjected to torture, starvation and denial of medical care. The release of
these prisoners is TAPOL’s main concern.
ANY QUESTIONS? If you have any questions concerning | the historical background, we shall be glad to answer them.
PROTEST AGAINST BRITISH DESTROYER
VISIT TO JAKARTA
On 19th July, a British guided-missile destroyer
@: Fife,
paid a five-day visit to Tanjung Priok, the harbour of Jakarta, on
joint exercies in the Java Sea with the Indonesian naval frigate
‘Kri Jos Sudarso’. It is currently deployed in strategic exercises
with the US and Australian navies. Asked about this visit
by several Members of Parliament, the British Minister for
the Navy, Frank Judd, MP, described the visit as a ‘routine
call’. In reply to a letter from TAPOL urging that the visit
be cancelled, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office declared
that such a call represents ‘an important element in maintaining good relations with the Governments of the region which
it is Her Majesty’s Government’s policy to maintain’.
Meanwhile, the following letter appeared in The Guardian
on 22nd July:
The navy sails into an Asian storm
Sir,—We, the undersigned, have learned with deep concern that a Royal Navy guided missile destrover, HMS Fife, 1s currently paying a five-day visit to Indonesia
Quite apart from the seriou implications this visit has for Britain’s policy in South-east Asia, it represents yet another goodwill gesture towards a gov ernment that continues to hold in detention without trial at least 70,000 political prisoners, most of whom have been in prison for nearly nine years,
We are appalled by th?
inhuinan and unjust practice of the Indonesian Government and feel strongly that the very least the British Government could do under the circumstances would be to refrain from such gestures which are inevitably interpreted by the Indonesian Government as condonation of its policies.
This was precisely the interpretation given to the Queen's visit to Indonesia in March this year which the _ Indonesian ambassador to London described as ‘confirmation of the views of the British Government and people of the Indonesian Government’s and domestic policies.”
It is morally inexcusable for the Government to close its eyes to the enormous sufferings of such a large number of people in Indonesia and to ignore the fact that the present Indonesian regime came _ to power to the accompaniment of mass slaughters that left at least half a million people dead.
Where is the consistency in a governinent that withdrew «a decision to send warships to Greece, that cancelled a_ visit by naval frigates to South Africa. yet plans a visit of this very nature to « country whose government is no less repre sive than those of Greece and South Africa’
Frank Allaun, MP (Labour, Sal ford East); (Lord) Avebury;
(Lord) Fenner Brockway; Martin Flannery, MP (Labour, Sheffield Hlillsborough); Kenneth Lee; John Mendelson, MP (Labour. Penistone): Hephzibah Menuhin; Sybil Morrison;
Stan Newens, MP (Labour, Ifarlow); Jo Kichardson, MP Soper.
London.
foreign
New Subscription Rate (due to higher printing and postal costs):
£1.50 for one year (6 issues) in Britain and Europe;
£2.00 for one year (6 issues) for overseas (airmail)
Please address subscriptions and all correspondence to: TAPOL 103 Tilehurst Road, Wandsworth Common, London, SW18
=== [PDF page 48] ===
British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners June 1974
BULLETIN No 5
MASSIVE TRANSFERS OF POLITICAL PRISONERS:
Several thousand political prisoners have been transferred from a number of prisons in Jakarta and other parts of Java to workcamps in Central Java where, it is believed, they are being used as forced labour on construction sites
These moves which took place in April and May involve several hundred fapols in Salemba Prison, Jakarta, and a large number in various prisons of East and Central Java. Most reports indicate that the transferred prisoners are now in detention on Nusakembangan, a prison island just off the south coast of Central Java or in Cilacap, a harbour town just a few miles away. There are reports that this new influx of unpaid labour will be
used on construction sites in Central Java. The deep sea harbour of Cilacap Is noW a centre of rapid growth, with a large number of foreign investment projects planned for the area. According to one report, some of thi transferred fapols are to be used on the construction of a cement plant capital
Some sources say that the government intends to remove virtually all
being built in Cilacap with Japanese
political prisoners from the prisons in Java and to plac
where their labour can be ‘dimanfaatkan’ (made use of, i Indonesian euphemism) on development projects
A press release issue by TAPOL early in June was well reported in The Guardian, 12th June. A spokesman of TAPOI
BBC programme ‘The World Tonight’ and also by the Dutch daily, Volks
was interviewed on the
EDITORIAL
The British Government still refuses to recognise the need for a review of policy toward Indonesia despite statements by the Foreign Secretary about the need to be less accommodating toward repressive governments and some positive action recently on Chile and the Soviet Union.
It comes as a shock to many to hear David Ennals talking so glibly about the Queen’s ‘successful State Visit to Indonesia’ while Mr Wilson made a point of informing the Soviet Government that the Bolshoi Ballet’s visit to London would be more acceptable if the Panovs were permitted to leave the Soviet Union. Nor can we understand the Foreign Office contention that a review of Britain’s aid programme to Indonesia would not help the detainees
What help do the detainees receive from Britain’s aid programmes?
Their cause would surely be better served if the British Government were to make it quite clear to the Indonesian Government that it cannot go on pumping aid into a country which continues so flagrantly to flaunt public concern in Britain about the political prisoners and continued widespread political repression. It is one thing for the Foreign Office to inform the Indonesian authorities of the concern in Britain for the plight of their political prisoners. It is quite another thing for this concern to be translated into an active re-examination of policies, which the Indonesian Government could not possibly ignore.
What benefit did the detainees reap from the Queen’s 9-day visit which the Indonesian Ambassador to London described as ‘confirmation of the views of the British people and Government of the domestic and foreign policies of the Indonesian Government?’ Why should the restrictions placed upon two well-known Soviet ballet dancers have been sufficient cause to place the Bolshoi Ballet’s visit to London in jeopardy, whereas the prolonged detention without trial and systematic torture of tens of thousands of workers, peasants, writers, artists, women, teachers, doctors, laywers, trade unionists and a host of others did not, as far as the
e them in workcamps
krant. The news aroused considerable interest as well in Australia and was given coverage in a special programme on Asia by the ABC,
Harrowing reports of the transfers have also been received. amilies of prisoners were not informed beforehand of the transfer and only learned about it when they came to the prisons bringing food for their relative If the prisoner in question was included in the transfer, the visiting wife was simply told lake your food home again’. No news was given about what had happened. It was not till several weeks later that some families were informed that their prisoner had been transferred. One wife whose husband has been in detention since October 1965 without rhis is the best thing that could have happened. This will bring his solution nearer’.
Solution’ is the word the Indonesian military frequently use when they talk about the fapols. On 21st March 1973, President Suharto told the People’s Deliberative Assembly: ‘The Indonesian Government is trying hard to solve the problem of political detainees and to free them. In this relation the Government has to consider three problems: the safety of the state and nation, the legal settlement of the political detainecs and a reasonable treatment of the detainees in accordance with the principles of the Panca Sila’. The rec Suharto had in
inside
‘He’s not here
trial, was told callously, ‘Don’t worry
ent transfers reveal what kind of a solution mind
Foreign Office is concerned, cast any cloud over the ‘success’ of the Queen’s visit to Indonesia?
TAPOL calls upon its sympathisers in Britain to urge the British
Government to reconsider its policy toward Indonesia.
BRITISH LABOUR GOVERNMENT STRENGTHENS TIES
WITH SUHARTO REGIME
Replying to a parliamentary question on 22nd May by Richard C Mitchell, Labour MP for Southampton, David Ennals, Minister at the Foreign Office, stated
‘It is the policy of Her Majesty’s Government to strengthen the present close and friendly relations with Indonesia, including our economic relations, following the successful State Visft in March; and particularly in the context of Indonesia’s standing with Commonwealth Governments in the area and its role in the United Nations and other international organisations’
Earlier in May, TAPOL received a reply from the Foreign Office to letters it had sent to the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for Overseas Development urging the Government to undertake a review of its policy towards Indonesia. The letter reads:
‘In deciding whether or not to maintain aid programmes to particular ueveloping countries, Her Majesty’s Government have to consider in each case the effects of this decision on the people in each individual country.
In the case of Indonesia, we do not consider that the suspension of our existing aid programme, or the other actions you propose, would do anything to improve their lot. Nor do we think that it will help the detainees there.
As far as the problem of political detainees is concerned, I am able to assure you that the Indonesian authorities are well aware of the concern shown in this country for their plight’.
The letter is signed by Lord Goronwy-Roberts, Under Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs.
=== [PDF page 49] ===
BRITISH MPs DEEPLY CONCERNED OVER INDONESIA
A number of British Members of Parliament have responded with interest and concern to an appeal by TAPOL regarding the problem of political imprisonment in Indonesia. The matter was discussed at a meeting in the House of Commons on 11th June jointly convened by Labour MP Paul Rose and Conservative MP David Knox.
Many MPs who had indicated their intention to come to the meeting were unable to attend because of an emergency session held at the same hour to discuss a Commons debate that evening on the EEC, but Labour MP Andrew Faulds assured the meeting that a number of MPs are very worried and are wanting to raise the problem in any way possible.
CAMPAIGN NEWS
EX-TAPOL TOURS AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND
Carmel Budiardjo, an English woman who spent three years in detention
as a political prisoner in Jakarta, and whose husband is still under detention, spent five weeks earlier this year touring Australia and New Zealand to speak about political imprisonment in Indonesia.
She first spent three days in New Zealand addressing meetings and groups in Auckland, Christchurch and Wellington. She was interviewed on the national television news and by several national newspapers. During her brief stay in Auckland, she was able to meet the Labour MP, Mike Moore.
Her tour of Australia commenced in Brisbane where she met groups of trade union leaders, women’s leaders and addressed several students’ meetings. Here too the press and television gave her good coverage.
In Sydney, New South Wales, she attended a weekend conference on the theme ‘Australia and South East Asia’ at which she delivered a long paper on political repression in Indonesia. The conference was attended by a wide cross-section of Australians, with good representation from the trade union movement, students’ councils, women’s organisations, academics, Christian groups and bodies involved in third world problems and relief. The main resolution of the Conference which decided to give priority in Australia to the question of that country’s relations with Indonesia was published in the last TAPOL Bulletin.
From Sydney, Carmel Budiardjo went to Canberra where she also had a busy programme of meetings, press and television interviews and discussions with groups interested in Indonesia and human rights in general. On two occasions, she was received by Senators and members of the House of Representatives and addressed them about her own experiences in prison and about the current situation of political imprisonment in Indonesia. She was also received by a senior official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other senior officials of the Australian government.
The five days she spent in Melbourne were filled with meetings and interviews by the press. Particularly memorable were the meeting at Monash University where she addressed a packed lecture hall of more than 500 students and the reception given by leaders of the trade union movement of Victoria for her and for two other foreign speakers who had been invited to attend the conference in Sydney, Mike Morrow, well-known American journalist and Prof Ernst Utrecht, Indonesian expert on international law now living in exile. Here, as in other meetings with Australian trade union leaders, she spoke of the tradition of solidarity between the Australian and Indonesian trade union movements that had been cemented in the seamen’s and dockers’ boycott of Dutch ships returning to Indonesia in 1946. Australian trade unionists are keenly aware of the need to speak up and act in support of the many thousands of Indonesian trade unionists who are now behind bars in Indonesia.
In Melbourne, she was able to meet Mr Bob Hawke, Chairman of the Australian Council of Trade Unions and had a short talk with Mr Jim Cairns, then Minister for Industry and Trade, who occupies the position of Deputy Prime Minister in the new Australian Government. She appeared on several TV programmes, and on a radio programme together with an Indonesian working in Melbourne, who tried to defend the Indonesian Government’s position vis-a-vis the political prisoners.
In Adelaide, South Australia, she had another round of meetings and talks, and from there went on to Perth in Western Australia. Here too she met a good cross-section of people. She spent one day at the harbour of Fremantle where she spoke to a meeting of wharfies and went onboard a ship docking at the harbour to address seamen working on several ships in the harbour.
INDONESIA NAMED AS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATOR IN A US
CONGRESS REPORT
Indonesia has been included by a sub-committee of the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the US House of Representatives in a list of countries which ‘practice torture and unabashedly violate almost every human rights guarantee pronounced by the world community’. The report, published on 27th March, 1974, states: ‘Our relations with the present Governments of South Vietnam, Spain, Portugal, the Soviet Union, Brazil, Indonesia, Greece, the Philippines and Chile exemplify how we have disregarded human rights for the sake of other assumed interests’.
The Sub-Committee on International Organisations and Movements,
chaired by Congressman Donald M Fraser, issued the report enjigled ‘Human Rights in the World Community: A Call for US Lead It urges that human rights be given a high priority in reig licy
and makes a number of recommendations.
One chapter confirms reports that Indonesia is included among the countries regarding which a complaint is now before the UN Human Rights Commission. The complaint concerns ‘political detention in Indonesia’. The Report reveals that ‘in March 1974, the Commission failed to decide whether any of the cases required a thorough study or an investigation. Instead it appointed a working group to meet immediately prior to the next session (in 1975) to decide what action should be taken on these cases...’
The decision to postpone consideration, which was criticised by some delegates, reveals that as at present constituted, the UN machinery for the consideration of complaints about human rights violations is extremely fragile and as yet far too ineffective to help people suffering these abuses. Some commentators who have followed the deliberations at the UN have remarked that more concern is shown to protect the sensitiveties of the governments attacked in the various communications than to protect their victims.
AUSTRALIA TRAINS INDONESIAN ARMY INTELLIGENCE OFFICERS
Australian Minister of Defence, Lance Barnard, has called for a full report into charges that Indonesian interrogators are being trained at the Australian Army intelligence centre in Woodside, S Australia. This follows disclosures made by Carmel Budiardjo after her visit to Adelaide when she
told the Australian press in Perth that she had learned with dismay that groups of Indonesian intelligence officers were being trained at Woodside.
She had pointed out that Indonesian intelligence officers were responsible for interrogating Indonesia’s political prisoners and that it was abhorrent to her that these officers were getting training in Australia, whether or not this included training in the techniques of torture widely practised by Indonesian army officers during interrogation.
Mr Barnard is reported to have said in Canberra that there is nothing unusual about foreign officers being trained in Australian army establishments. ‘We do have a scheme whereby army personnel from Indonesia and Malaysia are trained in basic army techniques. Some people have been trained in normal intelligence processes, but interrogation is another matter. While I am not aware of any such training practices being carried out at Woodside, I will be looking very closely at the centre’s role in the intelligence training of foreign officers’.
Shortly after her return to London, Mrs Budiardjo was interviewed by Australian Broadcasting Corporation about this for a programme on torture in Indonesia and Singapore on the weekly feature entitled ‘Four Corners’.
NEW INDONESIAN AMBASSADOR TO HOLLAND WAS ‘BRAINS
BEHIND THE TORTURE’
General Sutopo Juwono, former head of Bakin the Co-ordination Board of Intelligence Services, was received by Queen Juliana as the new ambassador to Holland on 3rd May.
One Dutch newspaper, the Nieuw Rotterdam Courant, was quick to point out that Gen Juwono was the brains behind much of the terror waged against political prisoners. His name has in particular been associated with the notorious Kalong operations in Jakarta and West Java, responsible for some of the worst torture practiced in Indonesia.
His appointment follows the recent Cabinet reshuffle in Indonesia after the January 15th riots when Suharto was apparently misinformed as to the part played by Sumitro, and the armed forces in the students demonstrations against the visit to Indonesia of Japanese Prime Minister Tanaka. Thus the transfer of General Juwono from head of military intelligence to an ambassador may reflect the President’s dissatisfaction with Juwono’s intelligence work. But the ambassadorship in Holland is a prestigious post and one of the key procurement centres for the Indonesian state and military establishment.
WEST BERLIN TEACH-IN ON TAPOLS
West Berlin Amnesty International held a teach-in about Indonesian tapols on 21st June. Tari Hibbitt, whose father is imprisoned in Jakarta and who herself experienced detention when she was 15 years old, told the meeting of her personal experiences and of the torture she had seen inflicted on her friends and others together with her in detention. She spoke also of the general conditions of prisoners and of the problems of detainees’ families.
Professor Ernst Utrecht, well-known Indonesian lawyer now living in exile, spoke of the economic situation in Indonesia. (In April, Prof Utrecht was ordered to leave Malaysia only a few weeks after taking up a university appointment there as professor of international law. The expulsion order came as a result of pressure by the Indonesian Government on the Malaysian Government, on a threat that Indonesian teachers in Malaysia would be withdrawn if Utrecht was not ordered to leave the country).
Dr Hans Schwenger, Chairman of the German Union of Writers, also addressed the meeting, urging support not only for writers and other intellectuals but for the thousands of workers and peasants and other ordinary folk in detention. Pastor Rese, chaplain for students in West
Indc s tapols.
S ~~ S present attempted to undermine the platform by asserting that $ unnecessary to pressurise the German and other governments and that it was enough to send letters to the Indonesian authorities. Tari said in reply that since coming to Europe, she and her family had written repeatedly to Indonesian authorities and had never received a single reply.
nae spoke of the need to arouse support for the cause of
IGGI COUNTRIES TO FURTHER INCREASE AID TO INDONESIA
The May meeting of the Inter-Governmental Group on Indonesia held in Amsterdam decided to further increase aid to Indonesia from $876 million last year to $913 million in the 1974/75 financial year. This amount exceeds the $850 million actually requested by the Indonesian Government.
Some circles in the aid-giving countries have suggested that Indonesia’s rapidly expanding earnings from its oil exports means that economic aid should be reduced, General Ibnu Sutowo. President-Director of the giant state oil corporation, Pertamina, says Indonesia’s oil earnings will enable the country to repay its foreign debts in two years instead of a period reaching to the end of this century, as has heretofore been assumed. But the IGGI governments have taken a completely different stand. IGGI Chairman, Jan Pronk, Dutch Minister for Overseas Aid and Development, said that despite increased income from oil, Indonesia still needs large investments, income per capita was very low, the population increase very rapid and the rate of unemployment very high. There was no reason to believe, he said, that the bonanza from oil would be sufficient to pay for the country’s development requirements. It would be ‘disastrous’ he claimed for any radical adjustments to be made in aid commitments because Indonesia’s financial resources would probably not be adequate to finance future programmes,
The IGGI’s decision to increase aid may well be calculated to boost the position of Indonesia’s technocrats who are being hard-pressed by powerful groups in the Army that see the oil boom as a source of increased strength for their own control of the economy. There are strong rumours of a Cabinet reshuffle that would greatly reduce the role of the technocrats.
At the May IGGI meeting, the EEC and Austria attended for the first time as full members.
NEWS FROM INDONESIA
SECURITY TROOPS HOLD ‘READINESS’ EXERCISES
In Jakarta:
Troops of the Jakarta Military Command held ‘readiness’ exercises in April this year. Eleven thousand troops were deployed in the exercises which lasted a whole day. The troops consisted of two main elements, those in charge of ‘maintaining security and order’, and those described as ‘fighting elements’, the troops ready to take action if the security troops were no longer in control of the situation.
One of the main points of the exercise was to cope with ‘a mass of demonstrators supported by armed elements’. This makes it clear that the exercises were prompted by the experiences of January this year when students organised mass demonstrations in protest against the visit to Indonesia of the Japanese Prime Minister, Tanaka.
The April exercises are the second in a series; the third were due to take place some time late in May.
In East and Central Java:
Large-scale manoeuvres by combined troops of the Armed Forces were held for six days in East and Central Java in 6 kabupaten (the administrative unit below the province)—Magetan, Ngawi, Madiun, Blora, Sragen.
and Purwodadi. The manoeuvres were aimed at testing domestic security operations, according to a speech by General Panggabean, Minister for Defence and Commander of the Armed Forces. He said the main purpose was to help ‘step up efforts to smash remnants of the armed bands operating in West Kalimantan.. and to intensify the task of smashing hidden cells of the PKI/30 September Movement in general’. Many thousand land and air troops were involved in the operations.
JANUARY DEMONSTRATORS UNDER ARREST FACE SUB-
VERSION CHARGES
The cases of 42 persons detained following the 15th January events this year (the anti-Tanaka demonstrations) have, according to Admiral Sudomo, Chief-of-Staff of Kopkamtib, speaking to the press on 20th April, been handed over to the Prosecutor General’s Office because, he said, the cases were connected with ‘subversion’.
It would be incorrect however to think that these are the only persons still in detention in connection with the January events. According to reports from Jakarta, arrests are still being made and include some Army officers. Furthermore, on 10th April, a spokesman of the Jakarta Prosecutor’s Office, Singgih, told the press that the Office had been handed the cases of 30 persons arrested in connection with the 15th January events.
Whether these are included among the cases referred to by Sudomo or are in addition to them is not clear.
The 42 cases mentioned by Sudomo almost certainly do not include eleven cases that have been reported from Ujung Pandang in South Sulawesi. These cases were handed over to the Ujung Pandang Proseautor’s Office by the Provincial Military Command in South Sulawesi who explained that the cases were being submitted in accordance with the instructions of the Commander of Kopkamtib. The cases are connected with the 15th January incident and ‘events that occurred in Ujung Pandang recently’.
They arise from a ‘Charter of Indonesian Citizens’ and the creation of an organisation, probably separatist in nature, which is called the South Sulawesi Youth, one of whose leaders is reported as having expressed dissatisfaction with the results of the general elections and implementation of the Development Plan. Their activities appear to have consisted of ‘holding meetings to discuss the situation at the Centre and in the regions’ and of trying to ‘support the activities of students in Jakarta and elsewhere’. Three of the persons now awaiting trial in Ujung Pandang are journalists, one of whom published an article which is regarded as having ‘aroused the emotions of the masses’. One of the journalists is said to have been planning to ‘make contact with some people in Java in order to arouse negative emotions among the general public’. Incidentally, the paper for which two of these journalists worked, Pos Indonesia, is among those already banned.
MILITARY CONTROL OF THE PRESS TIGHTENS
Altogether twelve dailies and weeklies are now irrevocably prohibited in Indonesia. Until early April, two of the papers, Pedoman and the weekly Expres, were hoping they would be allowed to reappear as only their printing permits and not their publishing permits had been withdrawn.
On 9th April following a meeting of the newly-formed ‘Political and Stabilisation Council’, it was announced that the two permits had also been revoked.
Already in February this year, the Indonesian Association of Journalists (PWI) Court of Honour publicly urged that ‘press organs should not be eliminated’ as this would ‘create deep misgivings among the public’.
The story of the prohibition of all these newspapers and periodicals reveals the power of the military and security establishment in regulating press and the media as a whole. The PWI has repeatedly urged that the terms of the Press Law enacted in 1966 should be upheld; though repressive in that it gives the government powers to ban newspapers, does establish a procedure according to which the Ministry of Information is responsible for taking measures against the press and should act only after consultation with a Press Council on which the press would be represented,
The fact that the decision to withdraw the permits from Pedoman and Expres was taken at the Political and Stabilisation Council means that the Ministry of Information exercised no effective role in the press.
This Council is chaired by the President, who is also Commander of the Army’s Security Counci] Kopkamtib, and includes among its ten members the Minister for Defence and Security, the Secretary-General of the Defence and Security Ministry, the Chief-of-Staff of Kopkamtib and the head of Bakin, the Co-ordination Board of Intelligence Services.
Earlier this year, a short while after the January events, the Kopkamtib Chief-of-Staff Admiral Sudomo made quite clear the views of the Command about the press. While trying to allay widespread fears over military interference in the press by saying that ‘the responsibility and main task of promoting the press is in the hands of the Information Ministry, he also stipulated that ‘Kopkamtib is responsible for the security and order section’,
‘Permits for the publication of new papers will be handled by the Information Ministry. But, he went on, ‘the screening of their personnel is entrusted to Kopkamtib.’ He also said that newspapers would only be given publishing permits on condition that they conform to the following conditions: “They must uphold the spirit of the New Order, respect for the Panca Sila ideology, refrain from inciting the public, refrain from twisting facts and refrain from carrying reports that would incite tribal, religious and social conflict. They must not disobey the national leadership’. Having said all that, Sudomo went on to give ‘assurances of freedom of the press, based on constructive criticism’.(!)
Meanwhile it has been announced that over five hundred people, mainly journalists and printing technicians, have lost their jobs as a result of the banning of the 12 newspapers and journals. They are now undergoing screening to see whether they can be permitted to work for the three new newspapers that are being allowed to appear in place of the 12 banned. Journalists must now possess not only certificates of noninvolvement in the 1965 coup attempt but also a clearance from involvement in the January 1974 movement.
Chinese-language papers disallowed
A Chinese-language daily in Medan, Harian Indonesia, has been ordered to cease publication. Fiere too, the decision was not taken by the Minister for Information but was based on an order issued by Lieut-Gen Widodo, Commander of the Sumatra Territorial Defence Command (Pangkowilhan I) issued to the head of the Information Division of the North Sumatra Government Administration. Only a few days beforehand, Lieut-Gen Widodo had told the North Sumatra Legislative Assembly that ‘Chinese characters must no longer be used in society in order to create a homogeneous nation’.
eee
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Ce tee
SEVERE RESTRAINTS IMPOSED ON STUDENT ACTIVITY
Following the January demonstrations in which many students were involved, the Minister of Education and Culture, Major-General Sjarif Thajeb, issued new ‘guidelines’ for the running of educational institutes.
The ‘guidelines’ reveal that the government is extremely anxious to prevent any further movements of dissent from developing among the students.
In brief, the guidelines are as follows:
The leadership of universities and institutes of higher education must bear full responsibility for all activities of a political nature by students and members of the staff, and for all expression of opinion. They must ensure that all opinions publicly expressed are ‘concrete, constructive, responsible and scientifically justified’. These activities include discussions, seminars, orientation weeks, initiation activities and the like. Outside guests are not allowed to attend university seminars without the consent of the head of the Institute. All students activities must be reported to and have the consent of the leadership of the Institute; this includes students meetings and roll-calls. Professional activities, such as interfaculty exchange must have the consent of the leadership both of the faculties sending and receiving the students. Students wishing to go abroad for organisational affairs must also have such permission.
When announcing these ‘guidelines’, the Minister emphasised that “every right involves a duty, every freedom a limitation’. Lectures, he said, must be ‘creative, concrete and responsible’. It was the teachers’ duty to encourage ‘responsible student participation and development’.
Making it quite clear what the purpose of these ‘guidelines’ was, the Minister expressed the hope that institutes of higher learning could ‘avoid any repercussions of the January 1 Sth incident’.
MORE PRO-PKI REMNANTS UNEARTHED
More than 130 civilians have been arrested in North Sumatra in yet another roundup of alleged sympathisers or former members of the PKI Many of them were not only in government employment but still active and said to be at the root of ethnic, religious and land disputes which have occurred in North Sumatra during the last year.
The most prominent amongst the arrested so far disclosed is a civil engineer, Ir M Sipahutar, head of the North Sumatra Public Works Department for the past 14 years, chairman of the North Sumatra Planning Board, and recently a candidate for the Governorship of the province when it was last vacant. News of his arrest was first rumoured in the press. The military called a press conference to confirm the rumours but then asked that the arrest be kept secret to avoid warning other PKI remnants
The evidence since reported in the press about M Sipahutar includes such dangerous crimes as attempting to conceal past links with the PKI, and thus obtaining an identity card on false pretenses. One of his juniors in the department denounced him and he was described in a Jakarta newspaper published in 1963 as a ‘PKI candidate’. He is also said to have been mentioned in the diaries of an arrested communist as a con tributor to PKI funds. Quite why the Army had taken so long to arrest so obvious a villain was not clear but the press were told, in their confidential briefing, that until recently ‘the time was not appropriate’ Reporters also learnt that not all of those arrested were members of the PKI up until 1965; they had however been influenced by it.
Pos Indonesia, the Medan daily which did so much to expose the evil doings of Ir Sipahutar, has recently been rewarded for its efforts by a banning order from Jakarta. The ban, issued on 25th April, took the paper’s editor completely by surprise. ‘We have never been reprimanded by the North Sumatra Military Command and we never published anything at all about the 15th January events’, he told Tempo. Try as he may, the editor could do nothing to get the ban rescinded and now
he and all his colleagues must set about getting ‘clearance certificates’ in order to be able to get alternative employment. @ Ex-Gerwani Members Also in Trouble
The cases of fifty-two women in Kampong Helvetia, man, North Sumatra, were spotlighted in March this year after it was discovered
that they had been members of the now-banned leftwing women’s organisation, Gerakan Wanita Indonesia (Gerwani) prior to the abortive coup in October 1965, A Medan newspaper, Pos Utara, in its issue of 30th March 1974, reports that they all hetd ‘yellow identity cards’ cards which may only be issued to people who are ‘not involved in the coup’.
The article mentions that one of the women has been arrested but does not explain what fate has befallen the other 51 women.
The newspaper report, bearing a banner headline: ‘52 Kampong Helvetia Inhabitants Involved in October 1965 Coup’ is an example of how even today, almost nine years after the events of 1965, it is still regarded as a most serious crime to have been a member of one of the banned organisations—at a time when it was still legal. It also shows how membership of these organisations is quite shamelessly equated with being ‘involved in the coup’.
The 52 women are said to have succeeded in concealing their Gerwani membership from the security forces. The village head of Kampong Helvetia also comes in for censure, for it was he who issued identity cards to these women; he is described as ‘sheltering and providing employment to persons involved in the coup’.
Non-Involvement Certificate Needed to Install a Telephone
The Chief of Jakarta Metropolitan Police, Police Major-General Widodo Budidarme,has meanwhile revealed that it is still the practice for officials to demand a ‘non-involvement certificate’ for such things as installing a telephone, arranging land documents and entering University. The point of his remark was to explain that, according to the regulations, ‘noninvolvement certificates’ are no longer needed for such things, yet in fact they are still being demanded.
While on the one hand, ‘non-involvement certificates’ are a vicious method of keeping a check on the activities of persons regarded as being politically undesirable, they have on the other hand become an integral part of the country’s bureaucracy and a source of income in a state apparatus in which corruption thrives.
COMPULSORY LAND REDISTRIBUTION LEADS TO THREATS
AND ARRESTS
The Government has recently compulsorily acquired farmland in South Sumatra, West Java, and around Jakarta. The land is to be set aside for commercial and industrial use. The land owners maintained that they were paid ridiculously low compensation. In West Java, some of the land compulsorily purchased for Rp 2,000 per sq metre changed hands again within months for more than six times this price.
In some instances it proved necessary to call in the Army to help persuade the peasants to appreciate the wisdom of abiding by the compulsory purchase order. Opponents of the scheme were accused of being PKI sympathisers and trying to sabotage the Government’s 5-year plan. One South Sumatran farmer is known to have been jailed for his Opposition.
The Jakarta weekly Tempo quoted an official from the Ministry of Interior as saying that the peasants contrasted the present land policies with the land distribution programme before 1965. He wondered if the present Government’s policy would find as much support with the peasants as the attempts at land redistribution then.
New Subscription Rate (beginning with this issue due to higher printing and postal costs);
£1.50 for one year (6 copies) in Britain and Europe £2.00 for one year (6 copies) for overseas (airmail)
Please address subscriptions and all correspondence to: TAPOL—103 Tilehurst Road, Wandsworth Common, London, SW18
=== [PDF page 51] ===
British Campaign for the
ULLETIN No. 8
Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners
January, 1975
MASS MURDERS IN IRIAN JAVA
On October 11th, 12th and 19th 1974, a Dutch newspaper, De Telegraf, published articles by Henk de Mari who was reporting direct from Biak and Jayapura in Irian Jaya
The articles reveal a situation of flagrant and widespread deprivation of human rights, of mass killings which have, according to some informants, led to the death of 30,000 Papuans since the territory came under Indonesian adminis tration. The journalist relates one series of mass murders that occurred in 1970 on the island of Biak which lies to the north of the mainland. We quote this part of his report in slightly abridged form:
"We publish only those stories that our reporter noted down from the lips of people who were involved themselves, who saw it happening, or who immediately afterwards happened to talk to the survivors. And further, only the stories of witnesses whose reliability is acceptable according to representatives of the Roman Catholic and Protestant missions.
"The mass murders are said to have taken place on the west coast of the island of Biak in June 1970. What the immediate case was is not immediately clear. Members of the Organi-
EDITORIAL
SO THERE ARE NO TAPOLS IN INDONESIA....
So the Indonesian military has now decided to ban the word 1! The pronouncements to this effect, which are reported in this issue, must have astonished not only the tapols and their families, not only the 'man and the woman in the street', but also the rank-and-file soldiers, the officers and the hierarchy in the country's military establishment, all of whom have been using the word for the past nine years.
Tapol is a classic example of the Indonesian people's fondness for abbreviating words to create new words reflecting the needs and circumstances of the day. It was in order to popularise internationally this widely-used word that our organisation decided more than eighteen months ago to use it for the name of our campaign.
By banning the word tapol, the military have at least indicated that they are feeling a growing embarrassment at the international campaign developing against them. As the Jakarta daily, Kompas stated in its editorial on October 8,
. the change in expression is probably intended primarily to clarify misunderstandings which arise abroad. "'
It has taken them nine years to wake up to the fact that most people in the world cannot accept the principle of keeping people in detention for their political views, whatever these may be.
sasi Papua Merdeka are said to have fired at Indonesian soldiers in the Jungle on the west coast. In the process, ten soldiers are said to have been killed. An Indonesian patrol of 50 red-beret and green-beret soldiers then went on a punitive expedition
"The kampongs of Wusdori and Kridori, the beach, were visited by the patrol.
the patrol was coming and they fled, not because they had in any way been involved in the OPM but because they were, as is usually the case, afraid of Indonesian soldiers. It often happens, to this day, that troops misbehave: they rape women, kill pigs, and demand food and drink without payment.
‘When the patrol reached the two kampongs, all they found were deserted huts The patrol moved on without destroying anything. Next day, the villagers moved back....
"The rule is that when a patrol visits a Papuan kampong, all the villagers must report on the village square. Anyone failing to so is regarded as a member of the OPM and therebuilt on piles along The villagers knew
ever
(cont’d p.7)
Until this sudden awakening, the Indonesian military could at least be given credit for the fact that they never sought to conceal the fact that they held political prisoners; on the
contrary, they frequently took pride in the fact, and there
are numerous examples to prove that they considered political reasons as a much more forceful basis for arresting
anyone than 'mere' infringement of the law.
Banning the word tapo] has not however changed the situation one iota. The fapols are still in prison and more arrests are reported all the Time. The word tapol may have now disappeared from the columns of the Indonesian press, but TAPOL intends to see to it that the Indonesian Government is not allowed to forget the tapols until they are all released and properly restored to their rightful place in society.
Some Questions to the British Government
Elsewhere in this issue we publish a report of a meeting on 10th December between an Ecumenical Deputation led by Lord Soper,and Lord Goronwy Roberts, Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The report shows that the British Government prefers to refrain from officially and openly pressurising the Indonesian Government, even though HMG says that it is concerned about the widespread violation of human rights.
It shows as a comparison between what Lord Goronwy Roberts said and various news items in this Bulletin reveals, that much of the information that the Foreign Office receives
(cont'd p.3)
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UNREST AMONG TAPOLS ON BURU
According to a report in the Jakarta newspaper, Merdeka on November 23rd last, a soldier guarding tapols at the Buru detention camp was set upon and killed by one of the tapols. When soldiers nearby tried to restore order, other fapols attempted to grab their weapons. Normality was only restored after the guards had opened fire.
Some of the tapols are said to have succeeded in escaping and fleeing into the jungles. Up to the time the Merdeka report was written, they had not yet been found although the Army had launched an island-wide search and ordered the local inhabitants to join in.
Brig-General Harun Suwardi, Commander of the Maluku Military Command within whose territory the camp is located, has sent a special team of investigators to Buru to report on the incident.
Meanwhile according to other sources, the press in East Java has reported that as many as 48 tapols have been reported missing on Buru. They are believed to have taken refuge in the jungles, and the situation on the island is so serious that naval vessels are patrolling the shores to prevent any possible escape from the island. TAPOL has not yet obtained any clippings of these reports and is therefore unable to report more fully.
This latest escape attempt on Buru appears to be the most serious incident to occur since the detention camp was established in 1969 and is a far more accurate pointer to the feelings of the Buru tapols than all the efforts of the regime to depict conditions as satisfactory. It is always extremely difficult to obtain precise reports of such incidents as these. Two previous incidents are known to have occurred in 1972 and in 1973 but reporting on those occasions too was very inadequate, consisting only of a very brief announce - ment by the local military command.
On Nusakambangan Too
On the island of Nusakambangan too, which lies off the South coast of Central Java, where several thousand tapols are being held, an escape attempt has been made. One Jakarta newspaper, Sinar Harapan, reported on October 23rd the recapture of three prisoners who escaped while they were gathering wood in one part of the island.
THE WORD TAPOL NOW BANNED
The term tapol should not be used because there are no political prisoners in Indonesia, said Brig. -General Sumrahadi, spokesman of the Indonesian Department of Defence and Securi ty, as quoted in Suara Karya on Ist October, 1974. He said:
"Indonesia has never had political prisoners and has never arrested people for political reasons. The people under arrest are those who have rebelled against the constitution and against the lawful government...."
On the next day, Admiral Sudomo, Commander of Kopkamtib (the Command for the Restoration of Security and Order)
repeated the order and said that it was better to refer to the prisoners now being held as '30th September 1965 / PKI prisoners'or’15th January Affair prisoners’.
Another announcement by the Chief-of-Staff of Kopkamtib in the first week of October declared that the official name of the Buru Detention Camp had been changed from Tempat Pemanfaatan (place for making good use of) to Instalasi Rehabilitasi (rehabilitation installation). This new term, an attempt to create the impression that tapols are being held for their own benefit rather than for the benefit of others, is apparently also being used for other places of detention.
SET OF SLIDES ON POLITICAL IMPRISONMENT
As announced recently, TAPOL is preparing a set of slides on political imprisonment in Indonesia for use by people wishing to speak at public meetings. The set will consist of about 24 black-and-white slides, each with background information, arranged to provide a framework for a lecture-discussion given by anyone fairly well acquainted with the problem. Ted nical problems delayed the project, but the slides should be ready soon. If interested, please write for details.
RELIGIOUS LEADERS PROTEST
AT FOREIGN OFFICE
On December 10th Lord Soper led a deputation of religious leaders to meet Lord Goronwy Roberts, Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The other members of the deputation were Monsignor Bruce Kent, Rabbi Dr. David Goldstein and Roger Hibbitt, chairman of TAPOL. The purpose of the meeting was to express to Lord Roberts the concern felt by the deputation at the continuing detention without charge or trial of 70,000 tapols in Indonesia. Mea
Lord Soper began by describing his feeling of moral outrage and repugnance at the treatment by and the attitude of the Indonesian Government towards the tapols. As a Christian leader, he found the situation intolerable and was anxious to communicate to the British Government his and other religious leaders' strong feelings on this subject.
Msgr. Kent and Rabbi Goldstein expressed similar sentiments and Roger Hibbitt said that what TAPOL wanted was some public statement/condemnation by Her Majesty's Government on the continuing detention in Indonesia of so many tapols. He found it disgraceful that the Indonesian Government's dreadful record on human rights had received virtually no publicity in Britain, particularly at a time when there was so much concern for the situation in Chile - ona veneral and government level.
Lord Roberts began a long reply by expressing his agreement with the deputation's attitude towards political detention in Indonesia; this was a horrifying fact of political life not merely in Indonesia but in many parts of the world.
However, how did the individual or a government deal with such repression? What, he asked, would be the result of a public condemnation? He feared it would set off a chain reaction within Indonesia which might well damage rather than help the tapols and might make the position of sympathetic members within the Indonesian Government very difficult.
The British Government takes a studied view on how to deal with political repression wherever it occurs.
HMG deplores and condemns all the events associated with the 1965 coup but feels that it is not important to dwell on past history. The important point was how best its influence could be brought to bear on the Indonesian Government. During the Queen's visit in March 1974, he had spoken personally toa senior member of the Indonesian Government and had expressed HMG's concern about the tapols (forcefully) to them.
He was convinced that a public stafement was counter-productive and that a restrained policy was the only possible one for Indonesia.
Lord Roberts Supported this by asserting that since (not as a result of) the Queen's visit, the situation had improved. All C category prisoners had been or were being released, the rate of trials had been stepped up, the trial of Hariman Siregar had been open and fair, and the general level of repression was diminishing. He was encouraged by this and felt it was important to allow President Suharto to stabilise the country since without such stability the Indonesian situation could easily become chaotic.
HMG will not contemplate withdrawing aid or technical assistance. These, he said, are small and not significant in terms
of the international effort for Indonesia
The TAPOL Chairman disagreed strongly that the situation in Indonesia had improved since the Queen's visit. Clearly, the British Government was receiving different information from that received by TAPOL. It was agreed that TAPOL would keep HMG informed of current developments in Indonesia with regard to the tapols,
Lord Soper agreed that one should not isolate countries.
One should 'sit down with publicans and sinners but should not make them Deacons in the Church'. Where, he wondered, did the moral principle come in?
Lord Roberts felt the World Council of Churches might have a role to play. The deputation then discussed with him specific ways in which HMG might help the tapols. After 90 minutes’ discussion, Lord Roberts finally invifed the deputation to meet him again at some future date, when it was needed.
THE LATEST ARRESTS
ld new waves of arrests have been reported in the Insian press during the past two months.
In Maluku: RMS Activists Arested
In Ambon, the capital of Maluku, a number of people described as activists of the Republic of South Maluku, a movement fighting for the separation of the Maluku archipelago from the Republic, have been arrested. According to the Special Executor of Kopkamtib in Maluku, Brig. -General Harun Suwardi, in a statement to the press on 22nd November, eight persons in all were arrested. These arrests had been made for reasons of security even though the government had previously declared that the RMS movement no longer existed in the area. Among those arrested is an Air Force major.
However, according to information published by the RMS Union in the Hague, the number of people arrested is far greater. The Union gives the names of ten persons and states that in one village alone, no fewer than a hundred persons have been held. The arrests are continuing. The Union also reports that these detainees have been subjected to electrical torture to extract information and confessions.
A large number of Malukans living in Holland organised a demonstration on 27th December in protest against the arrests and torture. There were skirmishes between the police and the demonstrators outside the Indonesian Embassy in the Hague, and considerable damage was done when a large contingent from the main body broke away to demonstrate outside the Peace Palace, headquarters of the International Court of Justice.
.. and also PKI Activists
According to the same statement of Brig. -General Suwardi referred to above, an unspecified number of PKI activists have also been arrested in Ambon. These people were described as 'big fish’ but Gen. Suwardi refused to divulge their names as this would obstruct operations where they were still underway against underground forces operating in the region. As an indication of how seriously the Army regards the present situation in Maluku, the Army commander urged the public to give the Army 'badly-needed information’ in order to ensure the success of these operations.
In N. Sumatra and W. Kalimantan
Eighteen persons described as PKI cadres were arrested in Medan, N. Sumatra and in West Kalimant a: after the Army had discovered a "network of PKI remnants" operation in the two regions, according to Lieut, -General Poniman, Canmander of Defence Territory I (Sumatra) on 19th November.
He referred also to the smuggling into the country of rifles, and to robberies in several areas, suggesting that these activities were related to political subversion.
SO, THERE ARE NO TAPOLS (from p.2)
conflicts sharply with the numerous eyewitness and firsthand accounts which regularly reach TAPOL through various channels, We can assure our readers that we publish news and information only after careful checking.
TAPOL wishes to ask the British Government the following questions: If it feels that public condemnation would be counter-productive, what does it think it has achieved by its current policy? If indeed there are sympathetic members of the Indonesian Government, how have they been encouraged by the present policy and would it not be reasonable to expect that their position would be strengthened by some public expression abroad of concern at high levels? Where is the substance to the belief that stability under General Suharto, which is based on widespread and ever-increasing repression, can help to avoid chaos? How can this view be upheld when even
erstwhile supporters of the military regime such as Hariman Siregar have felt impelled to protest? Is not the real reason for the British Government's low-profile a concern to preserve and expand its strategic and economic interests by supporting the present Indonesian regime?
NEW CONCENTRATION CAMP IN SULAWESI
A new concentration camp for category B tapols has been established in Sidondo which is located in the district of Donggala, S.E, Sulawesi. A number of tapols who were being held at the Palu Prison have been fransfered to the camp.
The announcement about the new camp was made by Col.
M. Rusli, commander of the 132nd District Military Command in Tadulako, who stated in an interview that appeared in the Jakarta daily Suara Karya on 7 August 1974 that the camp had been set up on July 22 this year.
He described the camp as being a place where the tapols would get ‘mental guidance’ and would be put to work on an agricultural project or on handicrafts 'to keep them busy and to provide some means of livelihood for the future’.
He said that 'mental guidance' would be directed at turning them into good Pancasilaists by abandoning Marxism'. He also said that the camp would be named the 'Meraram Putih Project’, taking its name from an expression in the local language which means ‘searching for a pure heart and cleansing oneself of all bad influence’.
HEALTH CONDITIONS ON BURU
An article entitled: Health Work at the Buru Camp; Review of a Closed Society' has appeared in the Indonesian scientific
journal Prisma in its fourth quarterly issue of 1974. It is written by Dr. Achmad Sujudi who worked for some months as a doctor at the Buru Camp
For reasons of space, we can only quote a few of the facts that he presents,
While on the one hand he writes that "the criteria for tapols who were transferred to Buru were that they were physically healthy and no older than 45 years", he refers later in the article to tapols who were suffering from certain diseases before they were transferred to the camp such as bronchial asthma and diabetes or other such afflictions. He states that the authorities provide finances amounting to Rp. 400 per tapol for a period of 8 months (the equivalent of less than one US dollar). The only medicines available are what he describes as "basic ones" whereas those who are suffering from chronic ailments must rely on what they receive from their families.
There are, he says, no laboratory facilities at the camp sickbay and diagnosis is therefor only clinical. If treatment has continued for a sufficiently long period but has not resulted in recovery, the treatment is stopped and the patient is isolated and placed into a group no longer used for work. This applies in particular to those suffering from tuberculosis.
The writer provides figures of tapols suffering from a vari ety of diseases in two units at the camp during the time he was working there. The figures, which he admits are only based upon clinical diagnosis, are as follows:
Unit I Unit V0
0.49%
arthralgia, myalgia and lumbago respiratory diseases
lung tuberculosis
skin diseases
accident injuries
eye infections
enteritis
malaria
filariasis
other diseases, including chronic
cot wononusr
=== [PDF page 53] ===
EX - TAPOL TOURS GERMANY
Ex-detainee, Carmel Budiardjo, carried out a speaking tour of West Germany from 15th to 29th November. During the tour, she addressed meetings in West Berlin, Karlsruhe, Stuttgart, Geissen, Darmstadt, Frankfurt, Cologne, and Bonn, and also spoke at the annual meeting of the Coordination Group on Indonesia of the German Section of Amnesty International.
The meetings were held by a variety of organisations in the different towns in some places by the local Students Council or the Foreign Students Committee, in others by a local Indonesian students" group, and in others by local Amnesty groups In Cologne, the newly-established Centre for Human Rights and Responsibilities collaborated with the local Indonesia Study Circle (AKI) and TAPOL to organise the meeting, and in Berlin, local Amnesty groups collaborated with the Germm S.E. Asia Institute.
One of the most striking features of the meetings in all places except Bonn, where Indonesian Embassy surveillance is the strongest, was the large attendance of the Indonesian students. There are about 12,000 Indonesian students now studying at German universities and colleges. The vast majority have left Indonesia in the last two or three years and have opted for study abroad because they find it cheaper to pay the price of an air ticket to Europe than to pay the exhorbi tant fees and bribes requiredin order to gain access toa faculty in Indonesia.
The attitude of many of the students present at the meetings reflects the widespread intimidation being exerted by the Indonesian Embassy in Bonn. Few of those present dared to do any more than ask very cautiously-worded questions. In one meeting, sponsored by the local Amnesty gro up, an Indonesian student told the meeting that although he had known while still in Indonesia that there were many political prisoners, he had never realised the circumstances under which they were being held and the way in which their rights were being infringed.
Others cautiously voiced their concern about what they had heard at the meeting but said that they would be ri sking very much if they were to become involved in campaigns to bring these facts to the attention of the German people.
In some cases, pro-Suharto elements endeavored to defend the system and justify the repression of human rights. At the meeting in Karlsruhe, an Indonesian quite openly declared that it was better for one-hundred thousand people to be in detention and for one million people to have been killed during the 1965/1966 massacres than for Indonesia to have fallen under communist control. At the meeting in Frankfurt, an Indonesian claimed that the speaker had ignored the religious traditions of the Indonesian people which were ingrained in their culture. This had made them strongly anti-communist and this was why, he said, it was wrong to say that the Army was responsible for the massacres. The killings had been done by the people. To this, another Indonesian replied: "Are you
then implying that the Indonesian people's culture is a culture of murderers?"
In Giessen, an Indonesian and a German colleague tried to disrupt the meeting by insisting on unlimited time for speaking in support of the Suharto regime. When after the German had spoken lengthily the chairman said that he could give him only five minutes more, the two walked out of the meeting in anger. Despite their challenge to other Indonesians to follow suit, only three others walked out with them, leaving more than twenty Indonesians who remained at the meeting which was then able to proceed in orderly fashion.
At most of the meetings, Carmel Budiardjo was the sole Speaker, but in West Berlin there were several speakers on the platform. One was Rev. Tom Veerkamp, students' chaplain at the Berlin Technical University. He drew attention to the recent expulsion from West Germany of a Japanese student by the W. German police. The student had not been allowed to consult with a lawyer and challenge the expulsion order but had been returned to Japan within hours. Rev.
Veerkamp urged the German public to make these facts known and to protest to the German Government. Such acts place foreign students in great jeopardy. Were such a thing to happen to an Indonesian student, he said, the circumstances would be even worse as he would surely be arrested imm« ately upon his return to Indonesia. od
During her stay in Cologne, Carmel was also interviewe Dy West German radio for a programme of current affairs in the countries of Asia.
NON - INVOLVEMENT CERTIFICATES
STILL REQUIRED
Despite declarations to the contrary by senior officers of the Police Force, it has been made absolutely clear by Brig.- General Sumrahadi, Head of Public Relations of Kopkamtib, that Certificates of Non-Involvement in the 1965 air are still required for acceptance into the employment of government departments, agencies and institutions, and also for access to all educational courses financed by the Government in preparation for the civil service and the Armed Forces.
The statement was made on 13 August 1974 and appeared in Suara Karya, in view of the continuing confusion about the Certificates,
One month previously, on 18 July, Col. Suwarno Suryo, Head of the Information Service of the Indonesian Police Force, had declared that Non-Involvement Certificates were no longer required for gaining employment in government offices and had said that the police would not now bring charges against companies or institutions that did not stipulate possession of a Certificate as a requirement for employment.
The Kopkamtib spokesman must, however, in a matter such as this be taken as being the more reliable source of information, as both he and the Police Colonel before him stated that although the Police Force have the task of issuing Non-Involvement Certificates, they do this only in accordance with the instructions given them by Kopkamtib.
Brig. -General Sumrahadi was quoting a Kopkamtib decision of 23 November 1973 (Kep. 027/KOPKAM which is still in force and which stipulates that Non-Involvement Certificates are required for five things: (1) changing permanent residence from one province to another, (2) gaining employment in any government institution or enterprise or in nongovernment enterprises that have been officially designated by Kopkamtib as being ‘vital’, (3)for travelling to another
province for a period of more than one month, (4)for going abroad, and (5)for enrolling in courses that are governmentfinanced and in preparation for employment in the civil service or the Armed Forces.
He also made it clear that certificates are issued for limi - ted durations: in the first case for only three months, in the second case for only six months. When enrolling for courses, it was valid only for a single application, and in the case of going abroad only for a single trip. In all cases, however, certificates were issued for only one specific occasion. For instance, someone obtaining a certificate for the purpose of moving would require another certificate for enrolling into a course or another one for gaining employment.
GOVERNMENT PURGE CONTINUES
Nearly one-half of the 334 employees at the Solo Rehabilitation Centre, a Centre set up many years ago by the late Dr.
Soeharso to provide orthopaedic treatment for maimed people, are to be dismissed as a result of the purge now underway in all institutes run by the State.
No fewer than 166 employees are in the process of being dismissed because they were members prior to the 1965 incident of the now-banned trade union of health workers, Serikat Buruh Kesehatan.
100,000 TAPOLS, SAYS SOCIAL WORKER
"There are at least 100, 000 tapols in prison, from a group of 600, 000 to 700, 000," writes a social worker in the July 1974 issue of the World Council of Churches monthly publication, International Review of Mission. The worker who rema‘ qmanonymous has been involved for years in doing relief wo’ r tapols and their families in Jakarta.
The article refers to no fewer than eleven prisons in the capital, and with regard to the three categories of the prisoners, 'A', 'B', and 'C', has the following to say:
"The first are those who were directly involved: they can stand trial. Group B which cannot be tried are those that have reputedly been ideologically influenced.... And then there is group C. These were just followers. According to the government, Group C has been released, but you see, nobody knows to which group a prisoner belongs, and they can be changed from group to group. What is worse is that nobay knows what the government policy is, even if they say they have a policy. It is terrible for the wives and children.
"And no official statement has been issued as to when the prisoners are going to be freed. Nobody knows. Yesterday I heard they are going to be sent as transmigrants to Sulawesi, as plantation workers to open up rice fields, forests, with no pay. For how long? Nobody knows. That is slave labour, for all we know. "'.
The report also provides considerable detail about the tapol families' and ex-tapols' problems and the kind of relief work being done to help them. Reference is made to the enforced Separation of families, with mothers and/or fathers in prison and children left to fend for themselves. Perhaps one of the most devastating figures provided in the whole report is that seventy-five percent of the tapols have no contact with their former families.
GEN. ALI SAID ADMITS: ‘C’ CATEGORY
NOT YET ALL FREED
A Dutch parliamentary deputation which visited Indonesia in September 1974 was officially told, much to its amazement, that it was not true, as had been asserted by President Suharto, that all 'C' category prisoners had already been released.
A member of the deputation, writing in the Dutch newspaper Het Parool on 12th September, recalled that President Suharto had stated on 16th August 1972 and had repeated on 12th March 1973 that all 'C’ category prisoners had been released, "and it came as somewhat of a surprise to us... that it was now admitted that this statement was untrue".
The information had been given to the deputation during the course of an interview with Indonesia's Prosecutor-General, Ali Said, who told them: "In principle it is true that the decision has been made to release these prisoners before 19°76), but the territorial commanders have been given power to decide on its realisation in phases. It is very well possible that one territory might have reached its aims before another, but it is certain that ultimately in 1975 everyone must have solved this problem,"
The writer of the article, Mr. Ko Wierenga, pointed out that it was evident ''a number of high Indonesia officials were alarmed by this public confession." Mr. Wierenga continued:
"It is certain that the number of political prisoners is higher than the figure of 30,000 recently given by the Indonesian officials....The correct number is still unknown." The Prosecutor-General had confirmed that arrests were still
being made and that released prisoners were bein re arrested.
Mr. Wierenga also wrote that the deputation had been assured by the Prosecutor-General that all those arrested after the January 1974 events against whom no charges were brought would be released within a year after their arrest.
In a statement to a conference held by Amnesty International in Amsterdam on 26th October, Mr. Wierenga stated that many members of the Dutch Parliament would be deeply concerned if these assurances were in fact not kept.
30 TAPOLS TO BE TRIED IN JAVA
Thirty tapols held in connection with the 1965 events are to be tried in Central Java and the Special District of Jogjakarta during the year 1974-1975, according to Col. Leo Ngali, Chief of Intelligence of the C. Java Military Command. So far, ten cases had been tried.
In his statement to the press, reported in the Indonesia
Times on the 28th November 1974, Col. Ngali atso asserted that “all 'C' category detainees in the two areas had been released" and had been returned to their respective areas.
"They are still under constant surveillance to prevent any recurrence of subversive activities.’ He also stated that of the 'C' category prisoners released, a number had been rearrested "because of signs which might disturb public security and order".
It appears from another report in the Indonesia Times on 29th November, that the next political trial in Jakarta in connection with the October 1965 affair will be that of Miss Sulami who was Secretary-General of the now-banned women's organization, Gerwani. She will be tried together with three other women, also described as "'Gerwani figures ' though their names have not been disclosed.
A 20-year sentence was handed down at the end of December by a military court in Bali at the trial of Sukarman. He was described as a former infantry major in the Army anda 'communist party boss' in the province of Nusa Tenggara.
Meanwhile in Medan, North Sumatra, a trial of five tapols described as 'communist leaders' has been in progress. The accused are: Probo Sukeso, described as a communist leader in Deli Serdang, together with Jamin, Kasim, Nasim and Jamal. The Public Prosecutor demanded that the five accused each be given twenty years in prison "for having been involved in an attempt by Sukeso, made in 1970 to overthrow the legal government and to set up a new-style Communist party."
The final verdict is not yet known.
LETTER FROM A TAPOL
The following are extracts from a letter smuggled out of a place of detention in the Indonesian capital:
"The world is indeed making progress and there is no force that can turn back the wheels of history. Nevertheless, this progress is uneven and it has not been able to prevent the brutal persecution of tens of thousands of families
"Just prior to the visit of the International Red Cross *), all places where detainees are concentrated underwent a change in name: instead of rumah tahanan (prison) they have now become instalasi rehabilitasi (rehabilitation installation) because, so they say, there are no such things as tapols in our country. In other words, there are no longer people being detained because of their political views....
but (only) people undergoing 'rehabilitation' in order to be returned to society. "
“But... it's all the same whether you live in a prison, a concentration camp or a rehabilitation installation. For contagious diseases and acute afflictions, there are no medicines. Streptomicine and INH are generally not available and anyone falling ill must wait months for treatment. If things are like this in the capital, what must they be like in remote places like Buru? We hear that the medical and clothing situation there is very bad despite official assurances that everything is all right."
‘We now hear about the need for transmigration in order to redistribute the population. This term is being used to conceal large scale deportations. There is no respect for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights... which clearly stipulates that a person has the right to determine his own place of domicile. Compulsory transmigration is a violation of this human right. All the more is this true of deportation for which no provision is made in our laws.
Under what circumstances and for what reasons can a person be deported? This has not been defined.
"According to the rule of law, every action and policy not based upon a law that has been legally enacted must be declared illegal. But this is just playing with words. I fear that even Goebbels would not be able to equal the lying that goes on here. This should be noted by all those gullible people who are ready to accept explanations that are subsequently proven to be false. The Head of State once declared that all C category prisoners had been released but now an official says that there are still C category prisoners being held. How stupid it is for the Head of State to try and deceive the world with reports which they themselves subsequently admit to be untrue."
*) An International Red Cross mission visited a number of prisons andcampsinIndonesiaafewmonthsago. 5
=== [PDF page 54] ===
YAP THIAM HIEN RELEASED
Just as we were going to press, we received news that Mr.
Yap Thiam Hien, the well-known lawyer and church leader, who was held in detention for almost a year without trial, was released on 24 December. There are also as yet unconfirmed reports that about a dozen other tapols arrested in connection with the January 1974 events were released at the same time.
Illegality of Kopkamtib Arrests Exposed
We recently received a report of a public statement made by Mr. Yap just three days to his arrest. The fact that he made such a forthright statement at a time, immediately following the 15 January events, when tensions were very great in Jakarta is a tribute to his courage. It is also undoubtedly an explanation of why he was arrested and an indication of the enormous difficulties faced by anyone in Indonesia who has the courage to speak out for human rights and respect for the law. We publish below the report of his statement translated in full as it appeared in the Jakarta newspaper, Indonesia Raya, now banned, on 19th January 1974:
When Haji J.C. Prinsen, Chairman of the League for the Defence of Human Rights, was arrested in Jakarta, he was not presented with a warrant and therefore his colleague, the lawyer, Yap Thiam Hien, made a protest yesterday.
Yap declared that Prinsen was taken from his home in Jalan Dukuh, Tanjung Priok on Wednesday at about 7 am by a unit of soldiers wearing the uniform of the RPKAD (Special Troops) without first being shown any arrest warrant. Neither was he told the reason for his arrest nor the place to which he was going to be taken.
As Secretary of the above-mentioned League, Yap declared:
‘We are compelled for the sake of law and justice to protest against arrest and detention in ways that violate the laws in force. We most urgently call upon the Commander of Kopkamtib to release the detainees (Prinsen and others such as Juli- ‘us Usman and Louis Wangge) for the sake of upholding the law and justice that we all recognise. "
In a written statement, Yap went on to say: ''The firm measures taken by the security and order forces against those responsible for burning down property are quite justifiable and have the support of everyone who opposes violence and anarchists, because terror and anarchy, if tolerated, can destroy the foundations of social life.
"The statement made today by the Commander of Kopkamtib to press editors in the capital to the effect that, commencing Wednesday ‘indiscriminate arrests' would be made can also be fully supported. This is indeed the way in which law and justice should be enforced: without favour and without discrimination, towards anyone who is guilty or towards anyone regarding whom there is sufficient proof that an infringement of the law has been committed.
"But this is only one aspect of lawand justice. The other aspects are the legal principles and procedures of arrest and detention. These too must be respected by the law enforcement agencies in a State that is based on the rule of law.
"In the Presidential Decision No. 19 of 1969 which provided for the establishment of Kopkamtib, it is stipulated in Article 3 that in order to implement the basic task defined in Article 2 of the Presidential Decision, the Commander of Kopkamtib may use all the existing means and apparatus of government and must also take measures in accordance with the legal provisions in force.
"One of the legal provisions in force is the Basic Law on Juridical Powers which stipulates as follows in Article 7: 'Noone may be subjected to arrest, detention, search and confiscation without a written warrant by those legally empowered to do so in accordance with the procedures established by law.'
"The arrest of the Chairman of the League for the Defence of Human Rights, as reported to us, did not comply with the regulations in force as described above. The same also ap- Plies to the arrest of such people as Julius Usman and Louis Wangge which took place prior to the occurrence of the arson that was committed on 15th January," said Yap.
AUSTRALIAN LAWYERS SUPPORT
ARRESTED COLLEAGUE
The case of Buyung Nasution, the human rights lawyer arrested during the January 1974 wave of arrests, is being taken up on a broad scale by members of the Australian legal profession.
The Australian daily, The Age, reported on 29th October 1974 that Mr. R.E. McGarvie, chairman of the Victorian Bar Council, has described Mr. Nasution as "'an Asian Solzhenitsyn". "As director of the legal aid service he would be helping many government detainees and is likely to have become very unpopular with the authorities,'' he said.
"This could have led to his detention. Many of us know him and are worried."
The report also states that Mr. Nasution was only allowed four family visits for a total of 33 hours in the first nine months of his detention. He was now being held at the Central Military Hospital and was under treatment for high blood pressure and an old neck injury; there, he was confined to a single room with two armed guards on constant duty outside his door. He is not allowed to read newspapers, to watch television or listen to the radio. The only books he can read are non-political and he is not allowed to write or receive letters.
The Law Council of Australia, the Victorian Bar Council and the Law Institute of Victoria have made representations about Mr. Nasution with the Australian Government and the Indonesian Ambassador in Canberra. The Law Council, the Asian Law Society (LAWASIA) and the International Commission of Jurists have jointly agreed to finance an observer to Jakarta should Mr. Nasution be brought to trial.
Solidarity with 1965 Tapols
From other sources, it has been learned that at one of the four places of detention where he has been held, Buyung Nasution protested about the fact that he was receiving better food than the tapols held in connection with the October 1965 events. He refused the food, demanding that the other tapols be given the same treatment. His act of protest is reported to have led to an improvement in conditions for the other tapols, although it is not known how long these improvements lasted.
HARIMAN SIREGAR GETS 6 YEARS
The trial of the student leader, Hariman Siregar, charged with subversion in connection with the January 1974 events, ended with a verdict of guilty and a sentence of six years' imprisonment. The Public Prosecutor had demanded a sentence of 12 years.
The charge of subversion was based on activities in which Mr. Siregar had been involved in developing a movement of protest against economic policies during the closing months of 1973, leading to the demonstrations that greeted the Japanese Prime Minister, Tanaka, when he visited Jakarta in January 1974. It was also alleged that he had been acting as part of an organisation intent upon bringing about a change in the state leadership. This charge was centred largely around Mr.
Siregar's connection with the University of Indonesia Discussion Group. ''He was not acting alone in his political activities but had the support of students who were without an organisational form," said the Prosecutor. ''Those who were supporting him need not have been from a banned organisation;
it is sufficient for them to have been politically motivated."
A Second January 1974 Trial Opens
Meanwhile, on 11th December, the second of the 15th January trials opened in Jakarta. The accused is Mr. Syahrir, who was secretary of the University of Indonesia Discussion Group. This trial comes as a follow-up of the Siregar trial during which the Prosecutor sought to prove that the Discussion Group was the instigator and brains behind the student movement which spearheaded the protest demonstrations in January 1974.
UK - INDONESIAN NAVAL EXERCISES
@-. now learnt that during the visit to Indonesia of HMS Fif, 4 British guided-missile destroyer, in July last year, joint exercises were held by the British naval vessel and vessels of the Indonesian Navy. Our readers will remember
that the visit, which was described by British Minister for
the Navy, Frank Judd as a'routine visit ', was the subject of
a protest made by a number of Members of Parliament and other dignitaries (See TAPOL Bulletin, No. 6),
The joint exercises which lasted for a whole day included a number of combat exercises such as tactical manouevres, agzagging, anti-submarine attacks, anti-aircraft exercises,as well as transfer of personnel from one vessel to another, During the anti-submarine exercises, a Wessex helicopter carred onboard HMS Fife made use of its dipper radar equipment which is capable of directing a torpedo attack against enemy vessels.
The report of these exercises was carried in the 26 July issue of the Jakarta newspaper, Suara Karya.
STERLING INTERESTS IN INDONESIA
Trade
Britains’ trade relations with Indonesia have increased rapidly in the past few years, and are resulting in a growing trade surplus for Britain. This trend will definitely have been strengthened as a result of the British Industrial Fair held in Jakarta in November at which 60 British manufacturers, mainly of heavy, labour-saving equipment, displayed their wares.
The development of trade figures are shown in the following table:
UK imports UK exports
1969 € 6,599, 000 ¢ 8,793, 000 1970 £ 7,273,000 £ll, 840,000 1972 £ 9,300,000 £19, 800, 000 1973 £14,947, 000 £32,834, 000
(Source: all figures except 1972, taken from Tempo Supplement on British Industrial Fair, in its issue of November
Investment
Up to the end of September this year, the total value of approved British investment projects under Indonesia's 1967 Foreign Investment Law amounted to approximately £66 million for a total of 41 projects, according to the November issue of "Indonesian News", published by the Indonesian Embassy in London.
This figure does not indicate realised investments, which lag behind considerably, but it does reflect the keen interest being shown by British capital interests in the Indonesian economy.
Moreover, researchers into long-term overall British capital investment in the country since before 1967 put this latter figure at near £200 million.
Various new capital spheres appear to have taken up the challenge in December 1973 to a group of potential London investors by then-Minister of State Dr. Emil Salim. Urging them to "put Indonesia on their maps," he declared proudly:
",,. Indonesia could offer cheap labour, a vast domestic market and a jumping board for the whole Asian market. "'
MASS MURDERS.....( from p.1)
fore anenemy The fact that the villagers had left when the patrol came turned them all into enemies.
"After the villagers had been back for two days, the soldiers returned and encircled the villages. All the inhabitants were driven to an open space between the two kampongs, and the men, 25 from Wusdori and 30 from Kridori, were forced to dig a large hole.... That hole became their grave for they were all shot to death. The women and children were forced
to look on....
"The day after the mass murder, the soldiers came back with some 30 Papuans, presumably from neighbouring kampongs. They were not known to the villagers of Wusdori and Kridori. The soldiers took the boats of the villagers they killed the day before and forced the 30 Papuans into the boats.
Stones had been tied to their necks, and not far from the shore, the Papuans were thrown overboard and drowned. "'
Tapols
Henk de Mari also reports that when he came to Jayapura, the capital of Irian Jaya, a member of Parliament from Sorong named Jan P. Kamunandiwan and his colleague Bernadus Tjo-E who had made an appointment with him for an interview, were arrested the day before the interview. When he returned to Jayapura one month later, he was told that the two men were still under detention, and that when the troops came to search their hotel rooms after the arrest, people at the hotel were told that the men had been taken because of their 'communist sympathies'.
There are, reports Henk de Mari, about one hundred political prisoners in a prison in Jayapura, who have been held for about 5 years without trial. "Some are occasionally allowed to go home for a while but are dragged out of their beds again whenever the tension increases a little or whenever the OPM has been active."
In connection with this remark, it is interesting to note that on 9th December, the military commander of Irian Jaya announced that a number of persons held "under temporary detention" in the province have been released. They were suspected, he said, of involvement in the 1965 coup attempt and the Free Papua Movement. Following their release, they are being placed under the supervision of the provincial Governor. It remains to be seen whether the jargon "temporary detention" will simply be replaced by "temporary release".
Historical Background
Irian Jaya, or West New Guinea, was ceded to Indonesia following an 'act of free choice’ in 1969 according to which there was a 'unanimous' decision to enter the Republic. The Organisasi Papua Merdeka (Papua Independence Organisation) has been opposed to the territory's inclusion in the Republic and strongly condemns the ‘act of free choice' as having been rigged by the Indonesian authorities. They dispute the method of the referendum which was implemented according to the accepted Indonesian principle of 'musyawarah' (consensus) and not according to the principle of ‘one man one vote’.
Since the Indonesian administration came to the territory, and particularly since 1969, the Papuans have been subjected to widespread social, political, economic and cultural repression, and the repression has intensified as the prospects of lucrative exploitation of the area by foreign investors have become more luring
For the past few years, the OPM has engaged in guerrilla warfare. The government claims that it has been decimated and paralysed as a force and now consists of only a few hundred men operating in the the jungles, and some commentatops agree. But the Papuans who have their representatives abroad state that they have a force of 5,000 men and control an area two-and-a-half times the size of Holland.
POSTER
Specially produced by TAPOL in connection with ‘October Week", a poster is available to Bulletin readers and supporters in Britain and internationally. Measuring 20'x30"', it is strikingly silk-screened (by our own hands) in 3 colours (black, ochre yellow face, red slogan) and costs 45 pence + packing and postage. Choice of 2 slogans: 70,000 held nine years--free them now; Remember them as UK aid continues. For our foreign friends in the expanding international campaign, the lower space is left blank so any slogan in any language can be inserted. Send us your order now as they're going fast.
=== [PDF page 55] ===
BRITISH STUDENTS CONCERNED FOR TAPOLS
The London School of Economics Students' Union adopted a resolution in October pledging support for TAPOL and calling upon the British Government to take a stand towards the Indonesian military regime, and noting the widespread torture and deprivation of human rights in Indonesia.
The Union collaborated with TAPOL in the organisation of a public meeting for students during October Week this year.
The Students' Union of Edinburgh University has also written letters of protest to the Indonesian Government and to the British Foreign Office, and has invited TAPOL to send a speaker to Edinburgh to address a public meeting organised by the Union early in 1975.
In Cambridge, the University Amnesty Group which handles the cases of two Indonesian prisoners, is organising a special week of activities early next year during which a speaker from TAPOL will be present.
GLOSSARY
tapol: abbreviation of tahanan politik, meaning political prisoner. Widely-used in Indonesia since 1965, both officially and by the public. In October 1974, the regime suddenly announced the banning of the word.
Kopkamtib; abbreviation of Komando Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban, the Command for the Restoration of Security and Order, the Army Command in charge with political security and directly responsible for arresting and detaining the political prisoners.
surat bebas G.30.S: certificate of non-involvement in the
eptember movement, G.30.S is the way in which
the coup attempt of Ist October is described in Indonesia. The movement itself used this name although the attempt was actually made on Ist October.
Panca Sila the Five Pillars of State Ideology. These are Belief in One God, Nationalism, Humanitarianism, De-
WHAT IS TAPOL? This is the Indonesian word for political prisoner, and it is the name we have taken for our organisation, the British Campaign for the Re lease of Indonesian Political Prisoners, and likewise for our Bulletin.
WHAT'S THE BACKGROUND? Young readers and many others may have forgotten the bloodbath of October 1965, when the Indonesian Army under General (now President) Suharto overthrew the government of President Sukarno, and carried out one of the worst slaughters in history - when somewhere between half a million and a million people were killed.
AND TODAY? Nine years later, there are still some 70,000 political prisoners held without trial, some of them allegedly members of organisations now banned but perfectly legal prior to the Suharto takeover. Many prisoners were not even members of banned groups. At best, the tapols are living under unbelievably horrible Conditions. At worst, they are subjected to torture, starvation and denial of medical care.
‘The release of these prisoners is TAPOL's main concern.
ANY QUESTIONS? If you have any questions concerning the historical background, we shall be glad to answer them.
Please address subscriptions and correspondence to:
TAPOL --103 Tilehurst Road
Wandsworth Common, London, SW 18
Subscription Rate:
mocracy and Social Justice. £1.50 for one year (6 issues) in Britain and Europe;
HMG Her Majesty's Government, United Kingdom. £2.00 for one year (6 issues) for overseas (airmail)
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=== [PDF page 56] ===
BRITISH EMBASSY,
DJAKARTA.
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[MO YZ
=== [PDF page 57] ===
PERSONAL & CONFIDENTIAL eo S i ang
General Ali Said. ‘The Attorney Ceneral was reported as having | told the Dutch MPs that the Indonesian/Dutch Acreement of -
January 1974 specifically excluded the Dutch from interfering
in Indonesian internal affairs; this explanation was said to
have been received by the Dutch with satisfaction! Would it
help to suggest that the two MPs who called on Lord Goronwy-
Roberts might eat in touch with their Dutch colleagues and ask
them for their impressions; we gather that Dr Vondeling is
Foy ee Tht shonin Pay 7
Chairman of the Dutch Labour Party.
5. _1 do not need to tell you that it is nonsense to describe
the Indonesian Government as "murderous and Tyrannical", to
quote Mr Mikardo.
Jr at
W I Gombs
PERSONAL & CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 58] ===
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Be) et ee
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nctare &
fe dom
=== [PDF page 59] ===
“23e D\
From: Frank Alleun MP fiutby
Dec.29
Dear Jim, ie
I have received the enclosed letter from Mr A E Tomlinson, general secretary off the National Peace Council, 29 Great James St., WC 1 regarding the 70,000 untried political prisonas in Indonesia.
You may have noticed that 4 fortnight ago about 10 Labour M.Ps. put down an early day motion asking H.M.G. to request the Indonesian Government to release them, particularly since they had been detained for nine years and since Britain grants aid to that country.
You will also, of course, be aware that our Government is agreeing to the sale of frigates to that country.
May I ask you to give the letter from the N.P.C. your careful consideration, as many of us fully support shige,
With greetings from
SE Asx Nik
Un Dorrug Keb.
The Rt Hon James Callaghan MP Foreign Secretary
=== [PDF page 60] ===
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=== [PDF page 61] ===
Separate copies
Reference
CONFIDENTIAL
Mr Palmer (SEAD)
MrRelton (LAD)
Mr Crabbie (LAD)
Mr Wigan (EAD)
Mr Holloway (EAD)
Mr Philip (Caribbean Dept)
Mr Williams (MED) AG es
Miss Lowry (SWED)
Mr Blatherwick ee
Mr Donnelly (RID)
COMMUNICATIONS TO THE UNITED NATIONS A VIOLATIONS
OF HUMAN RIGHTS
Please refer to my minute of 4 September—(tnot to all)
in which I outlined the position at the UN over communications alleging violations of human rights in a number of countries.
Ze I now attach a copy of a draft submission, which
I hope is self-explanatory. The recommendations have been framed with the comments in the replies to my minute very much in mind. It seems clear that an active role by the UK could adversely affect our bilateral relations with a number of countries. At the same time, it is certain that Ministers will not wish us to adopt
an invisible profile. The draft submission therefore attempts to steer a middle course.
a One development since my earlier minute has been the decision of the Sub-Commission in September to —” a further group of communications to the Human
ights Commission. The countries involved are Chile, Tce and Israel, and Brazil and Indonesia once more:
hence the need to bring further departments into this exercise. The draft submission takes account of this development.
iG I am sending to Messrs Crabbie and Blatherwick copies of my minute of 4 September with this minute plus copies of the communications on Chile and Israel respectively. I would be grateful if these latter
comm could be returned with replies to this minute.
I assume that Mr Wigan has a copy of the ICJ report on Uganda and that Messrs Relton and Palmer will not wish to see the further reports on Brazil and Indonesia since these merely repeat the allegations in the earlier reports. I am also copying this minute to Mr Donnelly because of the Irish diseussiony dune.
Ds I would be grateful for comments by January 3 at the latest.
Rlauned
R ened
ted Nations Department
Sh ext. Vk Bey.
Uni
19 December 1974 K
CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 62] ===
URGENT
| Fae
EARLY DAY MOTION NO: Ss
ice Vvhrcol Meas
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office have been asked to advise the Leader of the House of Commons on the attached "early day"
Motion,
An "early day" Motion is not normally debated unless the Government provide time for it. Members who support the objects of this Motion are likely to press the Leader of the House, when he makes his regular Business Statement on Thursday each week, to provide Government time for a debate, He will usually want to refuse politely.
Would you please prepare a speaking note which the Leader of the House can use if the attached Motion is raised? The note should be hsaded with the subject and number of the Motion and should be typed on blue crested paper wi th: Copies, Lt shomid consist throughout of material which the Leader of the House can use verbatim. S
The first paragraph should be headed "Line to Take", should consist of no more than 3 sentences and should include references to any recent or impending Questions or debates on the Sub Jeet: An example might be "The Government's view on this matter is already known to the House, It is that we support/deplore/understand the actions/feelings referred to in the Motion but we have no power on the ground/proper locus standi to intervene. This has been made clear by my right honourable Friend the Foreign and Commonwealth Secret pany, in, answem tor Questions on,.s.,: [references to be attached] and I do not think a Separate debate on the subject is necessary", This paragraph should be followed by 2 on, 3 supplie— mentaries which the Leader ot the House could use if he were pressed on the Motion, Any passages not for use should be so labelled.
The Note should be on one single side of foolscap and should
OO NE Oe ee ee bn Ge os ee oa wie
Il Co TOdA IS DErSriRkeN
Faq MacDona d
Zt. Parliamentary Clerk
=== [PDF page 63] ===
tres of nt and of the br daily eclared duction scheme ate, so whom verage
ssential
eee 1
{ travel
gures do
Notices of Questions and Motions: 18th December 1974 2365
130 LAW OF CONTEMPT
Mr Jack Ashley
Mr Ted Leadbitter
Mr Phillip Whitehead
Mr Bryan Magee
Mr Frank Allaun
Mr Frederick Willey
Mr John Evans Mr Eddie Loyden
That this House welcomes the Phillimore Report’s proposals to liberalise the law of Contempt and allow as much freedom of speech as js consistent with maintaining rights to a fair trial; and calls upon the Government to introduce legislation based on the recommendations of the Report.
135. INDONESIAN POLITICAL PRISONERS
Mr Frank Allaun
Mr Paul B. Rose
Mr Colin Jackson
Mr John Mendelson
Miss Jo Richardson
Mr Stanley Newens
#10
Mr Eddie Loyden Mrs Lena Jeger That this House, noting that Indonesia js the recipient of substantial British aid, urges Her Majesty’s Government to make strong representation to the Indonesian Government to abandon its policy of political repression and release the 70,000 political prisoners held without trial, the majority of whom have been in detention for more than nine years.
SE nate I
Feo ae EEE
*** Indicates the number of names to this motion on the last occasion the motion appeared. The figures do hot include the new names appearing to-day,
=== [PDF page 64] ===
HARLY DAY MOTION NUMBER—145 SIAN POLITICAL PRISONERS
Line To Take
1. The Government's vi ‘elations with Indonesia is well known to the House. The d: ees in Indonesia are Indonesian citizens, We thus have n icial standing to intervene with the Indonesian Government on their behalf. We recognise the strong feelings in the bout this matter and have ensured that the Indonesian Gove rare of those feelings. I do not think a separate L > subject is necessary.
Notes For Supplementar
Relations with Ind ia: It is the policy of Her Majesty's Government to strengthen; friendly relations with Indonesia, including oui i tions, particularly in the context of Indonesia's ith other Commonwealth Governments in the area and its role ij ted Nations and other international organisations On Aid to Indonesia: jest: Government maintain a substantial programme o bal nd technical assistance to Indonesia, This progr ey | ‘ibuting to the efforts made by the Indonesian G n ) spread the benefits of development more evenly | levels of society.
[If pressed: I do not th | | spension of our aid programme or other action of public diga. | would do anything to improve
the lot of the detainee
=== [PDF page 65] ===
mead
fe hos wrth
fous tha yc Ob
Reference
CONFIDENTIAL
Mr Be
Mr yh May fhoder 5 a fe Pouca
tomers ee 8 Ny 1 See Bow rf Ot En
1 ee My? g Ssoic Ss hon aecn “#5 oT
4. With reference to the letter in the Times of
10 December (copy attached for easy reference) signed by the Secretary of the British Indonesia Committee, you may be interested to know that this organisation was formed in 1970, probably towards the end of the year, to draw attention to the "deplorable" political circumstances prevailing in Indonesia. It aims to mobilise British public opinion in support of all political prisoners and the "politically oppressed"
of Indonesia. [MJ, about whom we have no information, was one of the founder members, together with end ee. ‘The latter is a Trotskyist lecturing at SOAS in South East Asian affairs. [RR has a long but old Communist record.
Nothing has been heard of him recently and he could well have become g Trotskyist in the meantime.
Ze Further evidence that the Committee has Trotskyist leanings is to be found in the joint letter about political prisoners carried in the Guardian on
17 November 1972 and signed by the Committee's Executive and by the Bertrand Russell Foundation which is a well known Trotskyist organisation. On 26 November this year the Morning Star carried a huge article on British interests in Indonefga and advised those wanting more information to get it from TAPOL and the British Indonesia Committee.
3. The Committee is apparently linked in some way with the Indonesia Committee in the Netherlands, in which Professor MM, a fellow traveller and sociologist with World Federation of Scientific or (WFSW) connections, is a leading light.
also a supporter of the Dutch Bertrand Russell tite a working group.
D O'Dowd
SE Asia Section
IRD Research Support
12 December 1974
be Dp ec Mr Lancashire “Fe
Mr Tyrer se bh
Mus ICazer (Rd)
CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 66] ===
oe TWX OAL CK aA LT
Threat to East limo; a
From Mr John Tavlor (
Sir, Since the April coup in Li bon, Portugal’s chan in foreign polices has had a profound effect situation tn its colony of For the first time in 400 colonial rule, it apy
650,000 people of East
last be able to detern political future. A] evidence indicates that the overwhelmingly in favour of politi independence from Portugal.
However, information coming both from inside Timor and Indonc and also from Australia, reveals that this possibility for political indepen dence is once again threatened. The Indonesian army is seriously discu sing the possibility of annexing Timor into the Republic throug!
military invasion.
A regime known hbhoth for it denial of democratic freedoms and its imprisonment of 70,000 political prisoners without trial, seems ready to deny the Timorean people’s right to determine their own futiut Phe possibility of an Indonesian mil 5 annexation was recently discussed in the Australian parliament 1d has been mentioned on many occasions in the Indonesian overnment controlled press and radio
An appeal has gone out from the people of East Timor for worle wide opinion to make itself he in an attempt to restrain the Indonesian military rovernment before it is too late. We earnestly entreat readers of The Tim to add what weight they can to this plea.
Yours sincerely,
JOHN TAYLOR, Secretary, __ The British Indonesia Comr ittee, 21 Solon Road, 8.W:2:
pce aoa. * d/GOVAAONAAS o tH CIC
=== [PDF page 67] ===
COVERING RESTRICTED
mwy-Roberts
POLITICAL DETAINEES IN INDONESIA
ake Lord Goronwy-Roberts received a deputation headed by Lord Soper on 10 December to discuss this question,
ee I submit a draft Record of Conversation
R & Palmer
South East Asian Dept.
DSW86A MA2)8
11 December 1974
[ssc
COVERING RESTRICTE
=== [PDF page 68] ===
RESTRICTED
RD OF DISCUSSION BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDER-SECRETARY OF
AND DEPUTATION LED BY LORD SOPER AT THE FOREIGN AND
INWEALTH OFFICE ON 10 DECEMBER AT 11.00 AM
Present
Rt Hon Lord Goronwy-Roberts Lord Soper Mr Galsworthy Monsignor Kent Mr Palmer Rabbi Dr Goldstein
Mr Hibbitt
Lord Soper apologised for any confusion he had caused about nature of his deputation; they had come from TAPOL to discuss question of political prisoners in Indonesia. He hoped that at
end of the meeting they could agree a press statement.
Lord Goronwy-Roberts said that he had no objection to Lord Soper
at the end of the eeting but he [Unreadable]
joint one,
2. Lord Soper explained that the ecclesiastical bodies were among the many in this country deeply concerned about the plight of the thousands of political prisoners in Indonesia. There was also concern that the Government with its increased economic and military involvement in Indonesia had consistently failed publicly to condem the gross violations of human rights in Indonesia. The Indonesian authorities were sensitive about the issue: they had banned in Indonesia the use of the word "TAPOL". HMG had quite rightly with=- held aid from Chile; could we not do the same to Indonesia?
Monsignor Kent understood that the British Government was obliged to deal with many governments in the world which were impure. But some were worse than others and he agreed with the comparison between
Indonesia and Chile.
oe Mr Hibbitt said that letters he had received from the FCO made no public condemation of the Indonesian Government. Yet in 1965 there had been a massacre of between 500,000 and a million people for which Suharto, as Commander—in-Chief of the Armed Forces at the time, was personally responsible. Little was said in the world press
at the time of these events and it was 5 years before the Indonesian
/Government
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 69] ===
RESTRICTED
Government publicly admitted that there were any political prisoners at all. The numbers were so large that the Indonesian authorities did not really know how many there were. There weres till more political
prisoners in Indonesia than anywhere else in the world. surely HMG should
condemn this publicly, for instance, at the UN. Dr Goldstein said that
prisoners of conscience needed support wherever they were and irrespective of their religion and race. It was wrong that there had been no public condemation of the situation in Indonesia and that governments had simply turned the blind eye.
He Lord Goronwy-Roberts said that Lord Soper and his colleagues had pointed to an issue which caused deep concern to the Foreign and Common-— md himself. There had indeed been violations of human in Indonesia which the Government deplored. The suestion was: how ould we intervene and what influence could we bring to bear. There were two choices: public and vociferous condemation in bodies Such as the UN, and private representations, He pointed to the dangers of the first course of action; if we picked on individual countries for condemation, there was no knowing where this process might lead. It was the Government's duty to examine the circumstances in each country and decide how best to act in the interest of the prisoners. In the case of Indonesia, the right course was to make private representations, such as he himself had made to Mr Malik and to other Indonesian ministers at the time of the State Visit to Indonesia in March.
Ds It was historically important but politically unrewarding to dwell
on the past, particularly in Indonesia which had a legacy of violence which did not start in 1965. It was a country with enormous problems, of
poverty and high population growth, but it was potentially very rich. There were indications that things in Indonesia were gradually improving. It
was important that we should keep Indonesia on the right lines. Our add programme to Indonesia was helping to do this. Indonesia was pursuing a more open foreign policy both at the UN and in regional organisations, such as ASEAN. It enjoyed close and friendly relations with Malaysia, Singapore, Australia and New Zealmd. Public condemnation and turning our backs on Indonesia would stay the hand of those in Indonesia who like us wanted to
see conditions improving. There could then be a danger of Indonesia
relapsing into a completely authoritarian State, There was pressure from / the
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 70] ===
Lanes,
lonesi rermment would more about their esent policy is it did not lé churenes could help.
churches nd other how far the isoners in
But the ould not
ression in
in Indonesia.
n other countries, levoted to seeking amnesty prisoners in Government not do
Lord Goronwy-Roberts said
the form of an
/amnesty
=== [PDF page 71] ===
berts had described *e as the risoners were concerned the situation had worsened, They
were being moved out of prisons and sent to lez ir camps It was doubtful whether the Category B prisoners would ever be tried, let alone released. Trials going on in Indonesia at the moment were of students involved in the January riots this year, a completely different issue to that of the political prisoners. The Indonesian authorities no longer admitted that there were any political prisoners in Indonesia. Those in detention were there because they had rebelled against the lawful Government. He admitted that his
information was fragmentary and came from private citizens in
Indonesia rather than those close to Government. He would be happy to
information availab to the FCO. Lord Goronwy-Roberts
could do this the information would not give us the
Jum of our knowledge about
=== [PDF page 72] ===
RESTRICTE
Distribution
Private Secre
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 73] ===
(U.6-2's Chis han
Fee!) tony hom TAP dvi)
British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners Men
IORD SOPER VISITS FOREIGN OFFICE ABOUT INDONESIA
PRESS RELEASE 10th December, 1974
A deputation of religious leaders led by Lord Soper met Lord Goronwy-Roberts, Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, this morning to make representations on behalf of political prisoners in Indonesia.
Lord Soper expressed in the strongest terms the deputation's sense of outrage and moral condemnation » the feelings which any religious person feels in face of the gross violation of the most elementary human rights and the total lack of recognition of the legal rights of political prisoners in Indonesia. He spoke at length of the position of the more than 70,000 untried political prisoners, the vast majority of whom have been in detention for more than nine years.
Mr Roger Hibbitt, Chairman of TAPOL, the British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners, who accompaniad the deputation expressed the hope that the British Government would make a public condemnation of the situation prevailing in Indonesia.
Lord Goronwy-Roberts said that while the Government was very concerned about the problem and shared the moral concern of the deputation, it was the Government's studied view that public condemnation of repre ssion in Indonesia would be counter~productive. He was able to assure the deputation that the Indonesian authorities were well aware of the concern in Britain for the plight of the political prisoners.
The deputation discussed with Lord Goronwy-Roberts practical ways in which the British Government might act to alleviate the sufferings of tapols (political prisoners) and their families in Indonesia.
For further information, please ring 622-9839 (after 6 p.m.)
Correspondence to: TAPOL, 103 Tilehurst Road, Wandsworth Common, London SW 18
=== [PDF page 74] ===
Tapol
br Wn Campaign for the Release ct Indonesian Political Prisoners
Sponsors: bee nderson The Rt. Rev Bishop B. C. Butter The Ru 8 er lcedhem, PRS FRA eae ac MP The At. - “9 Lord Caradon. — John A. Rex fn Lawrence Dal ‘ apper
Cora: Robert Edwerde, MP fev the Loed Soper Berger Lady Fleming
103 Tilehurst Rosd
Wendeworth Common
Aun p- ee
9th December, 1974
ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PRESS
SON EY LE PRESS
Indonesian Political Prisoners:
mae oti tical rrisoners:
ECUMENICAL DEPUTATION TO VISIT THE FOREIGN OFFICE ee et PORE IGN OFFICE
An Ecumenical Deputation headed by Lord Soper will be visiting the Foreign Office at 11 am on Tuesday 10th December to discuss the question of the British Government's policy towards Indonesia in view of the continuing gross violation of human rights in that country.
At least 70,000 political prisoners are still being held without trial in Indonesia, and the majority have already been in detention for more than nine years.
The other members of the deputation are: Monsignor Bruce Kent, Mr Tom Chapman @nglican), Rabbi Dr. David Goldstein and Mr. Roger Hibbitt of TAPOL.
For more information, including the possibility of interviewing the deptitation following its visit, please contact 622-9839, (after 6 pm Monday evening).
Notice to Picture Editors
The members of the deputation will meet at the Foreign Office at 10.50 am, and will probably leave at 11.45 to 12.00 non.
=== [PDF page 75] ===
@ "POLITICAL REPRESSION IN INDONESIA AND THE QUEST ‘he. Cr
us The International Department's paper views relations with Indonesia from the standpoint that it is a country which continues detain large numbers of political prisoners without trial. However, in framing their policy towards Indonesia, as indeed towards any foreign or Commonwealth country, the Government need to consider the global and regional importance of the country, both political md economic, and its relevance to British interests as well as the other factors mentioned in the paper, HMG's policy to Indonesia was defined by Mr Ennals in a written reply to Mr 's Parliamentary Question of 22 May. LAM CL
24 Since 1966, when it rejoined the United Nations, Indonesia has been a moderate and responsible member of international organisations eg OPEC and regional organisations eg ASEAN of which it is a member.
It was a member of the UN Security Council 1973/74. It is on good terms with its neighbours, particularly Malaysia, Singapore and.
Australia, all which are members of the Commonwealth.
5 No assessment of Indonesia is complete without some reference to the economic achievements of President Suharto's government and its
development plans. With the generous help of Western capital aid
[Unreadable]
President Suharto's government rescued the near bankrupt pepaony Aas
Repelita I successfully promoted a policy of economic growth, a inevitably to some extent at the expense of welfar The fu’ this growth have yet to reach the vast mass of the popul
idonesia's Second Development Plan (Repelita II) which sta year aims to distribute these benefits more evenly, to divert more:
resources to improving health end educational facilities and to provide jobs particularly in areas other thun Jakarta. Despire many imper-~ feetvions the brend of Indonesia's policies is in the right direction, Mioreover those Indonesians best placed to influence future policy in this direction are those most attached to the Western connection;
jit
=== [PDF page 76] ===
@ we were to turn our backs on Indonesia, their position would suffer.
HMG's policy of strengthening relations with Indonesia is thus not only best in terms of our own interests it» also the best way for us to assist in the evolution of Indonesia's internal policies in the direction sought by the paper.
British Aid to Indonesia
Ls Britain is a member of the inter-governmental group on Indonesia (IGGI), the forum in which donors announce their pledges for the forthcoming year. Since 1967 we have pledged £31 Million in bislavera capital aid, not all of which has yet been disbursed. In the current financial year 1974/75 disbursements are expected to be around £7 million.
Ds Our capital aid is a mixture of 'programme' and project aid.
Programme aid financed essential. imports, including foodstuffs, in the years of the programme, this was in line with the internationally recognised need for foreign exchange in Indonesia at a when agricultural exports in parti “Y were still depressed by the
ts of Confrontation and the failure of the Indonesian economy.
S economic situatior improved the ratio between programme as been changed in favour of the latter The Indonesian and IGGI donors mex
»aid is now much reduced
Kists.
ritish assisted ccorded priorit:
‘awn up in consultation
1 the transport sector includ:
ort; they also include sistance in the textil id agricultural processing industr:
‘tion schemes and city water supplies. Projects completed have been tra, Baliand Java, and j re underway in Celebes; Some smaller islands.
/Technical
=== [PDF page 77] ===
rechnical Assistance
ts In 1972/73 this amounted to about £700,000 and is expected to
reach £1 million this year. Under the programme we provided
Specialists to advise on the development of agriculture and internal resources, public administration, education and industry. Studies include water resources and land use, low cost housing and urban planning. Funds, administered by the British Council, are provided for the traning of Indonesians in Britain. These at present number about 200 who are following courses on administration, government, agriculture, engineering and medicine.
British Trade and Investment in Indonesia Ss British exports to Indonesia in 1973 were £353 million compared with £20 million in 1972. Our share of the market, a modest 4%, has remained roughly constant. Our exports consist mainly of capital zoods. We take only 1% of Inonesia's exports. Our investments in la are proportionately 2S The projects are generally small in scale and are not confined to the plantation sector. A number of ish plantations which were seized t the time of Confrontation een returned to their former owners. Theyare now operated entures with Indonesian rtners: iritish investment rated rather more in } sturing sector notably in ceuticals, textiles a: int since precise data of
Nb It LOdOnesia. 1S dittiewl:t + btain we doubt wheth
The Indonesian Government's policy tx rds foreign inv een liberal; this was because they recognised the impo:
contribution which foreign private capital could to economi covery and growth. This it has certainly done t has provi Will continue to provide emplo: it ovpor' Ss, many of de Jakarta, in a country wl Pal One Ol potential labour ‘ce is declared to be either unemployed or der-employed.
j ent have recently sued new guide-lines for Tnudonesian Government have recents sued n gu 8
=== [PDF page 78] ===
investment which make the joint venture with an Indonesian partner
Obligatory; the permitted minimum Indonesian shareholding is progressively
increasing.
=== [PDF page 79] ===
RESTRICTED
Woiate
PS/Lord ee
G Ahly Wil
hy tae oa
POLICY TOWARDS INDONESIA
Vs Lord Goronwy-Roberts has agreed to receive a delegation headed
by Lord Soper at 11.00 am on 10 December to discuss Indonesia. The delegation consists of three other religious leaders and the Secretary of TAPOL, the British Campaign for the release of Indonesian political prisoners. Lord Soper and Dr Goldstein are sponsors of TAPOL.
25 I understand that political prisoners will be the main subject
of discussion. Lord Goronwy-Roberts recently discussed this subject
in the context of our policy towards Indonesia with a delegation
from the Labour Party National Executive Committee. I attach a copy
of the talking points which Lord Goronwy-Roberts used for that discussion, and the record of conversation. I recommend that he should use this material again. The only further development of which the Minister will wish to be aware is that representatives from the International Division at’ Transport House will be discussing their paper with the Department on 11 December,
36 Lord Goronwy-Roberts asked to see again before he saw Lord Soper an article on British investment in Indonesia which appeared in the "Morning Star" on 26 November. A copy of this article is attached together with the Department's comments on it.
Ny It is just possible that Lord Soper's delegation may touch on religious affairs in Indonesia. The 1975 meeting of the World Council of Churches was to have taken place in Jakarta. It will now be held
Flag C, elsewhere. A short background note on this subject is attached.
S RESTRICTED />. if
=== [PDF page 80] ===
RESTRICTED
De If required Mr Palmer, Desk Officer for Indonesia in this
Department, will be on hand to take the record.
C W Squire
South East Asian Department
9 December 197
=== [PDF page 81] ===
cays a Sao MEPrD
Cis 5] te
Methodist Church Sterling Court Argyll House L ‘
.@,4 crn Kingsway Hall London WC2B 6TA cinsay Coe atu Telephone 01-405 3246 St Luke’s House \ St Mary’s House ie
Grove House
Alfred Hartley House pei Circuit St d Bainbridge H e el eae Minister eee Se One 9
Miss M. Place
The Rev The Lord Soper MA PhD Nise SHA Towaeon ie Hughes Hoste!
West London Mission Dr. P. Bagwell WLM Clothing Store
Mr A C Galsworthy
Foreign and Commonwealth Office Maca Pa London SW1
3rd December 1974
Dear Mr Galsworthy
Thank you for your confirmation that Lord Goronwy- Roberts will be willing to receive the deputation on Tuesday, 10th December at 11 o'clock. The members of the deputation I shall be leading will
Monsignor Bruce Kent (Roman Catholic)
Tom Chapman (Anglican)
Rabhi Dr. Goldstein
Miss Sarah Leigh
Yours sincerely
x De rr ~ ati é
=== [PDF page 82] ===
PS/Lord Goronwy-Roberts
POLITICAL DETAINEES IN ae te |
Ly Lord Goronwy-Roberts received a deputation headed by Lord Soper on 10 December to discuss this question,
2s, I submit-a draft Record of Conversation
R E Palmer
south Hast Asian Dept.
DSW86A MA248
li December 197)
COVERING
=== [PDF page 83] ===
/aetained
ce FAI /I
Nhs Lap i w O/k ho Apend|e
(AG eA,
RESTRICTED
do AAW
South East Asian Department action on 19 proif NX ee Mr Male
Mr Galsworthy
South West European Department
ANTI-INDONESIAN FEELING IN THE UNITED KINGDOM FAG 1/2
A: I took the opportunity of the Indonesian Ambassador's call
on me on 9 December to bring up the matter of detainees. i The Ambassador said at once that he had been fully briefed on
this issue and understood its sensitivity in this country. iL
said that any movement within Indonesia which resulted in cutting down the numbers of people/would be very welcome and I hoped that his Embassy would ensure that any information they received of this kind was communicated to us and used in their own publicity. i said that there was little understanding in certain quarters in this country for the circumstances in which the present Government had come to power in Jakarta in 1965 and because of this lack of knowledge of the past the existence of detainees who had not been charged had become an emotive subject. The Ambassador said he quite understood this and mentioned that a film had been made about conditions on the island, I understand, where the bulk of the detainees are held. I said that the showing of the film was unlikely to impress many people. Did the Indonesian Government permit visitors sometimes to see the detainees for themselves?
The Ambassador said that the International Red Cross had paid at least one visit and had made a favourable report upon the conditions.
I said that I was unaware of this myself and that such evidence
was helpful in terms of re-assuring public opinion. I hoped that if there were any further such visits he would ensure that we
were provided with the texts of the International Red Cross report if this could be used publicly.
a I think the Ambassador is well aware of the delicacy of this problem and will do what he can not to irritate the anti-Indonesian lobby in this country. Incidentally I note this morning that
The Times has a letter from Mr John Taylor of The British Indonesia Committee (one of the pressure groups) alleging that the Indonesians are on the point of attacking Timor. This no doubt follows up
an unsubstantiated article which appeared in The Sunday Times about a fortnight ago making the same allegation. I hope the Department may take the opportunity of contacts with the Indonesian Embassy to draw their attention to this. If, as I assume, the Indonesians
do not intend to be foolish about Timor, they may even wish to consider a letter to The Times from the Ambassador.
hoe {
K M Wilford
10 December 1974
5 ae - li
FRTUGUESE TIVIOR RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 84] ===
TALKING POINTS seo ue
RIES
Mr Ennals' written Mitchell's Parliamentary
ition of 22 May.
Unie policy isnot onl. of the UK's bread and bi ‘ is also the best way for HiMG to ssist in the evolution of Indonesia's
internal policies in
British interests
‘ror strategic
want a friendly government in
control of the im routes (e.g. Malacca $ raits)
etween the Far
\lthough Indonesia is Lila or country, its potential in view of ts natural resources (particularly oil and natural gas) is preat. As rapidly expanding mar value in terms of our balance and employ Inereasing. Our exports
iG presen: Onwy. eping
we remains an unimpressive
oO ag
c pa +4 J '
»ECretary' of State's
=== [PDF page 85] ===
TAD
mere rubbeil stamp ana on PAs oecasions have shown neal tn;
; s: “4 rn TY ents cealece of independence. LV servations about some of Indonesia s
\OLicGleés;: aft tndones. is not vet a social democracy, as swe
ratand it (which developi SOUL U Wale aL ) neither 1s it a monolithic military
3. Suharto's ministers bial sBayaythb a fair proportion of non-military
‘technocrats' such as Adam Mali rofessor Widjojo (the Economics
EG Se these: me 1 number of them with close associations
Endonesian Socialist Party (PSI) who will lose influence if
western countries turn thei backs on Indonesia or tempt to impose Oolitical conditions on
CxXterni
and moderation in internationthe third-world is
Ll fon 1975/74.and
; membership of th ( mmit ( wen,V-Lo1 »Lays
Association of
=== [PDF page 86] ===
Lating to Indonesia an several other countries, including the Lted Kingdom,
Lie COndi tions jof the Political ‘isoners (critique paragraphs
L5:ande17) 3 to any suggesti that political vrisoners might be used
forced labour in vrojects financed by British aid: as our aid is
Lu De Orn.of.projecusnid cal,echnical assistance, we are able
LO keep a: close watch on t irection of this programme.
ay Detention.of Politi since the Jakarta riots, pee ae By anuery. Oy hie many: One FiOS wrested have been released. Of those
itned trials the student leader, ariman Siregar, is open and public and is ipparently being
B10 tO Modonesia
c ih ay Rk aha c - a Daas re ie (Critique: p: 1973/74 we contributed COU on too small a stick with
Y hine olla Dis
Pee ca eR a af see Mr Ennals ion accords wi
LOGONESI
nnalet
SAL S
=== [PDF page 87] ===
Mr Palmer south Ea
1. it attach a very short yn towards Indonesia baken from Hansard of 22 = tten answer by Mr En I am sure ti!
want to expand this from your own knowledge.
fortunate Ki Tiles are very derective on
=== [PDF page 88] ===
TEV th tt ees > r V MOV ARDTDA - ATT NT LOT A IF LE Loe ) TOWARDS INDONESIA Une policy. of
Xf 2a 7 Fai Al «r lose and friendly
the present British government to strengthen the relations, including economic relations, with nesia, following the successful State Visit in March 194 and particularly in the context of Indonesia's Standing with Commonwealth governments in the area, and its role in the UN and other international organizations It is policy th sustain the good relations
now existing with governments in the South
=== [PDF page 89] ===
Foreign
London S.W.1
39 November 1974
rom the Parliamentary \nder Secretary o State we Rt HON The (ord word Wy-noberts
fee Ata IR
Ag the Minister in the Foreign and Commonwealth Uffice responsible for asia affairs, | have been asked to reply to your lett rr of 14 November adcressed to the Foreign anc
Commonwealth Secretary asking about our policy towards Indonesia.
that our pol icy aims at maintaining friendly ionesia. ve, | like other Commonwealth Governoly Australia and New Zealand), have a substantial there. We hope in this way to contribute to the efforts mace by the “Indonesian Government to raise standards of living, to multiply opportunities for gainful employment and gradually to spread the benefits of economic development more evenly throug h Indonesian society. suspension of our aid preg aii would only hinder these objectives without assisting the nurpose you have in mind.
have considered most carefully what influence we can to bear. ur capacity to intervene in matters relating nesian domestic policy is of course limited and confined tO raising humanitarian issues. Our conclusion is sith Indonesia will in the end
yanee a progress being made. | nave personally
hat the Indonesian authorities are under no misappresbout the strong feeling in this country for the plight of the detainees and | shall contiiue to co so as suitable opportunity occurs.
my pee
/ 77
‘iss B. Sinclair omy ~ Nxbere
Honorary secretary
Belfast & district Trades Union Council
“earing House, 4 Veering Street, ULLrAs
=== [PDF page 90] ===
PS to Lord Goropt -Roberts
c.c.e Mr Male
INDONESIA: POLITICAL DETAINEES ae.
1. The Secretary of the Belfast and District Trades' Union Council wrote to the Secretary of State on 14 November about political prisoners in Indonesia, and the alleged suppression of the trade union movement there. The Private Secretary has acknowledged the letter and asks that Lord Goronwy-Roberts reply.
2. I submit a draft which follows the line which Lord Goronwy-Roberts took in his two recent letters to Mr Russell Johnston MP of 18 September and 20 November.
3. The Belfast Council's criticisms of the Indonesian Government's treatment of the trade union movement in Indonesia are not strictly accurate. The Government exercises some control over the present Federation of Indonesian Workers, but it is not run by the military and Indonesia remains a member of the ILO. Trade unions during the time of President Sukarno were also centrally controlled (they were also strongly Communist dominated). However, I do not consider that Lord Goronwy-Roberts should become involved in argument about the merits or demerits of particular policies of the Indonesian Government. The draft therefore is confined to the point of substance, namely the extent to which we are able to intervene with the Indonesian Government on
CW eos
South East Asian Department
domestic issues,
27 November 1974,
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 91] ===
UNCLASSIFIED
@ British ae
Jakarta ‘ 41,
20 November 1974,
R & Palmer Esq
SEAD
FOO FAG I\ 2.
SS a QQ, brane.
POLITICAL DETAINEES
The Indonesian language newspaper "Sinar Harapan"
recently carried a report that Mr Adam Malik had told a TV team and members of the Belgian radio who were covering the visit of the King and Queen of the Belgians to Indonesia, that" the number of G.30.S/PKI now is only 30,000 in comparison with 300,000 in the months after the abortive coup of the Indonesian communist party in 1965" Dr Frans Seda, the Indonesian Ambassador to Belgium who was also present at the interview said that 10,000 of the detainees were on Buru Island whilst the others were detained in gaols in various parts of Indonesia.
ere)
J Beaven
=== [PDF page 92] ===
Tl fi i Lal ae wives: f parliamentary Representative i | pes wav WWUUbe UUW TIT UCI! LAW UA & sa ARTHUR W. J. LEWIS M.Pof]
tieadquarters and Club, 16? Romford Road, Stratford, E.15 Chairman
Clir. S. H. SMITH
Secre 30 John Barnes Walk,
Clir... A. WOOD, 43 Dacre Road, E13 OPT 01-472 5909 Stratford, E15 4SZ
: Assist. Secretary
Vice Presidents ps nearer nen W. H, POOLE
F. JENKINS, BERT LYONS [" QECKivED IN Of 12 Holness Road GUS MOAT, L. SIMONS _, _Our refs LAW/AV Stratford, E15 4EN
26th November, 1974
il Biois ieeatiey a copy of a letter sent to General Suharto
of Indonesia which is self-explanatory.
David Mak
Yours faithfully,
Ce: ee heh. Ue iN QV AU OUS Se
Con ened ay do Wee i
~L.A. Wood
aH ere — Ge Seeretary
te C
A oe fe ay e
: Kir O~ 09 t,he f
The Rt. Hon, L.J. Callaghan, M.P., z: & ag 9 4 (ox bo We
The Foreign Secretary,
The House of Commons, ‘ (
London, SW1A OAA Pei a ene fe Ree > A. M3
=== [PDF page 93] ===
wuaidil-Weol UrAladed db vil ¢
eo. and Club, 169/175 Romford Road, Stratford, E.15
Sf ary:
Ci. L. A. WOOD, 43 Dacre Road, E13 OPT 01-472 5909
Vico Presidents
F, JENKINS, BERT LYONS
GUS MOAT, L, SIMONS
Our ref: LAW/AV
real wal ud i
ARTHUR W. J, LEWIS ™.P,
Chairman
Clir. S. H. SMITH
30 John Barnes Wal
Assist, Secretary
W. H, POOLE
12 Holness Road,
26th November, 1974
Sir,
My Party had before it correspondence in respect of Indonesia, Thoy were shocked to learn that Labour and Trade Unionists were being * _ held in prison for expressing a point of view in direct conflict with the State, z ey
We, in this Country, express ovr opinions openly without fear,”
of reprisals providing those views are not gbdittous and expect our democratio way of life to bo prneticed all over the world, ' We understand that British interests both financial, commercial and aids is considerable and my Party have instructed me to protest to our Minister to limit our interests and/or withdraw our support to the Indonesian Governiont, unless something is done to bring prisoners to trial or releane them which is the obvious humane thing
to do, i
Yours faithfully,
ee eo cu
ge oan
L.eAeWood
Seoretary
His Nxeellency Gonexal Suharto,
The President of the Ropnblie of Tndononia, Totana Negara,;
JAKARTA,
Indonesia,
=== [PDF page 94] ===
PERSONAL AYD CONFIDENTIAL
Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Telephone 01-
Your reference
Sir W Combs KCVO CMG
JAKARTA; Our reference FAG 1/2
Date 29 November 1974
(Man
POLITICAL PRISONERS
1. I enclose a copy of the record of a discu 8n which Lord Goronwy- Roberts had with a delegation from the Labour Party National Executive Committee, headed by Mr Ian Mikardo MP. This meeting had been requested in the Summer but, because of the holidays and the General Election, was postovoned.
2. The importance of the exercise lies in the extent to which it helps Ministers to maintain their current policies. From this point of view, as you will see, the meeting went reasonably well; Lord Goronwy-Roberts maintained the position which he has adopted since his return from Indonesia in March, However, for domestic reasons we need to raise the prisoner issue with the Indonesians again in due course, We have been asked for suggestions on how this might be done.
43, One possibility would be in the context of the possible Malik visait to the UK. The point might be made to the Indonesias (either in Jakart i”, perhaps better, in London) when discussing preparations for any visi’ that they will realise that the question of political prisoners is
bound to come up at some point during the visit and that anything that their Government were able to do in the meantime to improve the situation would improve their public image abroad and help to make the visit a success,
However we are still awaiting a decision on the visit. The ‘etary of State's programme for, year is to be discussed next month, when all bids for inward visita areito be considered. So I fear ean add nothing to FCO telegram 545% till then (except that the ‘oposal in principle has been supported all the way up the Office).
H, There are other possible channel: expressing concern, for instance if the visit to Indonesia by a Parliamentary delegation, or rour suggestion (which we are ‘king at separately) for trade unionist FO be ineluded In the CBl misasio ne off. But so far as government to overnment contacts are concerned, the only other idea that occurs to is the rather weedy one of talking to the new Ambassador here. If
you have any other ideas or think there may be an opportunity of making the general point to Malik in the next month or two, we should be glad to Know.
C W Squire
South Bast Asian Department
GONML DENT TAT,
=== [PDF page 95] ===
MIAO C | A
| NWUINOTA
Lord Goronwy-Roberts has asked ff + whether the facts in the attached articlelyfi, MORNING STAR are generally
So TMiN WU UIAN ¢
correct. Could you let us have your;
‘ Pad ¢ Ma
comments before he meets Lord Soper on 10 December, please.
from today's
ANTE oyalne
[Unreadable]
2o November 1974 (C.H. Woodland)
=== [PDF page 96] ===
THE British Industrial Fair which took place last week in Jakarta is the largest UK commercial event in Asia this year.
Sponsored by the British
‘seas Trade Poard, it has the platform for more tha
British exhibitors to pcddle wares.
This is merely the latest development in what clearly amounts to a major diplomatic strategy on the part of the government to expand and deepen relations with the Suharto regime.
Since the nine-day State Visit by the Queen and Prince Philip in April, relations have indeed been warming markedly.
The most- recent example of this trend is the announcement earlier this month by Foreign pOffice spokesman Under Secre ‘tary David Ennals that it intends to honour tenders from the Indonesian Navy for the construction here of four corvette warships.
Even though no British government has been willing to condemn the wholesale massacres in 1965 of between 500,000 to one million people by followers of President Suharto (then General), the stark fact that the milit ry regime holds in detention with- Gut trial or charge more than 70,000 political prisoners, most of them imprisoned since 1965, has. been acknowledged Dy
Whitehall spokesmen in replies to parliamentary, questions,
Yet why does the Labour Govermmient overlook the gross de- -privations of basic huma.. rights?
Indonesia has played an important role in Titain’s neocolonial empire for several cen-
Over-
MORNING
STAR
26 NOW 1974
turies, since early contacts between British merchant adventurers and the Islamic kingdoms in the 16th century,
The key factor in British commercial domination in the regi was the ability to control in ports and exports while maintaining linkages with banks and shipping companies.
In fact, they were able to dominate trade in any part of South-East Asia without leaving either the comfort. or the security of their Hong Kong or
Wwapore head offices—a situation which still applies.
US envy
Britain’s domination of primary commodity production and trade in the region depended on the interlocking of these merchant houses with rubber plantations and tin mines in Malaya and Indonesia through finance and joint directorships.
Control of rubber, tin and petroleum produccion and exports played a vital role in Britain’s r2covery from the interwar depression,
It certainly angered the
Americans who cast covetous eyes on these essential raw materials.
Japanese interests were also aroused and for a short period they actually ousted the British from Malaya and Indonesia, but Allied victory in 1945 returned the colonies to their former masters.
Both ithe British and Dutch were forced to crack down on indigenous liberation movements which had grown out of the Japanese occupation. The Dutch were less successful and finally
nn ner he RE
[Unreadable]
Wieitic.
conceded defeat and independence to Indonesia in 1949, These alarms and excursions 2 e difference to British e region, a y the ish interests in more
Indosecond
> know something about the of British inves to the.
property hich occurred during ation” in 1964, nterests were
0 million t z the rtive coup in 1965, British ess reports mentioned values of “several hundred million pounds,”
The confiscation and “nationalisation” of Dutch and later British interests provided the Indon n army officers with ¢ windf of profitable unde ings that did little for the ¢ welfare of the Indonesian pé but much for the welfare of generals. By 1966, they were also in control and began recurning confiscated properties or pro viding compensatior io forcign capital.
ents a
1e due ations
sation
British capital dug back in stronger than ¢ Of 99 British plantations confiscated in 1964, a total of 57 valued at £80.nillion were returned,
Shell received compensation of £45 million for assets nz ionalised and incorporated in the State oil conglomerate, PERTA- MINA, but agreed to re-invest at least £80 miliou in a refinery and exploration,
So MM
Compen
By the 1970s, interests had
aS ne
Counting the value of British plantation interests, primarily rubber, oil, tin and others, and including Australian, Hone ng and ‘front comf ies,’ investment in
Indonesia is certainly worth over £200 million.
ore
Larger role
As a proportion of total committed investment by foreign capital in Indonesia, Britain’s role appears relatively trailir behind the US, and possibly the Dutch,
Yet, taken as part of the actual Operating investm nts rather than those promised for the future, Britain’s role is very much larger than one might expect.,
In fact the official British Statistics of direct overseas investments do not even show Jndonesia as a separate entity. Assuming the total value of direct
n-portfolio) investm of
firms outside i
> million in 1971, thez a accounts for about cent of the total.
H ‘er we are playing
Nates’’ as’ the reality is impossible to < Indonesia does now h dubious distinction of be
t of more Britis
ny non.- Commonwealth nation,
The most recent loan was for £36.9 million with markedly “soft” x erms, including repay- Ment over 25 years at nd interest charges.
British
small,
Japan
with
investment in Indonesia is still very much jnvolved in the production and control of primary commodities.
=== [PDF page 97] ===
MORNING STAR
9.6 NOW 1974
The largest sing owner is
Harrisons and Cros! d with five ated companies incorporated in the UK, Of these the most important, London Sumatra lantations, holds at least six plantation companies registered in Indonesia with a total of 90,060 acres under rubber, coffee and oil palm,
Harvisons and act as nts for other rubber plantations jn Indonesia.and ave recently established rubberplants in Sumatra.
Excluding investment in oi] exploration, rubber _ plantations are undoubtedly the largest British capital interest in Indonesia and rubber represents per cent of British imports from there.
The fact
Crosfield also
i that British rubber
Companies cperate both in
Malaysia and Indonesia gives them a Considerable hold’ on world rubber production and trade.
As much of Indonesia’s rubber crop is channelled through Malaysia or Sinwapore, the benefits from Processing the “crumb”
rubber accrue to these countries rather than to Indonesia. We should note that the same problem exists in the refining of
Petroleum exports represent the largest source cf income to the present tegime and the major British companies—Shell, British Petroleum and Burmah
—have invested heavily in exploration and production. By 1971, Shell alone had committed £80 million in a refinery and exploration projects,
The company is also actively engaged in e ring for coal, and through Ownership of Billiton, has a considerable interest in tin minin
British Petroleum has a number of exploration projects, while Burmah has recently obtained a contract to deliver natural gas from Indonesia to Japan.
Ya total, British oil company interests probably exceed £100 million, this having been committed mainly to offshore exploration.
With the present sugar ages in Britain,
shortit is worth noting the activity in Indonesia by the company ‘that possesses a near-monopoly in the saie of Sugar here Tate and Lyle.
Through its Jz ta subsidiary, PT Java Tran port and Trad.- ing Company, tl firm in trading, stora d distribution of sugar products. For the past several years, the Ministry for Overseas Development has seen funding a joint Sugar research project in Indonesia.
The _ traditional merchant houses still play an important role in the Indonesian economy, acting as agents for primary commodities, imported capital equipment and consumer goods,.
engage
Speculation
Sime Darby (exposed recently for massive misappropriations of internal money in its Singapore Operations), has expanded into property speculation and con- Struction plant-hire.
The group has established joint venture hire service with Rich rds and Wallington and an army-controlled Indonesian partner, PT Tri Usaha Bhakati.
Inchcape and Co mpany another large trading house with i Spread _ throughout
Asia, is also an example. It owns PT Kalimantan- Sari with at least five timber concessions in Kalimantan and associated sawmills.
The business appears to be extremely profitable, with returns of up to 40 per cent claimed.
The company also owns PT
Haboko, a tea estate and a motor assembly plant in Medan.
One of the most disquieting recent trends in British invest.
recently vlantalso
outlay. of
ments has been the heavy influx of land speculators and _associated construction companies into Indonesia.
A boom in Jand values and the need for industrial estates, housing, and luxury hotels, has encouraged firms such as Mackenzie Hill, Cornwallis Estates, and the large Bowater Group (through a Hong Kong sub-
Sidiary, Cathay Securities) to invest in property,
On the construction side, most of the major British companies are represented, including Taylor-Woodrow, Cementation, Bovis, Costains, Hall Engineering and West Piling. and Construction.
‘Cheap labour
It is increasingly clear what lies in store for British commercial interests either already in Indonesia, or intending to commence operations there,
Jakarta’s then Minister of State | for Administrative Reforms urged a well-attended gathering of British businessmen to. put Indonesia on their maps” since in his view, Indonesia “could offer cheap labour, a vast domestic market and a jumping board for the whole Asian market,”
What more can one say to try and make ac for the expansion of British imperialism in Indonesia?
When the US House of Representatives Appropriations Committee was conside ing its current Miitary aid to the
Suharto regime, Rep. Otto Passman, the reactionary Louisiana Democrat and chairman, reacted Sceptically at first to X#iving such aid recalling the country’s past dependence on thie Soviet Union for arms.
But after being given a special briefing on Indonesia’s wealth, he agreed to all of the appropriation and some extra,
His reasons: “They just discovered an island that is almost sinkiug with nickel. It is the largest nickel deposit that the world has ever known. Another island is almosv solid copper.”
© For additional information, contact: TAPOL (British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners), 103 Tilehurst Road, Wandsworth Common, London. SWI8:
British - Indonesia Committee, 2] Solon Road, London, SW2.
ARE TES SESE Sms ae
=== [PDF page 98] ===
WWLLOA LL ON
LA HOUR
4S fr tae kiN
AND A DELIGEATTOL TRO
PARTY AT THR. PORETIGN a pen ayes “ro
NOVE! BER, 19 {dy
honour’ ble Lord Goronwy—
r oqu4 re
uv Galsworthy
r Palmer
NNONTMOAT A. Sacra ae Bee Ce
INDONESIA: AID AND POLITICAL
Lor
d Goronwy-Roberts than!
a soronvwy-Roberts than
per on Indonesia, prepared b UR Saiieer ess ) T transport Holise,
ry. ‘Ts ~ q uP “ikardo explained that
the constituenay parties
the Gove
roment's policy
result there had
iving aid to a
ive so harshly towards pol} sian Government wag
stently violated th
by Siving aia
not resrectabilit
aia ee Tain further, Indon it aid-worthy‘
revenues‘
been some his delegation ha
COUNT
; Sie
UW Dit ol Cin
COn.MITTEE
As 1158
T; (ys ue i
Roberts
rdo
JO Richerdson MP
Joan little
Mv dames Christie
eM delegation for their recent
y Al
vernational Committee at
received many representations
“Union branches and individuals
COW A RAG eo Haan ae:
Lowards Indonesia, particularly on aid
diseussi
Oi nneetthie International
express coneern that
ved and continued to
30ners The wresent
tyrannical and had
CMmoeracy
] 14
Lee a Os Onan
‘on ioj Og
=== [PDF page 99] ===
my Squire explained that our aid to Indonesia, which was running
tC about £8 million per Vc, ig now largely in the form of project
id and technical assistance. It was directed towards projects
listed in the Government's Secor Vevelopment Plan, the objectives mich wer social and likely to be acceptable to the NEC. On
he pointed out that Indonesi was @ very large country with
million people and a very low pe capita ineome (9115 per year with oil revenues), FProdueétiot mit: BCtuUally 6; falling oft;
Lord Goronwy-Roberts said that we should not underestimate the value
of technice#l assistence experts in countries such as Indonesia, not
their social impact in the co DULY se Meow kardia agreed on the
value of technical assist but was scevtical about the effect that
individual experts might ve on a government's policies,
Lord Goronwy-Roberts explained how he had observed himself,
ition project in Indonesia, thi very good influence Ss had on the local co: unity.
Turning to other potential donors, Lord Goronwy-Roberts said
the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries were showine
in reviving their aid activitics in Indonesia, The
Were certainly Looking: fo lore CONvACUS):, Incliiding 44 had visited Eastern Kuropean countries and the Soviet Uni
summer and was paying 2 further visit in Jecember, He welcomed
igns of gradual improvement in re Lons with the Soviet Union,
rdo said that the NzCvere looking for representations
rnment. They might not " much impact, but they were
certainly worth attempting. Our aid programme gave us a locus
representations. 1
10rd Goronwy—Roberts explained that the
Government had intervened. When he was in Indonesia in March he had
ahamet an hi
=== [PDF page 100] ===
made clesr and firm represental
Government's treatment of political
the hope that they might either
‘ealease them. The Government
Opportunity to make similar representa
Valik about the Indonesian
sSidents, and had expressed
them to trial or begin gradually
ke every suitable
tions:, he had spoken about this
problem to a group of visiting Indonesians only last week, The
response was very slow and cautious
problem), but the Government wou
authorities were under no-misal
in this country about the detain
ft back to the Committee |
Lttee were not awar
Goronwy~—Roberts had not
to do so might undermine
rdo understood
, x He yay e (CULV. C 6 ALBUS SAIS His Fae
“Our Ol WrOmm 4 fl
It could provoke resentm
' 4 Ree A) ce Nya c campaign on behalf of soviet
las Ka ehardson said that
Couto wo leo me le Dll G
TO time Of the, position’
Richardson's approach and
raged them in the more en] [Indonesia's role at the U
ation whose objectives we
Government's policy was
_the importance of a good-neighbour two Visits to the country since he bec
ra evr aT Cuyyayy
y with
Indonesians had a security
inue to press, The Indonesian
prehension about the deep concern felt
ikardo said that he would
is welcome development. The
explained that ublicise these approsches, effect they might have.
publicity could be counter al judgement whether it these arguments out an he other hand, ad been highly successful, certainly not redcomne nind the Indonesians oa we loomed did remind them a
Of Vier policy in ASEAN, a regi
Meloy ubksayaeeibaleyal ir Woitlam was well aware of h Indonesia and had made
Prine Minister. There was
=== [PDF page 101] ===
2 resentlu committed
be edged towards
ir Whitlam was ri ehts we must
nudge
"banzed the table" the Australiens wov
there was no of our
question
Indonesians; nevertheless the
Of aegsuatug to intervene.
more
13 Lord Goronwy~Roberts sai
programme to India
since
Mess
Lkardo agreed thet t
could become a repressive authors
could be a Conmunist revolution
Lord Goronwy-Roberts
hin
rdo deseribed as
but quite ruthles:
Lord Goronvywy—Roberts Said
Waking; Office we
agreed
Labour who might
: iLkardo whanked: io
these and said
LSSUues
them, that he would hav
Executive Committee,
completely inwarndiss. on the other bandas ty
internationally.
forward,
Mir Mikards
the
Ld not foldow
trying to "blackmail"
Ol Our aid programme save us
faced similar difficul ty over
of their nuclear device,
eriorated, India
ternatively there
r Mikerdo knew Mr
in reverse, personal) y
Lor ee
wit h
NEC's pane:
discussion of the
eUMenG. sid
7 WAC bUe |
t Lord Goronwy-—
OBLTULVE bo. re port
yee
Lstribution
=== [PDF page 102] ===
Distribution:
Private Secretary
/iir Srnals
Ps/Miss Lestor r MeNally he WanlPoud
Mir Male
Me ojuire
SHAD (2 copies)
SAD ov D nesearch Department ynancery, Jakarta
LGN AND COMMONWEAICH
=== [PDF page 103] ===
RESTRICTED
vot
DAT Trtv
<r OLI GY
Le. Lond
Labour Party NI acl a.m n 21 November to discuss Indonesia,
rN han T cr
NiIGG nad YS
and
International Dep tment at Transport Hous pared "Political Re] in Indonesia and the Question of British Ai [he Department prepared a detailed critique and some positive talking points at the time, whic! d Goronwy-Roberts saw and
generally approved.
3. The critique remains valid and could be drawn in to deal with
detailed pointe.
4. I attach talking points on the main issues with relevant references.
Trade is covered in paragraph 4 of the talking points and the case for Indonesia as tentatively democratic are in paragraphs 5 - 9.
would be helpful, I am free end, and Mr Palmer the Desk
will take the record.
CW Squiz
South East Asian Department
(ie ae
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 104] ===
[Handwritten notes in pencil, transcribed by eye; two columns divided by a vertical line] L. Soper.
1. [Unreadable] — h. rights.
Pol. prisoners.
2. Long [Unreadable] suff. detained & condemned Protest or withhold?
Monsignor Kent of Chile.
What can [Unreadable].
Mr Stubbs [?]
Public condemnation.
Close officially rels.
Pres. Suharto responsible.
example of massacre.
Public.
Dr Goldstein [?]
=== [PDF page 105] ===
POINTS
Policy
TALK
Mr Ennals'!
dis Be
RCPAC
Shine which
Gountry
Transport
Government
yans af On
ord is
paragre
ountries
Im SEstorin:
produced
vear. 15 oil revenue
ment opportunities in rural are:
enshrined
The existing presidential
in the 1945 Independe
1Omy.
econd
Constitution;
nee
mentary
Mitchell's Parlia
niet a
and
bread
evolution
GLO.
view of tural gas) is great.
palance
DOt, en Gane al rp
na AS
our
exports
Our
formative
and
sec
ooo
°SSsilon
10h 6
House
alae
rst develop=
SiC Ont jf, succeeded
Inevitabl economic expansion
developme
age
plan egan this
NMuen of
which b
of the increase
is, and providing employ-
WltO 1s partial elected) asge is
the
/political
mbLly
Goala tron on
=== [PDF page 106] ===
political forces
MIDHer atamr rUuOpe stamp
than a mere
signs of independence, ye
atic pobici¢cs;
understand it (which monolithic militar:
8. Suharto's minister
"tec
eu Sas tan).
such
chnocr with the wester! col political
Indonesia's ex
ssociati
lonwealth
Yramme
Bt AuwlLe
and amen t wi th
>ement with became
Political
Oj BY:
prisoners our standards
Wwe as a
Government very Jimi ted... Publ simply be
Ll the best “way to
counter-or
use opportunities,
pravately and informally to Gelt- in Gias
Unionists (
deep concern
Leo Leade paragraph 8 of critique):
they did in June, to press
which make up the Government faction (GO and have
Lf tndons
developing
the attention of their country paragraph 41 of Transport
Our
Indonesia to
)LKAR) are more healthy
of Indonesia's
on recent occasions have shown
ite
reservations about some
Sia is not yet a social democracy as we
sountries are?) neither is ita
dictatorship
ir proportion of non-military
ssor Widjojo (the Economics associations
influence if
a number of them with close
will lose
ks oO [Indonesia attempt to
Party
impose
moderation in nternationthird-world is ineli for te
a leadin
and
r¢ dle
alee ae which includ
Relations with
Apart from a generous
‘tralia' has a Defence
visited Indonesia twice
record bad. The scope which
servene in ndonesia's domes
eAlrS Ge
will
Gal Gi aie
yovernment
direction is to
visit to Indonesia in March, to draw
Government
the
the very
form the plight or detainees louse paper and
ILO
her obliga
vO Une ta Actes de
delegates Might continue, as
tions as a
member of the Organisation in this respect.
13. International Commission of Inquiry
JIN Commission on human righ’
Sis to consider
(paragraph 41 of critique): the
mext year submissions
/relating
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 107] ===
relating to Indonesi
United Kingdom,
ta Conditions of the ih and 17)? tO -anmy. sl
eee ene as LOLresce
labour in
now in: ti
15.
January
watch on
Bes ag ie A
Stl 1 }
Hariman
DAT a Rr? Sit
total orticiad
Naval visits
A218.
FLAG
OVE!
Valbprer
RESTRICTED
several
¥ymeE atin?) i
IGPEStTLONS
IFOJECE
Political
other
Bee che
Lilab s financed b
tech
directi
aid and
Prisoners
lave be
i Pa ooecnte
countries
Political Prisoners (critique paragraphs
HOLli tied.
nical
Of tht
SLnCE
Par]
) nik slarne nee
RESTRICTED
y British aid as
ben released.
5, ineluding the
might be used
ers our aid are able
S programme.
the Jakarta riots,
student leader,
those
and public and is
we contributed
a stick with
This simple
ships
amentary Question of
=== [PDF page 108] ===
Tham!
iNani< which \i 2 3
Goronwy=it soper. Tf
' me t about
Lord
overs
Lord
AANA icre
on of churci
Your letter |
TAPOL,
r: wf
Parlier ft
YOu COULC
rc! Ar tat
CeBUT
Lection
re iy rn pl miss 6.0: voust ata secreta ry to Tn
ae Lord Soper
t London Missi
pare hes
‘ethodist Churcn
Hol]
Cad
Wego
vwa
inqsway
Loncon,
gsiyes
ULOe|
CAAINIG
VU Clio
INA yon
20 iOVeMDe
tO be som tation wnich he wishe
[Unreadable]
original letter to the anpeared that it was
A Ao J)
connect th the
ed yi
makes it clea
Se G
ws Gl
airman Lord veer (pres
CINDY
Kindly
ann
Pie
dak de Wien
+ A eat ek |
that it
Goronwy
the names
wom they will
: b re
acd MoV
=== [PDF page 109] ===
itinued to conti
arNnmM:
G ern
ZTOVE)
viola
repress
=== [PDF page 110] ===
opean
ayve9»§e~§ wo Us
i Cee er OG
Okino Lor we pie
but
[Unreadable] resentations. bord
OVES TC Ge
=== [PDF page 111] ===
ments
€ INE Nt S
‘hes Gan ot ie SS arg
bad A
to tame of
United Nations and we encour
Governmen cy was similar to ours. r Whitlam was well aware of
the importance of a good~neighbour policy with Indonesia and had
CAO) Wakil, Uf the country since he became Frime Ministe here was
RESTRICTED Ja
=== [PDF page 112] ===
ee d 9
beacon
earan
Sel wae
TY NY D sOmme
woa a°re e a
MiG Chek
apoun Part
opportuni t y
Lord Goro
/Daistributi on
=== [PDF page 113] ===
ee RESTRICTED.
® Cos,
Distribution::
Private Secretary
PS/Mr Ennals
PS/Lord Goronwy-Roberts (2 copies)
P3/Miss Lestor o/ LS
Mr McNally
Mr Wilford lir Male
Mr Squire
SHAD (2 copies)
SAD
Sir
Research Department
Chancery, Jakarta
FOREIGN AND COMMONVEALTH OFFICE
26 November 197)
=== [PDF page 114] ===
RESTRICTED
Fren|2 Ne. Pode
PS/Lord Gofonwy-Robert
[ssuc, ee
INDONESIA: POLITICAL DETAINEES asta.
Lord Goronwy-Roberts
Party National Executive Committe November to discuss this
subject.
Pa - supmit a draft Record of. C
Dd -y
. E Palmer
South Hast Asian Department
22 November 197) Hy)
=== [PDF page 115] ===
Goronwy-Roberts
ale
4, You asked for a short background note on this organisation.
It was set up last year. It is a loose association of people who campaign on behalf of the Indonesian political detainees. The organisation arranges vigils outside the Indonesian Embassy and produces a bulletin which has on occasions been sent to MP's and trade unionists.
Last month TAPOL organised a week of lectures and seminars at the London School of Economics and the Africa Centre. A rally in
gar Sguare scheduled for 27 October did not take place, apparently through lack of support.
The Chairman is Mr Royer Hibbitt, Son-in-law of Mrs Carmel Budiardjo
nd the Secretary Miss Sarah Leigh. According to the organisation's
ad, the sponsors of the organisation include:
Religious Leaders:
Politicians:
imber of academic:
Ltion of its members!
Oriental and
=== [PDF page 116] ===
Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Telephone 01- 9430 8)))0
2 hae ee a
; Your reference SA/E/6
Jan White Esq
fidi nburgh University Our reference FAG We
students Association
Old College Date 25 November 1971
FAG \\4
ens Me, Wate )
I have been asked to reply to your letter SA 6 of 13 November addressed to the Foreign Office about political prisoners in indonesia and the question of British aid to that country.
Our present aid programme aims at contributing to the efforts made
by the Indonesian Government to spread the benefits of economic development more evenly through all levels of society. Whether or
not Her Majesty's Government maintain such aid depends, amongst
other things, on the effect this might have on the people of Indonesia.
We do not think that the suspension of the aid programme would do anything to improve their lot. Nor do we think it would do anything
tornedy the political prisoners.
The fact that we maintain a capnitel aid programme to Indonesia does not mean that Her Majecty's Government condone detention without trial in Indonesia. On the contrary the Indonesian authorities are
under no misapprehension about the degree of concern felt in this country for the detainees.
alg ts
4 AA hey Grhng
tot 9
=== [PDF page 117] ===
Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Telephone 01- 950 8:0
eet: Your reference
( Kerriss sq
fear Valley District Trade Union Council Ourreference FAG 1/2
2A High Grange
Crook Dae 25 November 197i
COUNTY DURHAM
Ne My, Kemss, \
05,
I have been asked to reply to your letter of 1 ovember addressed
to the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary about political prisoners in Indonesia,
Her Majesty's Government's policy tovards Indonesia was defined by the Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth affairs, Mr innals, in a written reply to a Parliamentary Question. I enclose a copy of the relevant extract from Hansard. HMG have considered most carefully what influence they can bring to bear on the detainee issue. They have concluded that the present policy of strengthening relations with Indonesia also offers the best chance of progress off these humanitarian Because the detainees are, so far as we know, all Indonesian our capacity to intervene with the Indonesian Government on lf is strictly limited. However, the Government have énsured Indonesian authorities are under no misapprehenston about the concern felt in this country for the detainees in Indonesia.
fie, oe
Juss rhwety
\sian Departm
=== [PDF page 118] ===
Mp Squire (SEAD)
Lord Soper has asked to come with an ecumenical deputation to see the Secretary of State to discuss Indonesia. Lord Goronwy-Roberts has agreed to see him on the Secretary of State's behalf and we have fixed an appointment at 11.00 on Tuesday 10 December.
The brief which was prepared for todays ee Choee) G8)
will do very well but you will need to look at
nearer the time to bring it up to date. | Sra
be grateful if a member of the department could
attend the call.
wae fe Cosa Faced
21 November 1974 A C Galsworthy
ws os lw ee Pipess
O1 Gamrida beth, Goff he Mc Lo heed)
ntl Coded fb Wald meld Cheb. Merk of Hi ion eben EGE. Oy in tb Vik pirat yor? Bsc: f
th. p foeh | Rn Sart lak ShA, ae du Ma Wee rd We dR, in wu MiUbhemes. Saapea, 0) Lown & AU UAtena/ Hany hod Akad, 2% i AM
=== [PDF page 119] ===
Foreign and Commonwealth Office London S.W.1
Sagi P
“om the Parliamentary Under, Secretary of State “4 me wt.Fon. ine Lord Boronivy— Xoberts
IN G:
yovember about nolitical
20 November 1974 “a,
Thank L TON
HNVIGiiN YUU VU Ab Jo nny SANRAe 4
[Unreadable]
le best
have pera) tat the Indonesian
are well aware of i felt in this continue to
Sut it is clear
Govermne FV reg: ui) question aS ele
as involving backeround a 1 any procress
7 va “ —- CR4e
20N9 and di; Ul CaS
Gab ha
24 te
how HIG should proceed tances is a matte tactical judnement.
were to draw 00 thes ints,
Lae peat ey Lf s;
cogetmer w: comment
in your
Oneenl 1
MUsysOELL Johnston “LS. Va Lh wy pes Lae a nmOUuUSe OF LOommons
=== [PDF page 120] ===
RESTRICTED
PS to Lord es
e.c. Mr Wilford
Mr Male
INDONESIA: POLITICAL DETAINEES a Your Minute of 18 November ae The Department will consider soon how best to raise this matter again with the Indonesians, and make recommendstions, The issue
of an invitation to Mr Malik to visit Britain next year (if the Secretary of State approves the idea in principle) might provide
a suitable opportunity.
D2 I am sure that Lord Goronwy-Roberts will not wish to delay
his reply to Mr Johnston until after any demarche on prisoners has been made. I have therefore revised the earlier draft so that it makes clear the possibility of further representations to the Indonesians, without our specifying at this stage either the form
or timing of then.
CW ee
19 November 1971 South East Asian Department
Jef
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 121] ===
(4el) es
Nr. squings Sea Mea warded If a
As you will see from his minute on your attached submission, Lord 6 Goronwy-R oberts considers that we should raise the question of the detainees again with the Indonesians, presumably through the Ambassador in; Jakarta. | should be grateful if you would consider thisfand submit a recommendation.
he draft letter to Mr. Johnston will have to be revised to
take this into account.
Le a
} November 1974 (A.C. Galsworthy)
Kha \
=== [PDF page 122] ===
STRICTED
Mr Sauire
PS/Lord Goronwy—Roberts Le caf
INDONESIA POLITICAL DTAINE
Lord Goronwy-Koberts r rived a delegation from the Labour
Party National Executive Committee on 21 November to discuss this
Ll submit a draft Record of Conversation,
jouth Hast Asian Department DSW86A Ma 218
November 1971
=== [PDF page 123] ===
C.tv
Reference: <2 0.05. icscssermucre reese sees
RESTRICTED |
Meta Qs temud bith bey Wilfed rsd
we ahaitine Nas St hw indafp
INDONESIA POLITICAL DETAINEES Bor ~Yale Mr Wilford has expressed doubts about the wisdom of our recommendation that Lord Goronwy-Roberts's reply to Mr Russell Johnston's letter should attempt to justify our policy of strengthening our relations with Indonesia.
Ze The Minister's Office have advised that Mr Johnston, the Liberal spokesman on Foreign Affairs, is generally disposed to be helpful in cases of this kind. We considered that it would be useful for him to learn something of the thinking behind HMG's stated policy towards Indonesia. Lord Goronwy- Roberts first used this argument in his talk with the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (Mrs Budiardjo). He has repeated it in subesquent letters to MPs and we have recommended that he pursue it with the Delegation from the Labour Party National Executive on 21 November I consider that it accords with the Minister's own justification for our policy, as set out in his Minute to Mr Wilford of %1 October
De This line of argument was not welcome to Mrs Budiardjo and the Women's League, and TAPOL will not readily accept it. Given Ministers' present concern with the problem of political repression it is the only valid argument that they can deploy in the case of Indonesia. So long as Ministers are disposed to stand by their stated policy towards Indonesia, they are faced with the choice of either declining to give a reasoned reply to members of the public or to deploy this argument in some form. In the case of a potentially well-disposed MP I submit thet it is better tactics to offer a rcasoned reply than no reply at all, and it at least has the merit of
giving him something to say in his reply to TAPOL, however unwelcome that reply may be.
R ere
South East Asia Department 19 November 197) W86A MA2Zh8
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 124] ===
Goronwy-Rob«e
learn othening
submit:; att: 1
rea
son-in-law
15 November 197).
RESTRICTED
inte rts
Nilford
Little
Lecter.
with
Mee
~Dtly
ceiv
Ce ¢ gY
all
run
RESTRICTED
Johnston
this subject should reply to rolitiecar
Prisoners
inte with the
letter to
srvening
ested in his him
Lord Goronwy-Roberts
Will be find 16
may however
behind our policy of
line which
Lord Goronwy-
Vomen's Inter-
Mrs Carmel Budiardjo,
ampaign for the
of that dele
Lire
fast Asian
PR Mes
Department
=== [PDF page 125] ===
r Male
| ay g to Lord Goronwy-Roberts 4 pf i ae oc Wilford 7 Ne
vid
POLIT I
Russell Johnsto! ‘itten a further letter on thi
on how he should reply to the
coronwy-Rob jampad nesian Political Prisoners and
for intervening with the
authorities gS 1 sugeested in his letter to him
Lealj
ord Goronwy-Roberts will be
ohnston may however find it
behind our policy. on,
line which Lord Goronwy-
1's Interfrom the Women's }
June. Mrs Carmel Budiard;
Campaign for the
that deleg
=== [PDF page 126] ===
19 November, 1974
The Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs has asked me to thank you for your letter dated 14 November about political prisoners in Indonesia.
A reply will be sent in the near future.
(JCD. EF. Hott)
Private Seaetary
Miss B. Sinclair, ye
Secretary,
Top Trades Union Council!
EEeeE,
OMn00 OH
Be Gr
=== [PDF page 127] ===
FA Bate
BELFAST g& DISTRICT TRADES’ UNION COUNCTIAy
ESTABLISHED “881 TELEPHONE 2628
Please Addicss all Communications to Secretary ‘i Za a Re Ay
MISS B. SINCLAIR { roe {3 WARING HOUSE,
‘ teh Bee 4 WARING STREET, The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
Foreign and Commonwealth Office, BELFAST, 1 London, S.W.1. 7
1Ath November, 1974
Dear Sidr, LAG La
My Council has been appalled to ldarn that there are some 70,000 men and women held as political prisoners in Indonesia since 1965 and that the regime in that country has taken the un~- predented step of smshing the trade union movement inthat country and replacing it with a Federation of Indonesian Workers under military controle
Ve are informed that Indonesia receives more aid from Britain than any other Commonwealth country and that this aid includes military aid and training of military personnel. Also thet frequent joint naval exercises are held. In Warch of this year, the seal of "respectability" appears to have been stampbd on the Indonesian regime when the Queen prid a State Visit there.
Wy Council wishes to know if your office will take up the mtter of the political prisoners, intexmnees and the smashing of the trade union movement with the President of Indonesia.
Gouncil can understand and appreciate the desirability of a British Conservative Government wishing to mintain and sustain links with such ® reactionary regime. It has caused us som serious thoucht to appreciate that a British labour Government would be willing, or think it expenient,to follow in such footsteps.
In Northern Ireland, wa also have political prisoners and internment. We want to speed the day when both forms of imorisonment have ceased and we wish the same for a]1 peoples
ir the world. We urge you to use your good offices to assist
suffering people of Indonesia.
ay fs ee ee
7 } “Why Scot ‘ Mt Es
Yours faithfuld Yo
IS () Uf [ ical ny
Hons Secretary.
=== [PDF page 128] ===
WEAR VALLEY DISTRICT TRADE UNION COUNCIL
(AFFILIATED TO THE T.U.C.) cy a
sec @zary: BATH TREASURER:
BILL SPRISS, forex \ RON SLACK, 24A HIGH GRANGE, iY y ron 4 St. MARY'S AVENUE, If
CROOK, / ra NON V?7?™ JJ CROOK, Co. DURHAM: hee Lg Co. DURHAM.
15th November 1974
The Secretary of State for Por Foreign and Commonwealth Office Lendon swl
Neaan G4
Year 17
Indonesia
Many thousands of active trade unionists remain locked up in prisons and detention camps in Indonesia.
My Council urge thet the British reconsider its policy
towards Indonesis in view of that country's record of repression.
Yours faithfully
hh CX t f
Mr W Kerriss
Secretary
=== [PDF page 129] ===
EDINBURGH
vrtes enon oT J Tp Sealed,
@ NZ oe / {é OLD COLLEGE
TELEPHONE i i EDINBURGH =< si 031-667 1290 oe 2 EH8 9YL j
STUDENTS’ REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL
SA/E/6
SA/E/12 13th November, 1974
The Foreign Office,
King Charles Street
London, S.W.1. es
Dear Sirs,
I have been instructed by the External Affairs Committee of the Edinburgh University Students Representative Council to request that the Government suspends all aid to the Djakarta regime in Indonesia until all political prisoners have been released. The committee felt very strongly that the Government should disassociate itself from such a regime. The history of repression which this country exhibits is paralleled only by that in Chile,
Portugal, South Africa, Greece (before the Coup), Rhodesia etc.
Trusting that the British Government will take a stand on this extremely vital but unpublicised issue.
I remain yours sincerely,
Z Gate. Reply SOF Ju,
Ian S. White
Vice President (Court) gi $4
isw/jsa
=== [PDF page 130] ===
Skty AW (43)
ee Sia -
Cele, ee
Loe Gon, ~ (Cmuwe6
HOUSE OF COMMONS
LONDON SWIA OAA
FAG (2s
[Unreadable]
Thais Be
=== [PDF page 131] ===
CC culode, MM
~ Ute Depts le
[Unreadable]
FIDENTIAL
Lord Goronwy Roberts
alw Vay Ss
It. was Bel Ate did not mean that the nt on issues of human
n The Government
Pever: they felt it to
Lone
ONE eat
vate, 30 October
kground notes for during the
Tovember,
respect
esian citizens; HMG
Hus no offieial tervene with the
Indonesia ent
1t on their behalf. enise the very strong
country and have auped vernment oi
re aware of these feelings.
indeed
correct Line to take im
confused by the fact that there 1s all that we have intervened Official isy ain
recent months with the Chilean Government in respect of Chilean citizens and I would not wis nis example to be thrown back at Vow is also the quotation from the Secretary of arliament yesterday
and
and again we would not wish to put into your mouth words which appeared to conflict with what
Ae Kis / 2
=i ls. CW, fhe 1 1g.
CONFIDENTIAL he, H( 3 ee:
ev Sstdom e
=== [PDF page 132] ===
ies under
ALY
came to power in F
in respect
vention
nm BA cent
Willa u
Of have
J7een
AiLrica, Portugal
the
7 117 aA announc e¢
question close
economic
ane Der.
Commonwealth
For the abo
1S NO. COnLlict be
our recent actio
said yesterd
State
large number of
riticised for one
yay
tarianisnm. If we
standing is
ebruary 197)
aat
CONFIDENTIAL
that since the present Government
it has been our policy to speak
British public opinion believes to
this country.
articularly justified in
countries (Chile, South
Felt justicied
S drat
Mr Squire'
IASG. Indeed Mr Enna
countries
you will feel that
rested wording you
d what the Secretary of
As you know only too well, Asia contains
countries whose internal policies can be
reason or another on the grounds of authoria
once start freely to criticise each and every
/ one
CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 133] ===
CONFIDENTIAL
one of them I am concerned at how long we
continue the free trade
Ete a any doubt about this issue
you feel
bate to clear the line which I hope
October 1974
31
CONFIDENTIAL
shall be able to
> to which the Secretary of State referred.
wish to
speak
you may
we can
=== [PDF page 134] ===
Verbatim
Service
VERBATIM SERVICE 203/74 WEDNESDAY 30TH OCTOBER 1974 ee ee eee
_MR CALLAGHAN'S POLICY STATEMENT.
FOLLOWING ARE EXTRACTS FROM THE FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH
SECRETARY, MR JAMES CALLAGHAN'S STATEMENT TO THE COMMONS TODAY
THIRTY OCTOBER:
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS
HON.
MR JAMES CALLAGHAN): IT WILL COME AS NO SURPRISE TO ANY
MEMBER WHEN | SAY THAT THE GENERAL ELECTION WAS FOUGHT ON DOMESTIC
ISSUES. IT USUALLY IS. IT WAS FOUGHT ON HOW TO CURB INFLATION,
HOW TO STOP PRICES RISING AND HOW TO PREVENT MASSIVE UNEMPLOYMENT.
ALL THOSE MATTERS PLAYED A MAJOR PART IN THE CAMPAIGN. IT IS HARDLY
NECESSARY FOR ME TO REMIND THE HOUSE THAT BRITAIN 1S NOT ALONE IN
PACING THESE PROBLEMS AND ISSUES. INDEEB, IT MAY HELP US TO GET
OUR OWN PROBLEMS {NTO BETTER PERSPECTIVE IF WE CONSIDER THEM AGAINST
A WORLD BACKGROUND.
AS AN ILLUSTRATION, BOTH YESTERDAY AND TOBAY I AM ENGAGED IN
DISCUSSIONS WITH THE JAPANESE FOREIGN MINISTER, WHOM | HAVE HAD
THE PLEASURE OF WELCOMING TO OUR COUNTRY. HE TELLS ME THAT CONSUMER
PRICES IN JAPAN ROSE BY TWENTYFOUR PER CENT. ON LAST YEAR ANB THAT
AVERAGE MONTHLY EARNINGS HAVE RISEN BY THIRTY POINT FLVE PER CENT.
LATER THIS EVENING | HOPE TO MEET THE BUTCH FOREIGN MINISTER.
THE BUTCH INFLATION RATE AND THEIR RATE OF WAGE INCREASES ARE
NOT BY ANY MEANS AS LARGE AS THE JAPANESE RATES BUT THEY ARE VERY
MUCH LARGER THAN ANYTHING TO WHICH THEY HAVE BECOME ACCUSTOMED.
IT 1S GENERALLY ACCEPTED THAT OTHER COUNTRIES ARE FACING
THE SAME PROBLEMS AS THOSE WHICH WE FACE. IT WAS NO ACCIDENT THAT
THE QUEEN'S SPEECH BEGAN, IN THE SECOND PARAGRAPH — IT BID SO
DELIBERATELY - WITH A REFERENCE TO THE NEED FOR THE GOVERNMENT
TO GIVE FULL SUPPORT To AN INTERNATIONAL EFFORT. THE PARAGRAPH
READS:
""MY GOVERNMENT WILL GIVE THEIR FULL SUPPORT TO INTERNATIONAL
EPFORTS TO SOLVE THE WORLD-WIDE PROBLEM OF INFLATION AND WILL PLAY
A FULL PART IN INTERNATIONAL DISCUSSIONS TO SOLVE THE PROBLEMS
CREATED BY HIGHER OJL PRicES.°®
THAT REFERENCE GIVES EMPHASIS TO A THEME THAT WAS HAMMERED HOME
IN NEARLY EVERY SPEECH IN THE ELECTION, AND CERTAINLY THOSE WHICH
1 MADE ~ NAMELY, THE INTERDEPENDENCE OF THE NATIONS OF THE WORLD,
WHETHER FOR PROSPERITY OR FOR RECESSION.
THIS HOUSE SHOULD BE BASICALLY CONCERNED WITH DISCUSSING OUR
SPECIAL RESPONSIBILITY AS A COUNTRY TO TAKE OUR OWN
MEASURES TO SOLVE OUR OWN ECONOMIC PROBLEMS. SOME OF THE PROBEEMS
ARE UNPRECEDENTED. HOWEVER, I ADVANCE THE VIEW THAT IN CONSIDERING
OUR OWN PROBLEMS THE SOLUTION TO THEM WILL BE EASIER IF NATIONS
WORK TOGETHER IN FINDING SOLUTIONS. 1 GO FURTHER ANB SAY THAT
IT MAY NOT BE POSSIBLE TO SOLVE OUR OWN PROBLEMS UNLESS THERE 1S
SOME INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENT.
THE THIRD ASPECT THAT I WISH TO EMPHASISE IS THAT IT IS IMPORT
ANT IN THESE PRESENT UNPRECEDENTED DIFFICULTIES THAT NATIONS
SHOULD NOT UNDERTAKE DOMESTIC REMEDIES WITHOUT CONSIBERING THE
CONSEQUENCES THAT THEIR MEASURES WILE HAVE ON OTHER COUNTRIES AND
=== [PDF page 135] ===
VERBATIM SERVICE 203/74 PAGE TwO.. WEDNESDAY 30TH OcTos
THE HARM THAT THEY COULD CAUSE. FOR EXAMPLE, DEFLATION BY ONE
COUNTRY TO REDUCE PRESSURE ON ITS PRICES MAY CAUSE SERIOUS
UNEMPLOYMENT IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD. @
| WAS GREATLY ENCOURAGED IN MY RECENT TALK WITH PRESIDENT FORD
IN WASHINGTON BY THE FACT THAT HE ACCEPTS THAT APPROACH. HE RECOG-
NISES THAT EVEN THE MIGHTY UNITED STATES, WITH ITS GREAT WEIGHT
IN WORLD ECONOMIC AFFAIRS, CANNOT GO IT ALONE.
MY EXCUSE FOR INTERVENING IN THIS DEBATE IS THAT WHAT WE CALL
""FOREIGN AFFAIRS'* HAS IN THESE IMPORTANT ASPECTS COME TOGETHER
WiTH THE NEED TO SOLVE THE DOMESTIC PROBLEMS OF OUR COUNTRY.
TO SOME EXTENT THIS IS SO BECAUSE THE ROOT CAUSES ARE THE SAME.
IT WAS THE UNPRECEDENTED RISE IN COMMODITY AND RAW MATERIAL
PRICES DURING THE PAST TWO YEARS WHICH SET OFF THE!NFLATIONARY
SPIRAL. OF COURSE, THE SPIRAL MAY NOW BE BEGINNING TO BE FUELLED
BY OTHER CIRCUMSTANCES. THROUGH CEREALS TO OIL — WHEREVER WE CARE
TO LOOK ~ PRICES HAVE REACHED UNPRECEDENTED LEVELS; THE PRICE OF
Oil 1S FIVE TIMES AS HIGH AS IT WAS A YEAR AGO.
THE IMPACT OF THE RISE IN COMMODITY PRICES HAS BEEN FELT AT
THE SAME TIME AS THE DECOUPLING OF THE WORLD'S MONETARY SYSTEM
FROM THE BRETTON WOODS AGREEMENT. THE TWO FACTORS TOGETHER HAVE
BROUGHT TO AN ENB THE ECONOMIC ERA WHICH LASTED FOR TWENTYFIVE
YEARS ANB WHICH GAVE THE WORLD, ESPECIALLY THE INDUSTRIALISED
WESTERN WORLD, A QUARTER OF A CENTURY OF RAPIDLY EXPANDING
PROSPERITY. THAT HAPPENED PROBABLY FASTER THAN ANYTHING WE HAVE
SEEN BEFORE.
TODAY THE WORLD IS TRYING TO STEER ITS WAY THROUGH SEAS THAT
ARE LITERALLY UNCHARTED. WE FACE PROBLEMS THAT ARE ENTIRELY NEW
TO THIS GENERATJON. IT IS JN THAT SENSE THAT, AS MY RIGHT HON.
FRIEND THE PRIME MINISTER SAID YESTERDAY, OUR PROBLEMS RESEMBLE
THOSE OF THE NINETEENTHIRTYS. THE WORLD FACES A
CONJUNCTURE OF RAPID INFLATION ANB PROSPECTIVE UNEMPLOYMENT.
WE ARE ADVISED TO TREAD WARILY.» HISTORY SHOWS US THAT RAPID
INFLATION ANB MASSIVE UNEMPLOYMENT, WHETHER THEY CAME TOGETHER
OR SEPARATELY, BROUGHT IN THEIR WAKE POLITICAL EXTREMISM AND
VIOLENT CONFLICT BOTH WITHIN STATES AND BETWEEN STATES.
] EMPHASISE THE GRAVITY OF THE PROBLEM, BUT ALL IS NOT GLOOM.
THERE ARE HOPEFUL SIGNS. FIRST, THERE IS RECOGNIT{ON AMONG MANY
OF THE WORLD'S LEADERS THAT THE PROBLEMS THAT WE FACE ARE BEYOND
OUR EXPERIENCE AND BEYOND OUR KNOWLEDGE ANB THAT WE NEED NEW IDEAS
ANB CONCEPTS IF THEY ARE TO BE SOLVED. ANOTHER HOPEFUL FACTOR iS
THAT THE DETENTE THAT HAD GROWN UP BETWEEN THE USSR AND THE UNITED
STATES 1S STILE IN BEING AND IS STILL BEING ACTIVELY PURSUED BY
BOTH GREAT COUNTRIES. DETENTE IS NOT LRREYERSIBLE, BUT | JUDGE
THAF IT 1S IN THE INTERESTS OF NEITHER GREAT POWER TO GO BACK
TO THE ERA OF THE COLD WAR. THAT ATMOSPHERE OF DETENTE IN LTSEEF,
BETWEEN THOSE TWO GREAT SUPER-POWERS 1S HELPING US TO HANDLE THE
WORLD'S ECONOMIC PROBLEMS RATHER BETTER THAN MIGHT OTHERWISE HAVE
BEEN THE CASE.
{T IS HOPEFUL ALSO THAT ATTEMPTS ARE BEING MADE TO GRAPPLE
WITH THESE NEW PROBLEMS AND THAT THEY ARE TAKING PLACE IN A NUMBER
OF {INTERNATIONAL FORUMS. THE SUPPLY OF BOTH FOOD AND ENERGY,
WHICH ARE THE VERY BASICS OF MAN*S LIFE ON THIS PLANET, ARE NOW
COMING UNDER INTERNATIONAL SCRUTINY. POLICIES ARE BEING SOUGHT
ON AN INTERNATIONAL SCALE FOR THE EXPANSITN OF PRODUCTION,
FOR CONSERVATION AND FOR ALTERNATIVE SUPPLIES. BRITAIN IS MAKING iTS CONTRIBUTION IN ALL THESE MATTERS.
=== [PDF page 136] ===
HONe FRIEND THE CHANCELLOR OF THe
CERTAIN PROPOSALS FOR CONS I DERAT
ATTEMPT TO CHANNEL THE UNPRECEDE
TAKING PLACE.
OVERSEAS suraeeuaie ARE BOTH TAKIN
WORLD CONFERENCE ON THE SUPPLY OF
- BEGIN IN ROME ON FIFTH NOVEMBER.
AND THE MEMBERS OF THE 5
BOTH THE UNITED
ETAR
TER OF AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES AND FOOD
Mm O¢
Sa sea
=STIONS
IN THE WORLD
AND OVERCOME OUR DOMESTIC
O MAI 50 FIRS
HE PEOPLE if (HE POE 3
THE THEN GOVERNMENT WAS
LESH PEOPLE THEN IN OCTO
=== [PDF page 137] ===
SERBATIE SERVICE 203/74 _FAGE FOUR _WEBNESDAY 30TH OCTOBER 19
TO THE COUNTRY A RECORD OF SEVEN MONTHS OF SOLID ACHIEVEMENT BASED
ON THE FEBRUARY MANIFESTO, COUPLED WITH THE POLICIES OF THE SOCIAL
CONTRACT. @&
WE BIB SO, BOTS BOTS DOTS BECAUSE, TO PUT IT IN THE OPENING
WORDS OF OUR MANIFESTO —- ‘BRITAIN FACES ITS MOST DANGEROUS CRISIS
SINCE THE WAR.'* THIS CRISIS CAN BE OVERCOME ONLY BY POLICIES
WHICH WiLL PROMOTE PARTNERSHIP AND CONFIDENCE AMONG OUR PEOPLE.
MR. CALLAGHAN: BOTS DOTS DOTS IT 1S OUR CONVICTION THAT UNITY CAN
BE ACHIEVED ONLY IF A GOVERNMENT PURSUES POLICIES OF FAIRNESS AND
SOCIAL JUSTICE AND IF THE BROADEST BACKS ARE SEEN TO BE CARRYING
THE HEAVIEST BURDENS.
THIS IS ESPECIALLY TRUE AT A TIME WHEN EITTLE OR NO IMPROVEMENT
IN REAL LIVING STANBARBS FOR THE MAJORITY OF OUR PEOPLE CAN BE
HOPED FOR IN THE NEXT YEAR OR TWO. THIS WAS CEEARLY SPELLED OUT
TIME AFTER TIME IN THE ELECTION. NATIONAL UNITY DOTS BOTS DOES
NOT COME FROM BACK-STAIRS DEALS MADE BY POLITICIANS PARCELLING
OUT OFFICES.
iN SPEAKING TO THE TUC AT BRIGHTON IN SEPTEMBER, BOTH THE PRIME
MINISTER AND | SPELLED OUT THAT THE SOCIALE CONTRACT IS NO SOFT
OPTION. IT 18 A TOUGH POLICY WHICH REQUIRES CO-OPERATION IF IT IS
TO SUCCEED, RATHER THAN COERCION. IT REQUIRES SELF-BISCIPLINE
ANB UNDERSTANDING -— DOTS BOTS BOTS IT IS THE BEST HOPE WE HAVE FOR
COMBATING UNEMPLOYMENT AND INFLATION. THE SOCIAL CONTRACT 1S
ERECTED ON TWO MAIN PILLARS. FIRST 4S THE REGENERATION OF BRITISH
INDUSTRY, INVOLVING FURTHER PUBLIC OWNERSHIP AND CLOSER ORGANIC
LINKS BETWEEN GOVERNMENT AND INDUSTRY WITH THE BENEFICIAL INFLUENCES
THAT WE BELIEVE THIS WILL HAVE UPON ENCOURAGING INDUSTRIAL
INVESTMENT, MAINTAINING EMPLOYMENT, ESPECIALLY IN THE BEVELOPMENT
AREAS, AND REDUCING THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS BEFICIT ~ THE AIMS THAT
ARE SET OUT IN THE GRACIOUS SPEECH.
THE SECOND PIELAR 1S THE APPEAL TO SOCIAE JUSTICE AND A
REDISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. iT 1S AGAINST THIS BACKGROUND AND THE
MEASURES THAT ARE CONTAINED IN THE GRACIOUS SPEECH THAT A RESPONSE
1S REQUIRED FROM ALL THE CITIZENS OF OUR COUNTRY, WHETHER THEY
ARE WAGE EARNERS, BIRECTORS, DIVIDEND RECEIVERS OR WHATEVER. 1{T
1S AGAINST THIS BACKGROUND THAT THE GENERAL COUNCIE OF THE TWC
ISSUED ITS GUIDELINES ON WAGE SETTLEMENTS, AND IT WAS AGAINST THIS
BACKGROUND THAT THE GUIDELINES WERE UNANIMOUSLY APPROVED AT THE
BRIGHTON CONFERENCE AT WHICH | WAS PRESENT.
THE POLICY STANDS AS A WHOLE. NO ONE CAN ACCEPT IT AND PICK
OUT THE BITS HE LIKES AND DISCARD THE REST. IT CANNOT BE SAID,
‘°ve ACCEPT THE BITS ON PUBLIC OWNERSHIP BUT WILL HAVE NOTHING TO
DO WITH THE LIMITATIONS ON WAGE SETTLEMENTS.'* NOR, ON THE OTHER
HAND, CAN PEOPLE SAY, ‘‘OF COURSE WE ACCEPT THE EILMITATIONS ON
WAGE SETTLEMENTS BUT WILL HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH THE EXTENSION OF
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP.'' THE POLICY STANDS TOGETHER, IT STANDS AS A WHOLE
AND IT WAS AS A WHOLE THAT {IT WAS CONSIDERED AND ACCEPTED
UNAN J MOUSLY »
POTS DOTS BOTS IN OWR RELATIONS WITH THE REST OF THE WORLD, THE
ROLE OF FOREIGN POLICY DURING THIS PERIOD IS THREE-FOLD. FIRST,
WE MUST ENCOURAGE AT BOTH THE POLITICAL ANB ECONOMIC LEVEL IN
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE CHOICE OF CO-OPERATION RATHER THAN
CONFLICT AS A HEANS TO COMBAT INFLATION ANB RECESSION. SECOND, WE
MUST ENSURE THAT OUR CONBUCT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS INSPIRES
CONF iBENCE IN BRITAIN AS AN ALLY AND A PARTNER- THIRD, WE SHOULD
PROMOTE POLICIES WHICH TAKE ACCOUNT OF OUR WIDER RESPONSIBILITIES IN
TERMS OF SOCIAL JUSTICE, RACIAL HARMONY AND HUMAN RIGHTS.
=== [PDF page 138] ===
PERE RP RPE ES cUliis FASE TIRE _ MBBHESPAY 305M OC CeRr
[ @ > nosasLy MORE THAN ANY OTHER NATION OUR SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON
| INTERNATIONAL TRABE. THIS MEANS THAT IT IS IN OUR INTEREST TO
SE PEACE AND STABIEITY IN THE WORED. IT AESO MEANS, IF I
TER A FRUISH, THAT WE MUST TRADE WITH FHE WORLD.
WE REQUIRE A CERTIFICATE OF SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC RESPECTABILITY
BEFORE WE BUY OR SELLE, WE SHALL FINB THAT OUR MARKET PLACE HAS
OME RATHER SMALL. TRADE IS NOT A BADGE OF APPROVAL. BRITAIN
TRADES WITH THE WORLD AND MUST ALWAYS BO SO, BECAUSE WE MUST
SURVIWE. IT IS FOR BRITAIN AN ECONOMIC NECESSITY.
BUT —- THIS BOES NOT MEAN — THAT WE SHOULD REMAIN SILENT ON ISSUES }
HUMAN RIGHTS AND POLITICAL FREEDOMS. WE WILL SPEAK AND ACT
EREVER ANB WHENEVER WE FEEL IT TO BE RIGHT. THE FOREIGN AND (ONWEALTH OFFICE IS YERY CONSCIOUS OF THE NEED TO BACK UP AND,
NDBEED, ON SOME OCCASIONS TO GIVE THE LEAD, ON BOTH ASPECTS OF
THESE MATTERS IN INTERNATIONAL FORUMS, AS WE ARE TRYING TO DO AT
MOMENT IN THE UNITED NATIONS.
THE SWBJECT OF TRADE, | CAN GIVE THE HOUSE ONE STATISTIC TO
STRATE MY POINT. I HAVE INQUIRED ABOUT THE WORK THAT IS
BONE ABROAD. IN POSTS ABROAD A QUARTER OF DIPLOMATIC SERVICE
[CERS ARE NOW ENGAGED FULL TIME IN COMMERCIAL WORK, IN riON TO NUMEROUS LOCALLY ENGAGED STAFF. LAST YEAR SOME
UNDREDBTHOUSAND VISITS WERE MADE TO FOREIGN FIRMS TO GATHER
RKET INFORMATION AND TO IDENTIFY EXPORT OPPORTUNITIES.
\R ML ano cHILe?
MR CALLAGHAN: YES, WE ARE TRADING WITH CHILE, BUT WE ARE NO’
LING ARMS TO CHILE. THIS FALLS WITHIN THE POLICY THAT | HAVE
‘] ATED«
AR CCARMARTHEN): DO THE RIGHT HON GENTLEMAN'S
MEAN THAT THE GOVERNMENT WILL GIVE A LEAD IN GETTING RID OF
AR EXPLOSIONS?
MRo CALLAGHAN: I WAS PROPOSING TO COME TO THAT, BUT | MAY SAYE
BY DEALING WITH THE ISSUE NOW, ALTHOUGH IT IS RATHER TAKING
OUT OF MY THREAD. YES, WE HOPE THAT THERE WILL BE ANOTHER
CONFERENCE ON PEACEFUL NUCLEAR EXPLOSIONS NEXT YEAR, ON WHICH WE ARE
RKING AT PRESENT WITH THE UNITED STATES AND THE USSR. WE SHALL zMPT TO CARRY THE ISSUE OF NUCLEAR EXPLOSIONS FURTHER THAN WE
BONE SOQ FAR TO TRY TO LIMIT THESE. | CAN PROMISE THE HON
\TLEMAN THAT WE SHALE BE WORKING IN THAT RESPECT, TOO.
THiS THREEFOLD APPROACH HAS MEANT RENEWED AND MORE VIGOROUS
ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED NATIONS AND IN THE COMMONWEALTH.
ve ALL KNOW ABOUT THE INADEQUACIES IN THE WAY THE oe
NS WORKS, BUT TO A GREAT EXTENT THOSE WEAKNESSES REFLECT A oF POLITICAL WILL RATHER THAN STRUCTURAL FAULTS. THE UNITED
ONS PROVIBES AN INDISPENSABLE THOUGH NOT THE ONLY FRAMEWORK
F THE DISCUSSIONS WHICH WILL HAVE TO TAKE PLACE TO MEET THE
Fi NANCYAL, TRADING AND ENERGY PROBLEMS WHICH NOW FACE US.
ON THE SECURITY SIDE, WE HAVE SEEN THE UNITED NATIONS PLAYING
AN IMPORTANT PART IN THE DANGEROUS AND THANKLESS TASK OF PEACE-
KEEPING IN CYPRUS ANB THE MIDDLE BAST. BRITAIN, TOO, HAS PLAYED
HER PART IN SUCH OPERATIONS, AND I PAY A SPECIAL TRIBUTE, WHICH |!
KNCW THE WHOLE HOUSE WILL ECHO, TO THE BRAVE YOUNG MEN OF THE
UNITED NATIONS CYPRUS FORCE, INCLUBING THOSE FROM THIS COUNTRY, WHO
GAYE THEIR LIVES IN THE CAUSE OF PEACE.
LIKEWISE, THE COMMONWEALTH HAS A ROLE OF INCREASED IMPORTANCE
=== [PDF page 139] ===
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=== [PDF page 140] ===
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=== [PDF page 141] ===
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=== [PDF page 142] ===
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=== [PDF page 143] ===
VERBATIM SERVICE 203/74 PAGE 10 30TH OCT 74 j APPROACH TO PROBLEMS A AS TAKEN GREATER ACCOUNT OF THE NEEDS OF @ es
THE INDIVIDUAL MEMBER COUNTRIES. THE UNREAL ASPIRATIONS OF THE
NINETEEN SEVENTY TWO PARIS SUMMIT ARE MELTING AWAY. BOT DOT BOT e
IN MY VIE IC A GREATER SENSE OF REALISM IN THE
COMMUNITY. | BELIEVE AND HOPE THAT BRITAIN'S PRESENCE HAS GIVEN
A NUDGE IN THIS BIRECTIO! IT QUIT APART FROM THAT, ANB THE
EFFECT OF THE WORLD C ae 1ANGES IN LEADERSHIP IN SEVERAL
IMPORTANT COMMUNIT 30 TRIES AYE TAKEN PLACE. THIS, TOGETHER WITH
THE NEW FRENCH GO\ TE -FPORTS TO GET THE COMMUNITY TO WORK
MORE IN THE JNTERE i'S MEMBERS, HAVE PRODUCED A GREATER
REABINESS TO LOOK PROBI (TH A PRESH EYE.
THERE £S,
{i BO NOT THINK 3AINSAID, WHATEVER DEDUCTIONS PEOPEE MAY THEREAFTER BRAt ivf iS A NET GAIN FOR EUROPE WHEN
THE COMMUNITY RECO HAS BEEN SETTING ITSELF UNREALISTIC
AIMS AND TIMETASLE: E IMPORTANT FIELDS IN WHICH A FRESH
LOOK IS GOING ON UDGET AND THE COMMON AGRICUETURAL
POLICY. FOLLOWING 1 THE COMMISSION HAS PRODUCED
THE RESULTS OF A <s GE] THE MAIN THRUST OF THE REPORT
IS TO CONF IRI HAT ID FROM THESE BENCHES WHEN WE
WERE IN OPPOSiTIO <IBUT{ON TO THE BUBGET WILE BE
SUBSTANTIALLY MOR ARE OF THE COST, BASED ON THE
SIZE OF OUR GNP
PAN
ON THIS ASPEC; ABOUR PARTY S VIEW IN
OPPOSITION HAS BE! HAT THE TERMS ACCEPTED BY THE EAST
GOVERNMENT WERE UNJ! NTR { HOPE TO BE DISCUSSING
WITH OTHER FOREIG): SSELS NEXT MONTH THE
CONSEQUENCES THA’ é ) IN FROM THAT CONCLUSION, WHICH IS NOT OUR CONCLUSION ALON J IStTON OF THI COMMISSION.
THE SECOND ELEME 1FRE MOVEMENT 1S THE CAP. WE WERE
TOLD TIME AFTER TI! =N GOVERNMENT THAT IT COULD NOT BE
BREACHED. {T HAS BEE TiME AFTER TIME AND IS CONTINUALLY BEENG BREACHED. {7T W, i HO! TER WE CAME INTO OFFICE, IT HAS BEEN BREACHE! PAL JANS, ANI Tt COUNTRIES CONSTANTLY AND CONTINUALLY. HERE > s Ol PHE i SSATISFACTION THAT WAS FEET NOT ONLY BY ws Al ANY, iE oean tee iat HAS NOW BEEN CHARGED WiTH THE UNDERTAKING A COMPREHENSIVE
STOCKTAKING ANG OF!: OLTS OF THAT BY NEXT FEBRUARY.
HERE, TOO, THERE | E 1Y NO MORE THAN THE PROSPECT
- OF SECURING AN A URA; iAT WILL CONFORM TO THE NEEDS OF THE BRITESH {Si O PROVIDE A STEABY FLOW OF FOOB
AT REASONABLE PRI( G A FAIR RETURN TO THE PROBUCER.-
| BO NOT BELUDE JECT EITHER OF THE BUDGET OR OF
THE CAP. | BO NO HE ALCS OF JERICHO ARE EIKEEY TO
FALL DOWN AT THE | E TRUMPET, BUT AT ANY RATE WE HAYE
BEGUN THE LONG MARC! ELIEVE If TOOK SEVEN TIMES AROUND
BEFORE THEY GOT 1 HAL SUCCEED., | BO NOT KNOW.
PROGRESS HAS CERTAINLY JAD! f THE STER OF OVERSEAS DEYELOP-— MENT ON GIVING THE C POR ECY. iF \RDS DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
A HORE GLOBAL APPROACH [ AM LESS HAPPY ABOUT THE STATE OF
BES TES | IN THE MATTE! REG | ALL POLICY AND THE CONTROL OF PLANNING
OF INDUSTRY. EVER HERI IWEYVER, ALTHOUGH {| THINK THAT THIS IS ONE
OF THE LEAST SATISF/ Y PARTS OF WHAT WE AP OING, iT SEBHS TO HE THAT THE BLIND ACCt AN BOK tS OF THE MARKET ECONOMY WHICH HAS cae i Vity IN RECENT YEARS IS SHOWING SIGNS
OF GIVING WAY TO THE NEE! AND REALSTIES OF A SOVERIGN PARL!AMENT.
IT 1S OUR AIM TO BRING TI ERIOD OF RENEGOTIATION TO AN END
BY NEXT SPRING SO THAT,! iE WORDS OF THE GRACIOUS SPEECH,
=== [PDF page 144] ===
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=== [PDF page 145] ===
reis AY }
Foreign and Cor
sonomeis
been (
Commonw
Government
N LQ)
monwealth Office
Telephone 01-
Your reference
Our reference
Date °
FAG 1/2
November
1974
October addressed
WOW CY.
© strengthen
ea eno Lucan
vial
contral
this
s Government
Indonesia's
standing role in the
ions.
condone
Indonesian
Pon eine
country
SW (Oety
=== [PDF page 146] ===
AI Didi 1) Tepes
Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Telephone 01-
Your reference
J L Beaven
Our reference
JAKARTA _— FaG 1/2
October LOT
Nee ace
POLITICAL DETAINEES
al Thank VOU On Ey OU 2.1 ’ TS of 10: and Lh ctober. The "Merdeka" article h ia.
cted in the press here e hope. 2 wile not
re forewarmed,
: gue for hi team's visit
Reverdin's lash some or
in preprring bout
bine lined hould sO Ail.
[Unreadable] ree th ndonesia!
( d etainee vernnent
letter) to;: Neve we sus pec t some of the pressur ie 3 ser primarily inter= veh more concerned
ested in the welfare
with descrediting +1
Jaws evty,
R i Palmer
Nouth Hast Asian Devt,
=== [PDF page 147] ===
01-242-6197
011-405-4872
001-405-7686
ext. 607
16 October 1974
Dear Mr. Callaghan,
The British government is, no doubt, very well informed of the internal political
situation in Indonesia, in stark contrast to the impression which is given to most people in this country. Even at the time of the State visit last year no mention was made of the suppression of political and human rights in that country. When
the facts of the situation are brought to light, one can only reflect on the true
nature of this "free world" of which we are said to be a protector.
At a Union meeting last Friday, 11 October, we debated and passed a motion noting the following points:-
the mass arrests of 350,000 political prisoners in Indonesia following the abortive coup in October, 1965, when over half a million people were slaughtered
that at least 70,000 political prisoners are still in detention without trial that torture and general deprivation of human rights to these prisoners is widespread
that Indonesia receives more "aid" from Britain than any Commonwealth country and the close links that the British government maintains with the military regime
that the Chairman of the Students! Union of University of Indonesia (Jakarta) is now on trial following a demonstration in January, facing death, or life imprisonment.
In view of this we feel it imperative that a new Labour government should take a clear stand by either condemning or condoning the acts of the Indonesian military regime, as was done with the fascist regime in Chile, but backing words with action.
Yours sincerely,
A ler =!
OCT
PV Cockerell
External Affairs Officer LSE Students! Union { < pp LSE Students! Union Gry —
=== [PDF page 148] ===
TILE NATIONAL ARCIITVES
Group
Class
Piece
Document(s) temporarily retained in the
Department of origin.
FoLKIO is]
REVIEW NOT COMPLETED
=== [PDF page 149] ===
BURU ISLAND IS ALSO INDONESIA
(MERDIKA, Septenber TG! 17., 19, 1974 = ™N)
By Supeno Sumardjo
For the second time I had a chance to visit Pury island PKI prisoners are being accommodated for rehabilitation and turn to the comnitv. My first trip was in the company of the Kon!
commander at the end of last year and the second, early this month '
party of FKopkamtio Chief of Staff Admiral Sudomo.
To get an idea what the Tefaat (Tempat Pemanfaatan -- Place for em ployment) on Buru is we must know the government policy on settling the G303/PKI problem. The government has managed to make classifications con cerning deprecs of involvercnt tn the G30S/PKI. The A catezorv prisoners were directly: involved and would be tried: the B category prisoners were evidently involved indirectly but there was not enough evidence to bring them to trial. But this category is regarded as nosine a threat to public peace and order and the state's security. The C-1 prisoners approach the B category in that they were evidently involved indirectly; C.-2 vrisoners were members of mass orcnnizations affiliated with the PKI and the C.-3 prisoners were PKI sympathizers.
The government has decided that A prisoners will be processed via the court law. Out of som 2000 A prisoners, some 600 have been proces-- sed via the court since 1955. aecori Qn. to Brig. Gen. Kanter S% who was also in the party observing the Tefaat’ on Buru. Concerning the B priso.- ners the Governrent hes decided to return them to society via a rchabill-- tation institution called Tefaat Buru. Via the rehabilitation process it is hoped that the B rpisoners will return to the right path, abandon their communist ideology and retwn to Pancasila.
In addition, the rehabilitation mst guarantee that the vrisoners will not take action that will disturb the nation's security after they are returned to society. ‘There are in total 27,000 B prisoners of whom 10,000 are on Buru and the rest seattored in various detention houses in Java.
Regarding the C-l,and and C3 prisoners, 740,000 in total, the government has decided to return them all to society.
The C-1 prisoners. totalling 540,000, have all been restored to the community, and the C.-2 and C- 3 groups, too will be returned to the community.
he G3
It is clear that the government sceks to settle ¢ as s00n as possible via the court, the nrocess of rehabilitation and direct return to society. So the settlement of the G30S/PKI, according to a
senior
=== [PDF page 150] ===
senior officer who was in the party of the Nopkamtib Chief of Staff, takes the Pancasila road, with emphasis on humanitarianism and departing from the interests of our country and people.
Now there are cxactly 9,858 B prisoners in the Tefaat Buru. Orieinally there were 10,003 but 145-had fled or died. Th commander of the Tefaat Buru, Colonel Samsi, said there are still 15 mits, but one of them nam-ly Unit IV Savanna Jaya is now an ordinary village where the pri-- Soners' familics have joined thom.
From the report of the Tefaat Buru Commander, I learned that the rehabilitation proccss is physical and mental--syiritual. Physically the prisoners open a Jungle and turn it into an agricultural area. While working hard they will have no chance to engage in activity to strensthen their commmist ideolosy. In the word of as mior Baneru officer, their ideological content is blunted.
Meanwhile, the teachings of Pancasila are introduced and relisions are practiced. To have the rehabilitation proceed without a hitch, possible disturbances, in this case, external influences in the form of newspapers, radio broadcasts, and other information, are precluded for thc time being. The sovermmnt's intention is clear. Mmyhow the prisoners are Indonesians and the problem is how to get them to live according to their Pancasila philosophy. But it denends a great deal on the prisoners themselves whethor or not they will return to the right path regardless of the Government cfforts.
“ccording to the Tcofaat Buru commander, since the onening of the Tefaat Buru area in 1969/1970 wet riceficlds have covered more than a thousand hectares; corn, cassava and rround nuts have been cultivated on 1376 hectares of land, coconut trees on 148 hectares and industrial plants on 96 hectares of land, According to Ir. Fatah, head of the Baperu apri.- cultural section, clove trees will be Prown on the Tefaat Buru. The many fish ponds which have been built now contain 800,000 tkan emas. It has
een planned to breed ilan guram-h in the swamps. Today thore 400 are cows and 54 water buffalo:s in the Tofaat Ruru. Reportedly the cattle increase by 25% a year. Mighty percent of th prisones work in the agricultural
and 20% in tho non-apricultural sector. (To be continued).
=== [PDF page 151] ===
Written Answers
Church School, Hampstead
Mr. Geoffrey Finsherg asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science in which year’s building programme he has placed Emmanuel Church of England Primary School, Hampstead.
Mr. Armstrong: A project for the replacement of this school was included in the design list of projects to start during 1974-75. At present, under tie terms of Circular 15/73, the project cannot start before July 1975.
DEVOLUTION (LEGISLATION)
36. Mrs. Winifred Ewing asked the Lord President of the Council what is his most recent time scale for the proposed legislation on devolution for Scotland
and Wales.
Mr. Edward Short: As I have said previously, the Government intend to bring forward their proposals in a White Paper in the autumn, and the legislative consequences cannot be assessed until that has been done.
FOREIGN AND
COMMONWE:LTH AFFAIRS
OECD (Secretary-General)
37. Mr. Bruce-Gardyne asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will invite
the Secretary-General of the OECD to pay an Official visit to London.
Mr. Hattersley: Mr. Emile van Lennep, Secretary-General of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, visited London for talks with Ministers and officials on 20th and 21st June. My right hon. Friend and a number of our colleagues had valuable discussions with him.
Portugal
Mr. Alan Lee Williasns asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what discussion he has had with the Portuguese Government concerning association with the
EEC.
Mr. Haitersley: None.
The question of Portugal’s relations
with the European Community was; how-
9 JULY 1974
Written Answers $34
ever, discussed by the Nine Foreien Ministers at their meeting in Bonn on 10th June and by the EEC/Portugal mixed committee on 27th June. Covies of the Press statements issued after these meetings are available in the Library.
Romania
Mr. Roper asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has had any discussions with the Romanian Government concerning renegotiation of the terms of entry into the EEC, so far as trade relations with that country are concerned.
Mi. Waitersley: No. I would, however, refer my hon. Friend to the reply I gave on 19th June to a Question from my hon. Friend the Member for Manchester, Blackley (Mr. Rose). During his Visit to this country early last month, the Romanian Deputy Foreign Minister also had discussions with my right hon.
Friend the Secretary of State for Trade.
Indonesia
Mr. Faulds asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what instructions the British representative on the UN Human Rights Commission received regarding the submission to the commission alleging that the Indonesian Government are guilty of a consistent and gross violation of human rights.
Mr. Hattersley: On 6th March the Human Rights Commission decided, with United Kingdom support, to establish a working group to consider this among other submissions. The werking group will meet immediately before the next session of the Human Rights Commission in February 1975. We have therefore not had occasion to send instructions on this maiter.
Commonwealth Countries (EEC Association)
Mr. Churchill asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs why Malta and Cyprus were omitted from the list he published in the OrFiciaL Report of 20th June of Commonwealth countries that have, or are secking association with, the European Economic Community; and if he will now publish a definitive and complete list.
DATE
COL.
VOL.
44.1924
#900 00 Tope e ena
Sto
280 Ree Oo mm
=== [PDF page 152] ===
RUSTRICT ED
Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Telephone 01-
Your reference
Miss 8 M Bull MVO Ofir reference
JAKARTA
11 October 197)
sta Ailly,
POLITICAL DETAINEES
ie Thenk you for your letter 1/3 df 2h September about the recent visit of Indmesi: journalists to Beru. We found the "Indonesia Times" erticles 1 the lwing conditions of the detainees interesting end in some respects quite plausible, despite your caveat in the last paragraph of your letter. One point on which critics of Indonesia's policies are likely to comment is the very small number of families who have agreed to settle with the detainees on Baru.
ae We have been keeping an eye on press coverage on Indonesia in this country; their newspapers have been slow to pick up statements by Indonesian spokesmen on the detainee issue. For example General Sumrahadi's denial that political prisoners were being used as forced labour, was not reflected in the "Guardian" until 18 September (copy of extract enclosed). I+ Will probably be some time before Sumrahadi's more recent statements reported in John Beavan's letter of 3 September are Similarly reflected. (However in view of the Gmeral's remarks about Mrs Budiardjo, who we can assume is the "Guardian's" main source of information, they may well not be reflected at al).
SJoacs Cer,
R ® Palmer south Bast Asian Dept,
RESTRICTED
=== [PDF page 153] ===
ent (88)
Wuss Kau
“tinh
BRITISH EMBASSY
JAKARTA 4,
24 September 1974
R E Palmer Esq
SHAD 4
FCO
“Dear Kiehed rs 1/2, |
POLITICAL DETAINEES ON BURU
1, A party of Indonesian Editors went to Buru from 2 to 7 September with Admiral Soedomo, Chief of Staff of KOPKAMTIB. This was the first visit to Buru by pressmen since General Soemitro took a party there a year ago. No visits have been arranged for the foreign press since a group of foreign correspondents went there at the
end of November 1970.
2. The newspapers represented were the Indonesia Times, Merdeka, Cahaya Kita, Kompas, Pelita and the newsagency Antara. ‘The composition of the group reflected the present make-up of the Jakarta press. It was smaller than last year when Mochtar Lubis was a member in his capacity as Editor of "Indonesia Raya" and Rosihan Anwar represented "Pedoman". Both papers were among thoge closed in the aftermath of 15 January. Copies of the articles by Mr Hendro, Editor of "The Indonesia Times" are enclosed. I saw him after his return and he said that, as implied in his articles, material conditions for the detainees were "better than the average kampong".
The main deficiency, as he saw it, was that there is no reading matter for the detainees who, in spite of General Sumitro's promises last year to improve their lot, still have no way of knowing what oes on in the outside world. I asked about religious literature as last year we were told that some religious literature, Christian as well as Moslem, was available) but he did not know about this.
He was aware that lectures on religious affairs and the meaning of the Panca Sila are continuing. But the talks about the Pancasila are entirely theoretical and the detainees are not told anything, for example, about the Government's development plans. Mr Hendro said he found people full of questions, knowing little more about the outside world than when they had been detained. He told them, for instance, about the hardening of the Rupiah but doubted whether he was believed.
53- One or two other small details: the detainees are allowed to write one letter a month to their families and to receive parcels, but the delivery of parcels is "very slow". The detainees are allowed to sell their surplus produce but the nearby villagers have little money to spend and there is no arrangement for marketing the goods
/further
. RESTRICTED ey, t Jakem.
Wy. Chath, Most deyk-
Mi. & pttewee oe Mn Zu.
=== [PDF page 154] ===
RESTRICTED
further afield, so the return is low. The Army battalion on duty
on Buru has been there two years and is one year overdue for replacement. For some foodstuffs they are supplied by the detainees, other necessities they have to find for themselves - they gather their own salt, I was told.
4. Although there seems to be a ban on literature the camp commandant has given the detainees some cassettes, from which they have taught themselves to sing and play the tunes on home-made musical instruments. Some of the detainees talents are usefully applied: an irrigation engineer has taken charge of agricultural irrigation works and four civil engineers and one architect have carried out construction work, including a new military complex.
5. Mr Hendro said that there was no censorship or vetting of the Editors' published reports. But he is an old Antara staff member and may be considered a Government man.
pu We) Sly
Miss 5 M Bull
Copy to IRD
FCO
=== [PDF page 155] ===
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=== [PDF page 156] ===
UNCLASSIFIED
Mr Sp onda ote simi 2:
PS/Lord Gbrenn wy-Robe
ces Ur wit ord
Mr Squire o.r.
POLITICAL DETAINEES IN INDONESIA i Mr Russell nston MP v te to Mr Ennals on 10 September ibout our aid programme to Indonesia, a country which co! to
hold large numbers of political prisoners in detention without
letter rai islands suc
Johnston which subj ect, both in respect of
intervention by HMG on behalf
R E Palmer
Ch ented aA -
South East
=== [PDF page 157] ===
From: Russell Johnston, M.P.
x F t 1. Acknouladaad
vob " 10,79 oan /has not seen al a
advic.
HOUSE OF COMMONS {é.&:;
LONDON SWIA OAA
Dear David,
I have had representations from theBritish Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners to the effect that Britain has contributed more than £11 million in aid to Indonesia - putting it at the head of the non-Commonwealth countries receiving British aid. This is inspite of the fact that there are estimated to be more than 70,000 political prisoners in thixcountry, most of whom have been in detention for nearly nine years.
I gather that the Indonesian Government has been transferring these prisoners to remote islands in the last few months, which will mean their virtual banishment.
Is there any pressure the British Government can bring to bear in this situation?
Yours sincerely,
pep. KiiaseA
dictated by Mr. Johnston and signed in his absence
The Rt. Hon. David Ennals, M.P., is Minister of State, Req ly at [18s
Foreign & Commonwealth Office. (
=== [PDF page 158] ===
CONFIDENTIAL
R E Palmer Esq
SEAD
FCO 3 |
LAG;
POLITICAL DETAINEES Bsns ome
4. On 28 August Brigadier-General Sumrahadi, Chief of HANKAM's Information Service, made a statement about Mrs Carmel Budiardjo's activities in promoting the British Campaign for the Release of Indonesian Political Prisoners.
2. In his statement General Sumrahadi attempted to show Mrs Budiardjo in the worst light (although he did not make too good a job of it - for example he described her husband as being a Class B detainee whereas in fact he is a Class A). He made the point that before her release in 1971 Mrs Budiardjo gave a written undertaking not to engage in any political activity hostile to the Indonesian Government. He went on to describe her communist packground, mentioning her attendance at the Communist Youth Congress in 1940, membership of the British Communist Party, her work at the Colonial Bureau of the International Union of Students in Prague and, after her arrival in Indonesia, her chairmanship of the PKI-sponsored Association of Indonesian Scientists.
General Sumrahadi said that given this background Mrs Budiardjo's desire to discredit the Indonesian government was understandable.
3. On the contents of her campaign, General Sumrahadi said only that accusations of inhuman treatment in prison camps could be refuted by a statement which he attributed to the International Red Cross to the effect that the treatment of political prisoners on Buru Island was good. He did not mention that the Red Cross visit which prefaced this statement had taken place some years ago.
4. “Berita Buana" (but not “Antara and the other newspapers) quoted General Sumrahadi as stating that the British Government considered Mrs Budiardjo's campaign as being "usual in accordance with her philosophy of life" and that clearly the matter did not affect Anglo/Indonesian relations.
5. "Antara" has also carried a report of an interview given by General Sutopo Yuwono, Indonesian Ambassador to Holland, in which he spoke about political detainees. It quoted Sutopo Yuwono as having emphasised that the Indonesian government had never tried to hide the fact of the detentions and that they were willing to discuss the subject with any outsiders, but at the same time he stressed that the Indonesian government would give no chance to the communists to attempt another coup d'etat.
Sem ty, /6.
Seok, Wa
CONFIDENTIAL Chere.
=== [PDF page 159] ===
CONFIDENTIAL
6. Hall Burleigh has been told by the BAKIN Director for Foreign Affairs that the reason for General Sumrahadi's statement about Mrs Budiardjo was to try and publicise abroad, particularly in the British press, the communist background of her and her husband. We should be interested therefore to see if it finds its way through to the British press. The purpose of Sutopo Yuwono's interview was perhaps just to make the public relations point that the Indonesian government treat the subject of detainees openly, although it is interesting to note that he admitted to the Dutch journalist that he had not understood the importance that West European nations attached to the problem until he went to The Hague.
7. Also of interest as regards detainees is that the International Committee of the Red Cross is now undertaking another tour of the detainee camps. The Swiss Embassy here have told us that their eventual report will be made available only to the Indonesian government and the Swiss were anxious that the visit should be kept fairly quiet, in the hope that this would increase the Chances of the Indonesian Government's taking notice of any comments or criticisms the Red Cross may make. But there has been brief mention of the team in "Antara":on 30 August it reported that they have been touring the country since 19 August, visiting Bast Kalimantan, Maluku, Bali and Lombok, for the purpose of “inspecting Red Cross activities",
Bus Kn!
i me)
{idlow ACs we /
XW: JIL Beaven
CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 160] ===
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uotasenb oy. ust iT. 4 AG ey
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=== [PDF page 161] ===
The impression I have of the Indonesian 3 attitude towards allegations violations of ights is ostrich - formation about their
statements contained
Bee gail TA SS ae cent Pen met kav one onal publicised VisLts
ae “At AT
InNALCaUvLONS GOrUs interti erence - A we “ar na’ ssant-oann vey Le ZALA. as jintverma
pouUutn
TVAVWTOQCLA
DOW OO
=== [PDF page 162] ===
$ hoa in PET 4,2 Sb isis 2S SEES 24 sta Citi a Nw ae le Adc ct: AILS ta ihn A Sah lh wt at AL St ES tte PaaS SR Ee CL a bot.
Ci ssoeb
mit H INDONESi mA Now's
BY INIENESIAN Cet OASs4 Low din
--Keplying to cross examination by Chief J
Nuraskiah, defendant J confirmed +
munist cadres had been instructed=+4
support the coup movement _wktth had to be carried
out by Lieutenant ¢ a. Untune (the head of th
abortive. coup) eid. his associates, to -overthrow
the legat-Government and to get up a new adminis Lon _following-the-coup-attemnt,.
- e +: es a- $ $ 7 aoa cee. Ee 7 cep DS eet Be es } ’:,: nA Ne
*°2""NO FORCED LABOUR FOR POLITICAL DETAINEES
“ ‘ON BURU ISLAND! Boa
SE se
ees, rica E. 1
Os: Cera SO OS Es GINO
-A strong denial was made in Jakarta recently — by the ABRI (Armed: Services) spokesman, Brigadier General Sumrahadi, that the Indonesian ‘Tape.
fTahanan Politik -- (political detainees) were git forced labour on Buru island, eastern Indonesia.
Sumrahadi, Chief Information Officer at the Defence Ministry here was denying foreign press allegation that (communist) political detainees held on Buru island were engaged in forced labour.
The 'tapols' were held on Buru island on account of their participation in the September. 30- Communist aborted coup attempt in 1965.....--..0 4.
There is not a single forced iabour project established by the Indonesian Government for the 'tapols', either on Buru ‘island or at any other
shawl nee eh tA? om en deity powyu Va viic COURULY.
The ABRI spokesman was also re eting in connéction with a statement made by a session of the ILO (International Labour Organisation) which focused its attention on the matter of political detainees on Buru island, which the ILO claimed had been working twelve hours a day..at- various civic projects serving the interest of the 'Tapol Rehabilitation Centre! there. ee:
Referring to the condition of the 'tapols' in general, Brigadier General Sumrahadi said that the ‘treatment policy' pursued by the Government is based on the Indonesian Pancasila moral principle, ‘The military spokesman also pointed out that the 'C' group of 'tapol' had all been released by the Government. These people had been returned to the normal community life, but of course the Gov-- muIng, Go exercise strict control of
ernment is continuiz
these people, he ad
[7 he oener up
@LOr.
'tapol' would have their:
Cases processed in accordance with the existing Law procedures in this country, Sumrahadi said. Those
found guilty are to be punished, but consider- “ed not guilty are to be released by th vernment,
according to the ABRI spokesman. He further
that those re would undergo a Cialisation an (eRe Ieas aa i the Pancasila
OQ O- One
OM t+gan
Ba ic
Sto fu O a Oo
iS OASHOA oO
he oe
SITS fH
number
country
Daa
Oos ct O
CO ey
/ throughout
=== [PDF page 163] ===
2 adaeiaa aps
sos
SESH
ean echiet ae Rigi bee SOR MA TAN eis se <t 54 BAC URE ceeds ate SiS ace Sy Bana 3 Ne
ow bs SS EOS AS te
vee» eae
snovnced a Government Decision to this effect
throughout the country, with about nine to ten thousands persons held on the island of Buru. He said that the conditions of the 'tapol' on Buru were improving by the day and even better than most of the inhabitants of that island.
The Buru 'tapol' are engaged in Saori oultucé, cattle breeding and handicraft to meet their daily requirements and entirely for their own poe ies
- ‘Only three political symbols will be allowed to participate at the next Indonesian general elec-— tions scheduled to be held in 1977, it was révealed in Jakarta recently by Amir Murtono, General Chair man of the 'Golkar' -~ Golongan Karya --,(Functiogzial Group). ip
They are, he added, the Golkar and the ojher two political parties i.e. the 'Partai Persavuan Pembangunan (Unity and De evelopment, Party) ghd the 'Partai Demokrasi Indonesia’. /
Murtono said that these three groups should make efforts to produce concrete proofs to /fthe public at large epout their contriny..on and géhievement in the framework of the implementatio of the national development programmes, aimed at A”roviding justice and welfare for the whole of th population.
Murtono, in this cont ext called upon all ers and members of these (tical parties to pete in contributing/to the realisation of mate as well as spiritual development for the nation
BE REPORTED DIRECTLY
The Goveyhment has cpened the opportunity to the public jm general to objectively report shortcomings in/the administration of the state, ‘such as the receyVing of bribes, extortion and other such abuses fommitted by Government officials, which cause finangial stress to the people.
» /#AMinister for Communications, Dr. mil Salim antO. news-- wen after a meeting yee President Soeharto at Bir
Graha building. He 7 as oO comment,on the summary dismissal. ft the Treasury Otjeice in Jakarta Megs gle inister of Finance,
jot, et
Minister Salim vO report about si sonality and a4 I could also. be
aia is
Oa reronea)
=== [PDF page 164] ===
Bos IFIED
British Embassy
| Ri =D IN | Jakarta
|REGISTRY No.14/8 august 1974 [ 20"
E E Siig
[Unreadable]
FCO! iceididatcatesinienl
POLITICAL DETAINEES
1. The Jakarta press reported on 5 August a statement by Admiral Sudome, Chief of Staff of KOPKAMTIB, that recent robberies in East Java had been traced to "a gang headed by former PKI remnants of C category". Admiral Sudome said that the robberies were intended to secure funds for the revival of underground communist organisations in East Java. Ten robbers had been arrested and the police had confiscated a number of firearms.
2. If true, this sort of thing cannot but strengthen the
determination of the Indonesian authorities to méintain a hard line on political detainees.
ee eee
J L Beaven
=== [PDF page 165] ===
Reference
¥re (SEAD)
1, With reference to your enquiry about Section 32 of the 1973 Foreign Assistance Act, the text of this Section is as follows:-
"It is the sense of Congress that the President should deny any economic or military assistance to the Government of any foreign country which practices
the internment or imprisonment of that country's citizens for political purposes."
ET thuhes |
E J Hughes
North America Dept.
15 August 1974
Mc. Haghes hos added thar attrerng te fie Aur iy @ leet Aotimid fest en
(3071C) 11/73 Dmd. 145309 400M LLtd. 839/1
=== [PDF page 166] ===
the Prodmr has Yim frmal Qppromr, he Exerunid mater prtuns the ‘Sirse A | Congress’ a4 (vp ons, Moy
Re is
Gr WUsny Mlhiw haw Man daton,:
G oe @
In * bot ' Was Lo — As {ad | Cus is AQag Cc GA
Q Neu Corr Short
UW QMYVMAS LOA S AA,
Cviseny Ord F
me Me lieth of fat pry: RAAn mt >
=== [PDF page 167] ===
r report from the according to testimony
-committee by Mr Hummel the 1973 Forei
onder Af: i
use troub
e eventually
=== [PDF page 168] ===
e [RECEIVED IN
COREG DENT NeLi 4
PS to Lord Goronwy-Roberts| - 5 AUG Is oer GRRL tke
| Menos+ e.c. Mr McNally} Minti garth ee
Mr Wilford)
Mr Male Sapeme, 23 aria WwW
<< pu oy ike pee In
POLICY TOWARDS INDONESIA wnkih Ne 24 oS ore AA Net F prag-W3) ibe In response to a letter from the General-Secretary of the Labour Party of 26 July, Lord Goronwy-Roberts has agreed to receive on
6 August at 11.00 a.m. a delegation from the National Executive
co to discuss HMG's policy towards Indonesia, presumably on the PhAG—-B
basis of the International Department's recent paper: "Political repression in Indonesia and the Question of British Aid".
FLAG-(72) 2. The Department submitted a detailed critique of the International Department's paper and some positive talking points about our relations Se ia Indonesia. In my minute of 19 July I commented on some of the recommendations in that paper. These might provide the basis for the Minister's comments, in particular:
- our interests in Indonesia (paragraphs 5 - 9 of the talking points)
the achievements and international standing of President Suharto's Government (paragraphs 3 - )
our aid to Indonesia (critique paragraphs 18, 22-27 and paragraph 6 of my minute of 19 July).
In commenting defensively on the less satisfactory side of Indonesia's internal policies the Minister may wish to draw on paragraphs 14, 15 and 17 of the critique (on political prisoners) and refer to his own action when he was in Indonesia in March this year. He may also wish to stress that our policies are designed to help the position of those technocrat Ministers in Indonesia whose objective is the improvement of social and economic conditions (paragraph 9 of the talking points).
Die A background note on recent developments is also attached; the most important of these being the current negotiations on arms sales which the Indonesians have publicly announced are taking place inter alia with British firms. The defensive line attached ts therefore
largely stonewalling.
nl C W Squire a South Hast Asian Department 2 August 1974 oy
CONFIDENTIAL He:
Meson |
=== [PDF page 169] ===
DEF EN
CONFIDENTIAL
IVE ONLY
DEFENCE SALES
. Line to take
If _ asked:
(1) Are British firms involved?
Two British firms have been asked to tender for Corvettes.
(2) What MOD assistance has been given?
A MOD team was invited by the Indonesians to help in evaluation
and training and other requirements, should the contract be
awarded to a British firn,
(3) What is HMG's policy towards such a sale?
This is a hypothetical question since no orders have yet been
placed,
JAKARTA DISTURBANCES JANUARY 1974: TRIALS
Ze The Indonesian authorities have announced that they propose to bring to trial those who have been in detention since January this year for their alleged involvement in the Jakarta riots. The trial of the student leader Hariman Siregar is due to begin on 1 August. The hearing is to be in public. We must await developments.
HMS FIFE'S VISIT TO JAKARTA
De The visit was one of several routine calls made by the ship during her deployment as one of a group to the Indian Ocean and Far East.
These visits represent an important element in maintaining the good relations with the governments of the region which it is our policy to sustain.
BACKGROUND (CONFIDENTIAL)
he The Prime Minister on 14 May agreed to a recommendation from the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary supported by the Secretary of State for Defence that approval be given, in principle, to the supply of defence equipment to Indonesia, The Indonesian Government announced on 31 July that they had invited tenders, inter alia, from 2 British firms to supply 4 naval vessels.
De Defence Sales, MOD, have been discussing with the Indonesians the complementary training and other back up facilities which will be necessary if a contract is awarded to a British firm. It has not yet become public knowledge that these discussions are taking place, but it may do so,
6. The visit of HMS Fife to Indonesia from 19-2) July provoked some
/eriticism
CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 170] ===
CONFIDENTIAL
criticism from particularly the Labour Action for Peace, whose secretary wrote to the Secretary of State and to the Secretary of State for Defence,
CONFIDENTIAL
=== [PDF page 171] ===
PRIVATE & CONFIDENTIAL
Lord Goronwy Roberts
The International Committee discussed this paper at its meeting today. I have drawn the Secretary of State's attention to it. Apparently, the subject was suggested as a matter for discussion by Mr. Ian Mikardo but the paper is of such a detailed nature that I suspect that Transport House has been given some assistance in its preparation.
The Committee decided to recommend to the NEC:
a) That a delegation should be sent to see you about this matter.
b) That a delegation should be sent to the Indonesian Ambassador.
¢) That a letter be sent to Mrs..Judith Hart.
d) To ask Frank Judd to cancel the proposed naval visit to Indonesia.
I am sure you will agree with me that both politically and economically such an approach could have a disastrous impact on our relations with Indonesia and I would hope that you, I and the Secretary of State could discuss
this matter before the NEC meets.
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Wee. fgronwy - oberts
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12-7-1974. Beem, rta, July 12 (Antara).-- A strong denial was made here a 4 military spokesman that political detainees were given ae saber on Buru Island, Maluku, eastern part of Indonesia.
Brig. Gen, Sumrahadi, chief information officer of the department of defence end security was denying foreign press allegations that political commmunist detainees held on. Buru Teland foliowing the aborted communist inspired ety attem yt in 1965 (Ge30-S/PKI) were engeged in forced Labour
"There is ro single forced labour proj ject Indonesian government to the volitical detai Island or eny other part of the country’, Efe declared to newsmen this morning,
A session of thé International Labour Orzar Geneva in June last had called on Indonesia to Convention Nr.29 on forced Isbour, ‘particularly, for detainess not yet tried by court ILO focused atten tion to the polit ticel detetnees | G-30-S/PKI coup attempt.on Suru Islend which the organization claimed h&éd been working 12 hours a civic projects serving the interest of their /comm
Referring to the upp ae KE politicel detail;
Sumrahadi said that the tresimsnt policy pursued ment was "quite sympe athetic " in agreement with In Pancasila moral principles.
The military scokesren also pointed out i group political detainees had 211 been relessed by the govern—
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These people had been returned to community life but of course the government continued to exercise strict control of these people, he added. The other groups of political detainees would have their cases processed in accordance with existing law procedures in this country with those found guilty ptmished and those considered not guilty acquited and released, General Sumrahadi added,;
Lhe people to be released would wmderzgo 2 process of socialisation and mental training in agreenent with the
Pancasila philosophy, he. said.
Speaking about the: number of political detainees in the
country General Sumrahadi said that at the moment os
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35,000 political detainees registered throughout the a about 9 up to 10,000 persons held on Buru Tamera.
He said that the conditions of the politicel foe on Buru Island were improving by the day and generally so they were engaged in agriculture, cattle-breeding and he to meet their dailv rsquirs ments.
The military spokesman issued a similar denial ment to foreign correspondents stationed in J
ATE.02/1
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CONFIDENTIAL
PS to Lord Goronwy-Roberts
@.c¢; Mr MeNal ly,
Mr Wilford
Mr Male pa,
TRANSPORT HOUSE PAPER ON INDONESIA $i:
iL I have sent you separately a detailed critique of the paper and some positive talking points.
2. The paper's conclusions for action deal with:
(i) ways of bringing pressure on the Indonesians over the question of political prisoners (a Party delegation to the Indonesian Embassy, possibly an international enquiry, action by British
Trade Unions);
(ii) the use of British Government aid as a lever to induce policy
changes.
36 For reasons discussed in the critique already submitted, public pressure with which HMG is associated is not in my view likely to produce the results sought.
he The situation of detainees in Indonesia, though not of imprisoned trade unionists per se, was brought up at the ILO Conference at Geneva in June. Indonesia was listed with 22 other countries including the USSR for infringements of the ILO Conventions.
Die The Labour Party may wish to invite the TUC, through their delegates, to maintain pressure on the Indonesian Government to fulfil her obligations as a member of the ILO and to use her influence through the International Conference of Free Trade Unions to make representations.
6. HMG contributed about 4% of the total official aid to Indonesia in 1973/74. It is thus too small a stick with which to threaten the Indonesian Government. An aid cut-off, whilst ineffectual in inducing a policy change in Indonesia, would certainly undermine our good relations. Our economic interests would suffer; and we should earn Indonesian ill-will in the international bodies of which she is a member.
Le The above represents the Department's views. We have not discussed it with the Ministry of Overseas Development.
8. The action already taken on the political prisoner issue by Lord Goronwy-Roberts when he was in Indonesia for the State Visit is /also
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFI DENTI AL
FLAG B also relevant. I attach for convenience a copy of the letter he wrote
to Mr ERRNMMG oon). «this aspect.
South East Asian Department 19 July 1974
CONFIDENTIAL
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PARLIAMENTARY UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE
MEMORANDUM
From/ PRIVATE SECRETARY
WAP 15635—723x2 737703/555525 100 pads 2/71 Grp.7|
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General Secretary
0 The La bou r Pa rty from R. G. HAYWARD, CBE
Transport House Smith Square London SW1P 3JA 01-834 9434
Giro No. 510 9213
em RECEIVED IN
REGISTRY N 0.14
26 July 1974
Lord Goronwy Roberts, AGI 2 Foreign & Commonwealth Office, SIA ae Downing Street,
London, S.W.1.
Dear Goronwy,
At the last meeting of the International Committee on July 9th there was some discussion about the situation in Indonesia and about Government policy in this area. Concern was expressed about the general line of our policy in this area and it was subsequently agreed by the National Executive Committee that a small delegation from the Committee should seek a meeting with you to discuss the problem.
If you are in agreement with this proposal, I would be very grateful if you could arrange for someone in your office to contact Jenny Little in the International Department to arrange a suitable time.
Best wishes,
Yours sincerely,
Re Coes
General Secretary.