Working Women Shape Their Future: 2nd International Trade Union Conference on the Problems of Working Women, Bucharest, 11-16 May 1964

=== [PDF page 1] === DRKING WOMEN SHAPE THEIR FUTURE International Trade Union Conference n the Problems of Working Women === [PDF page 2] === [Cover:] WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS [twin-globe emblem on a blue panel; red lower panel] === [PDF page 3] === 2nd international Trade Union Conference on the Problems of Working Women WORKING WOMEN SHAPE THEIR FUTURE BUCHAREST, MAY 11 TO 16, 1964 WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS === [PDF page 4] === MAP 9 1979 Lanne, an, WEE === [PDF page 5] === CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 2. ce ee et ee es Report on the first point of the Agenda, presented by Louis Saillant, General Secretary ofthe WFTU.... Report on the second point of the Agenda, presented by Gali Menendez, Cuba... 1... 1... ee eee Report on the third point of the Agenda, presented by Sotiati Surasto, Secretary of the WFTU...... From the DELEGATES’ CONTRIBUTION TO THE DISCUSSION Isabella Milanese, Italy.. 2... 1 eee eee Tatiana Nikolayeva, USSR... 1. ee ee ee Madeleine Colin, France... 2. 1 1 ww ee Makiko Yamamoto, Japan.... 1-1 ee ee ee Wladina Restano Castro, Cuba. 2. 2 2 2 ee ee Sally Johnson, Ghana.. 2... 2 1 eee we ee Margarete Miiller, GDR... 1... 2 eee ee Mireya Baltra, Chile. 2.1... 2. 2s ee vw ees Milada NetuSilov4é, Czechoslovakia......... Sekat Rabia, Morocco.. 2. 2 1 ee ee ee Doljin, Mongolian People’s Republic.... 1... Gloria de Castro, Colombia.. 2. 2 1 ee ee 6) Roza Deshpande, India... 1. 1. ee ee Helene Dazy, Teachers’ International........ Jan Fonze, Belgium. 1... 1. ee ee ee Ting Pippi, Textile TUL «4 @ & we ew «we we Reply to the Discussion by Louis Saillant ©... 1 ee DOCUMENTS ADOPTED Charter on the Economic and Social Rights of Working Women... Preliminary Memorandum to the Director General of the ILO 103 110 === [PDF page 6] === INTRODUCTION Axona THE PROFOUND REPERCUSSION WHICH THE 5TH World Trade Union Congress has had and still has throughout the world, one of the most important is undoubtedly the 2nd International Trade Union Conference on the Problems of Working Women which met in Bucharest from May 11 to 16, 1964. Ever since its foundation the WFTU has been paying full attention to the problems of working women, since the struggle against the monopolies’ offensive demands tremendous efforts from the trade unions if they are to muster and mobilise all the forces of the working class. No one can overlook or under-estimate the force which working women represent, for they constitute one third of all wage-earners in the world. MERITS OF THE I CONFERENCE (BUDAPEST 1956) The first Conference of this type, convened by the WFTU in Budapest eight years ago, has had the great merit of rousing many trade union organisations from their lethargy. Organisations, which while recognising the principle of equality among men and women, did not carry out a consistent activity in support of the specific demands of working women. One of the results of the first Conference was that it stimulated action in support of equal pay and influenced many countries to ratify ILO Convention No 100. The fight for equal pay is essential in doing away with prejudices on the inferiority of women which have been kept alive by the ruling classes for many centuries, === [PDF page 7] === The first Conference furthermore successfully and clearly stated the problems of a better conception and practice of trade union work among women with the aim of greatly improving their o-ganisation and reinforcing their class consciousness. NOTHING SUBSTANTIAL CAN BE ACHIEVED, WITHOUT WOMEN Rarely have we been able to observe such fighting spirit and vast participation of women and young girls in the actions of the working class of all countries as in recent years. This goes for actions for higher wages, for shorter hours of work, in defence of trade union rights and all other economic and social demands, the struggle for peace, for democracy and national indepence. Everywhere women, and more particularly working women, honourably took their place by the side of the men. This mass participation of working women reinforces the great trend towards unity which leads the working class towards progress, democracy and freedom. The WFTU maintains and has always maintained that the trade unions, as the broadest mass organisation in each country, must assume their responsibility in the protection of working women’s rights in order to encourage their even more extensive participation in the general struggle. THE DECISION OF THE 5TH WORLD TRADE UNION This explains why the 5th World Trade Union Congress (Moscow 1961) decided to convene the 2nd International Trade Union Conference on ~the Problems of Working Women. For more than two years the WFTU prepared the Conference taking account of the fact that the demands laid down in the Programme of Action which concern the working class as a whole are at the same time the demands advanced by working women. It is no coincidence that the first item on the agenda of the Conference was a report by the General Secretary of the WFTU: “On the participation of working women in the struggle of the trade unions for the application of the Programme of Action at the present stage and against the anti-social and discriminatory policy of the capitalist monopolies towards female labour.” Given the need to examine the problems of working women as a whole, the WFTU included in the second item on the agenda a report by Sister === [PDF page 8] === Evelia Galli Menendez from Cuba on “The role and contribution of working women in the colonial countries and in newly independent countries in the struggle of the trade unions for the complete eradication of colonialism and for the winning and extension of their rights.” The third item on the agenda was a report presented by Sister Setiati Surasto, (Indonesia), Secretary of the WFTU “for the extensive recruiting and organisation of working women in the trade unions, for the active participation in the life and leadership of the trade unions”. A FIRST REVIEW OF VICTORIES Already during the preparation of the 2nd Conference, mass actions were organised to unite and mobilise working women around their specific demands and to encourage them to take a more active part in the life and leadership of the trade unions. The trade unions jn a large number of countries endorsed and popularised the appeal of the WFTU. They supported the slogan which had been issued: “The preparations of the 2nd Conference — a new stage of the struggle in support of working women”. A characteristic feature of the preparatory activities was that they did not simply let the women get on with it all alone, but that the National Centres and the trade unions in general took charge of them. As a result vast campaigns took place during the past few years. Helped along by the working women and active women trade unionists, the trade unions formed national preparatory committees in many countries with a broad and united character. Many meetings and regional and national conferences were held: special publications, posters, bulletins and pamphlets were published and widely circulated. Economic struggles took on a more concrete form, they were better coordinated and guided. This applied particularly to Japan, Indonesia, Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, Argentina, Uruguay, France, Italy, Finland, Greece, Cyprus and Lebanon, to mention only a few of the countries where these actions took on considerable proportions. In addition, many trade union organisations sent detailed replies to the inquiry launched by the WF TU, offering the Secretariat extremely rich material on the actual conditions of working women in their countries. This helped a great deal in preparing the draft Charter of the economic and social rights of working women which was submitted to the 2nd Conference for approval. We must underline the interest and enthusiasm with which the trade unions and working women in the socialist countries prepared for the Conference as well as the interesting and varied events arranged throughout the preparatory period. === [PDF page 9] === A GATHERING OF WORKING WOMEN The 332 participants at the 2nd International Trade Union Conference on the Problems of Working Women, who came from Africa, Latin America, Europe, Asia, Canada, New Zealand and Australia, represented trade union organisations in 55 countries. The presence of active trade unionists sent by their trade unions, and of seven members of the Executive Committee of the WFTU, indicated that the defence of working women was not only a matter for women, but for the entire trade union movement. The week the Conference was in session under the chairmanship of Renato Bitossi, President of the WFTU, and the full discussion in which more than sixty speakers took part, made it possible to outline and throw light on the living and working conditions of women and on their demands and aspirations, which arise from the double role they are playing in society as workers and as mothers of families. THE CHARTER OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RIGHTS OF WORKING WOMEN The delegates who came to the rostrum regarded the Charter of economic and social rights submitted for their approval as an instrument of struggle and action, an effective means to promote broad activities and to achieve the common basic demands of women in all occupations, in town and country, including women engaged on outwork, taking account of the specific conditions in each country. The Charter, adopted by the overwhelming majority of the delegates, will henceforth be combined with the Programme of Action adopted by the 5th World Trade Union Congress and will assume an important place in our activities to advance with greater clarity towards the future we foresee for working women in general and for working mothers in particular. Trade unions in all countries — capitalist, newly developing and socialist — are all seeking ways and means to make sure that the social function of woman in modern society — motherhood and work — should be protected and backed by today’s legislation. In all countries general efforts are being made so that children in modern society should not be separated from their mothers working in industry. There can be no doubt that the trade unions will find an answer and a solution to this problem. === [PDF page 10] === On the platform (from the right to left) Renato Bitossi, President of the WFTU, ouis Saillant, General Secretary, M. Isaac, President of the Central Council of anian Trade Unions, Tatiana Nikolayeva, Secretary of the Central Council of Soviet Trade Unions and Viladina Restano Castro, Secretary of the Revolutionary Yorkers’ Centre of Cuba. === [PDF page 11] === a ie i's ie: ” a id ™ “ Bun mee s Pio Na a) 5 Hin wil a ees a oe ae > a [Unreadable] Delegates listen to Louis Saillant making the first report. === [PDF page 12] === PRELIMINARY MEMORANDUM TO THE DIRECTOR OF THE ILO The almost complete agreement of the Conference on the Memorandum shows how working women are aware of the need to take advantage of all means that exist on a national and international! scale to achieve better conditions. The link between action on an international and. mass scale for the adoption of new legislation, and new international instruments as powerful levers in the ggle against outdated conservatism, cannot but benefit working women. As an example, Convention 100 of the ILO, in the elaboration of which the WFTU took an active part, has stimulated the mass movement of working women, especially in Japan and Italy, for the application of the principle of equal pay for equal work. Knowledge of the existence of these international conventions make working women feel that thoy are not alone in their struggle against backward governments and employers. The wide popularisation of the memorandum will make it possible to organise joint internationel campaigns so that the action of the WFTU in Geneva should be known and supported by workixg women in all countries. The WFTU hopes that the ILO will adapt itscif to the changes which bring out the contemporary role of wage-carning women in all aspects of economic and social life. INTERNATIONAL CONSULTATIVE TRADE UNION COMMITTEE All the delegates endorsed the proposal of the WFTU to form an International Consultative Trade Union Comittee on the problems of working women which will have the task of continuing the work of the Conference, It will derive its terms of reference from the Conference itself. Its purpose will be to make a study of the conditions of working women, of the actions to be mounted, of better organisational methods and of more working women being elected to trade union office. In the composition of this Committee the principle of unity will be uppermost. All trade union organisations that wish to participate whether or not affiliated to the WFTU, will be able totake part. By joint efforts, the consultative coramittee will be an organiser of international unity of action among the workers to defend the economic and social rights of women, thereby promoting unity arnong the workers of the world, a unity which always was and will remain the guarantee of victory. === [PDF page 13] === It is this spirit of unity which inspired the recent decisions of the WFTU on the formation of a World Trade Union Committee for Consultation and Unity of Action against the Monopolies as well as the idea to convene an Afro-European Trade Union Conference. All these moves, all these actions are an inseparable part of the offensive launched by the WFTU on behalf of the international working class against the power of the monopolies, the enemy of all sections of workers— men, women and young people — whereever exploitation of man by man persists. The fine results of the 2nd International Trade Union Conference on the Problems of Working Women, the enthusiasm and the spirit of responsibility which inspired the delegates, the documents adopted by an overwhelming majority are significant steps on the road towards the emancipation of women, the improvement of their working and living conditions throughout the world and the starting point for an international campaign fora greater participation of working women in the struggles, the activities and leadership of the trade unions. The discussion moreover clearly demonstrated that the struggle which working women are waging for a better life, for peace and peaceful co-existence in no way clashes with the struggle for economic and social rights, against the discriminatory practices to which they are exposed under capitalism. On the contrary, the climate of peaceful co-existence creates better conditions for successful action of the international working class. Our readers will find on the following pages substantial passages from the three reports presented to the Conference, and excerpts from some of the most typical speeches of the delegates together with the full text of the two documents adopted by the Conference. 10 === [PDF page 14] === “The participation of working women in the struggle of the trade unions for the application of the Programme of Action at the present stage, adopted by the 5th World Trade Union Congress, and against the antisocial and discriminatory policy of the capitalist monopolies against working women.” Report presented by LOUIS SAILLANT General Secretary of the WFTU === [PDF page 15] === js W: HAVE MET HERE IN BUCHAREST, THE BEAUTIFUL apital of the Rumanian People’s Republic, in order to take part in the Second rnational Trade Union Conference devoted to the problems of working women, at a time that is favourable to the working masses on a world scale. The 27th Session of the Exetutive Committee of the WFTU, which took in Sofia in March, adopted a report containing its general line, which s characterised as follows:— International politics are developing in a positive way with a number of eis which are inter-dependent and take the following two lines: the first acterised by an easing of the international situation between states with erent social systems and the first elements and signs of organised peaceful 10-existence; to the second line corresponds an accentuation of the anti-impestruggle, which is marked on the one hand by attempts at imperialist aggression and on the other by a retreat of imperialist positions. When evaluating these two parallel lines in international politics and the ent international situation, we can cite a number of very concrete facts ving evidence of the relaxation of international tension and of the first ele- 's of peaceful co-existence, I will first of all underline several relevant tional events which took place during the past 16 months. During this period, the active struggle of the peoples for peace produced e easing of international tension. The main event was the signing of the Moscow Treaty for a partial ban on nuclear tests. This Treaty was a step ford in the struggle of the peoples for the complete general banning of nuclear s and a farther stage in their struggle for the suppression of nuclear weams, for general and complete disarmament and for the safeguarding of peace. 13 === [PDF page 16] === Another important international event was the Soviet Government’s New Year Message to the heads of states and governments, proposing the signing of an international agreement or treaty, in which the signatory powers would undertake not to resort to force for settling frontier and territorial problems, When we see the manoeuvres carried out in some parts of the world with the aim of adjusting frontiers by force, when we see — particularly in Europe — the revanchist politics of elements very active in the German Federal Republic, whose aim is to revise the Oder-Neisse frontier, who do not recognise the frontiers of the German Democratic Republic and who have again raised the question of the legal situation regarding the Sudeten territories, we realise that the Soviet proposal on the threshold of 1964 was a proposal for peace. The Soviet idea of concluding an agreement for the peaceful settlement of disputes was warmly welcomed everywhere. It would be a logical sequel to the Moscow Treaty on the prohibition of nuclear tests under water, in the atmosphere and in space and would pave the way for the elimination of force in one sphere of international relations. The signing of a treaty or agreement like the one proposed in the Soviet Government’s message would make it possible to proceed towards a solution of other key problems, and in particular towards general and concrete disarmament. Another highly significant fact is the recent agreement between the USSR und the USA on the reduction of the production of fissionable materials, which was also endorsed by the British Government. The recognition of the Chinese People’s Republic by the French Government in January 1964 goes beyond the bounds of simple diplomatic, economic, social and cultural relations between China and France. It is also a sign of relaxation, a political and a diplomatic success for the Chinese people. This success is to @ large extent a victory for the workers and peoples of France who, in of the face the government’s negative attitude for fifteen years, carried on their struggle for the recognition of the Chinese People’s Republic, The new feature of these diplomatic relations is that access of the Chinese People’s Republic to its rightful place in the U.N. and in the ILO as the only representative of China is becoming more and more possible. This success ought to strengthen the forces of peace throughout the world and contribute to large-scale comprehensive negotiations on general and complete disarmament. It is a warning to the politicians of the USA that they also should wake up to the changes which are taking place in international relations and take part in the development of peaceful coexistence between countries with different social systems. “It is essential”, declares the Programme of Action of the 5th Congress, “to mobilise all forces of the workers and trade unions in the struggle to ensure that the principles of peaceful co-existence between states with different economic and social systems shall triumph. Peaceful co-existence means 14 === [PDF page 17] === the elimination of war as a means of settling international disputes. It means the relaxation of international tension and the development of peaceful competition. It creates for the working class the most favourable conditions for improving international trade union relations and developing unity among the workers. The struggle for peaceful co-existence creates new possibilities for a great upsurge in the class struggle in capitalist countries and in the national liberation movement. Successes won in these struggles in turn contribute to the achievement of peaceful co-existence.” It would not be right for the WF TU simply to note trends in the relaxation of international tension and to close its eyes to certain imperialist activities behind which we almost always find American imperialism. Bearing these facts in mind we can examine the character of events, which help us to define the second trend in the international situation. There are many of these events; we shall mention a few in particular which demonstrate that aecentuation of the anti-imperialist struggle is marked by attempts at aggression on the part of the imperialists, but also by a retreat of the imperialists from their positions. The tendencies of the American imperialists and the West German militarists to advocate the setting up of multilateral nuclear forces of NATO, are a plain demonstration of their wish to spread nuclear armaments and to speed up the arms drive. The result is that atomic weapons are placed within reach of West Germany and that the danger of a nuclear war in Europe and in the world is growing. The maintenance of peace entails an energetic struggle against the attacks made by imperialists and: colonialists on the sacred right of the people to decide their own future. Monopoly and militarist circles in the United States deny the Cuban people this right and have recently been attempting, once again, to aggravate tension in the Carribbean. This policy of blockade and aggression against Cuba is diametrically opposed to the policy of peaceful co-existence between states with different systems and is a great danger to peace. The Cuban people are overcoming these difficulties by their self-sacrifice, initiative and hard work, and through the economic help of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries. The increasing solidarity of the workers and trade unions all over the world towards Cuba — on which I shall have more to say later — is doing much to defeat the aggressive policy of the United States. The will of the people of Panama to win respect for their independence is stronger than ever. They have declared their unwavering determination not to relax until the United States have consented to negotiate a new treaty guaranteeing sovereign rights to Panama in the Canal Zone. This imperialist policy is pursued throughout the continent by the Alliance for Progress and by attempts to set up oppressive regimes run directly by 15 === [PDF page 18] === Washington. However, the peoples of Latin America are crushing these intrigues by a struggle that takes on forms suited to each given situation. This struggle involves ever larger masses of people who are showing increasing enthusiasm. Under their pressure, the political system which American imperialism introduced to assure its domination of the continent is in a state of disintegration. In South Vietnam the American imperialists are waging an “undeclared” war of aggression which spreads every day. They commit inhuman acts against the population. The war rages throughout the whole of South Vietnam, The Executive Comittee of the World Federation of Trade Unions has called on all trade union organisations to turn July 20 — the Tenth Anniversary of the Geneva Agreements — into a great day of solidarity with the people in South Vietnam and against the undeclared aggression unleashed by the American militarists against its heroic people. In South-East Asia the imperialists try to maintain and to perpetuate colonialism. The so-called Federation of Malaysia represents 2 new form of colonialism which is being opposed strongly by progressive people in the world. In Asia and Africa the US. imperialists are accelerating the armament of their puppets. In Laos they continually help their right-wing groups by sending them modern weapons and technical personnel. They seek to intimidate Indonesia and other South-East Asian countries by sending the 7th American Fleet to the Indian Ocean. PIVOT OF WORLD CLASS STRUGGLE The present period is characterised by the growing influence of the peace policy of the world socialist camp, supported by the irreversible movement of the peoples for national liberation, against imperialism, against colonialism and neo-colonialism as well as by the great mass demonstrations of the working class and progressive forces in the main capitalist countries. It must be pointed out that all the great positive changes that have taken place in the world since the Second World War are linked with the appearance and consolidation of the socialist system. The struggle between world socialism and imperialism is the major feature of our time, the pivot of the class struggle on a world-wide scale. It is in this characteristic period that this Second Conference of ours on the problems of working women is taking place. 16 === [PDF page 19] === By this Conference and during the Conference proceedings we want to emphasise once again that the examination of the various aspects of the problems connected with working women is not an objective restricted exclusively to women workers, but that it concerns the entire working class and its trade union organisations. If we take into account the fact that women represent more than 40 per cent of the members of the World Federation of Trade Unions, we realise that no international and national trade union leadership can disregard their conditions. At their place of work, on a local, regional and national scale, working women are faced with problems of such importance that the trade union movement must find ways and means of settling them. Our Conference is therefore not a Conference of working women, but a Conference devoted to the problems of working women, tackling a subject which is of interest not only to women but also to the trade union organisation as such. Its conception is absolutely just, since the problems of working women. cannot be divorced from those of the entire working class. From this point of view it attains a higher level than all preceding conferences which aimed at defending the rights of working women. The irreversible and continuous growth in the number of women working in production has proved that the struggle of the working class is not diminishing, but on the contrary, increasing, especially in the form that opposes the class of the exploited, both men and women, to the class of exploiters, men and women. Although the working class and the trade unions have scored successes as a result of their struggles, it is nonetheless true that within the capitalist world working women are still subjected to multiple and intolerable discrimination, As the broadest mass organisations the trade unions should assume the responsibility of defending the rights of working women. All through its existence, the World Federation of Trade Unions has acted in support of working women. It would be useful to mention one of the actions undertaken by the World Federation of Trade Unions which aroused wide international response and which is still yielding fruit. I am referring to the First World Conference of Working Women, organised by the World Federation of Trade Unions in Budapest in 1956, This Conference greatly encouraged the joint struggle of women and trade union organisations, opening up the way to new moves in the world, THE TASK BEFORE US i The consolidation and development of the results obtained after the First Conference represent one of the objectives of this second international gatheting. This is all the more necessary if we take into account the present political, 17 === [PDF page 20] === economic and social situation, the monopoly offensive against the standard of living of the working masses as well as the specific problems facing working women as a4 result of this state of affairs. Coming from all the corners of the globe, representing working women and trade unions of various affiliations, coming from the socialist countries and the capitalist ones, from the newly liberated countries and from those still under the colonial yoke, your presence at this important Conference is evidence of the confidence and sympathy enjoyed throughout the world by our great World Federation of Trade Unions. It also expresses the profound wish of working women throughout the world to make their contribution to the great struggle of the international working class against the offensive of the monopolies, for better working and living conditions, for peace and national independence. The Conference should be a broad, fraternal discussion and an exchange of experience on all problems interesting working women; it should reach joint conclusions, We should now like to state the reason why the Executive Committee of the World Federation of Trade Unions proposed such a debate on the participation of working women in the struggle of the trade unions for the application of the Programme of Trade Union Action adopted by the Fifth Trade Union Congress and against the anti-social discriminatory policy of capitalist monopolies against working women. Adopted by trade union delegates from 97 countries, representing 143 million affiliated members, the Programme of Action has, since the Moscow Congress, become a powerful weapon and a valuable help, enabling the World Federation of Trade Unions to live up to the great responsibilities incumbent upon it at the present time. In adopting this Programme of Action the Congress outlined the aims and tasks of the WFTU and the trade union movement as a whole at the present stage of the struggle. The Programme covers the problems and objectives which are common to workers throughout the world and which bring them together and unite them in the great struggle of the international working class, All the demands expressed in the Programme of Action concern the working class as a whole. They are therefore the demands of working women, too. Working women want better living and working conditions, they want social progress, freedom and democracy. Working women ardently want do defend peace, to create a climate of peaceful co-existence in the world, to achieve general and complete disarmament, to put 2 complete stop to all nuclear tests and to bring about the settlement of all controversial issues by means of negotiation. They consider that the huge sums of money amounting at present to over 18 === [PDF page 21] === 120 thousand million dollars per year, wasted on the arms drive, could be used for the liquidation of famine, poverty and disease. Working women desire the economic and political independence of their own countries as well as the complete liquidation of colonialism. Together with the men, they want, and are fighting for, higher wages, shorter hours of work without loss of pay, the introduction of a true system of social security, trade union rights and democratic liberties. Indeed, working women generally have the same interests as their fellow workers, their aspirations are identical with those of the entire working class. We must take into account, however, that in addition to the demands which are common to all the categories of the working class, they have special demands arising on the one hand from their status as workers and mothers, and on the other hand from the conditions imposed by the employers and governments of the capitalist countries. The rapid, firm and general integration of women within the capitalist production process proves that not only has the problem of women remained unsolved, but that their position has grown even worse. At the beginning of the century the right to work for women was demanded in all countries of the world, both in the developed and in the less developed ones. Today, thanks to the consistent action of the working class, women. have obtained the right to work in many countries, and the female labour force is growing steadily. This process develops unevenly in the yarious branches of economy. While the number of women in industry is going up, in the non-produetive sector the increase is much more striking. When evaluating this great labour force represented by women, we must, however, take into account that in many countries and especially in the newly developing countries, the problem of the right to work remains a demand of paramount importance for women. Nevertheless, irrespective of the country or of its level of historical development, the problem of the right to work should not simply be considered astatement of principle, but in the light of its application. This fundamental right of every human being in any given society is the inevitable source of other problems closely connected with the conditions of life and work. As regards women it especially refers to the problems making up the very content of a general struggle for equality in getting jobs and earning wages as well as to tho problem of specific rights in complex fields such as technical training, length of the working day, social security, mother and child protection, trade union rights, the promotion of women. The principles expressed in the draft Charter of the Economic and Social Rights of Working Women — a document worked out by the World Federation of Trade Unions and largely circulated throughout the world during the preparation of our Conference — refer to these very problems. 19 === [PDF page 22] === We circulate this draft long before the opening of the Conference because we wanted this document to be the central element of the discussion and debate before and during the Conference. Hundreds of thousands of copies were reproduced on the five continents and thus the draft Charter of the Economic and Social Rights of Working Women was circulated among all working women and trade union leaders, Now we are awaiting the outcome of the broad and democratic consultation that will take part at this Conference. Our Conference is a trade union Conference. We do not ignore the great problems of international policy, but we have our trade union tasks which can only be discussed by ourselves, In this respect, our specific task during this Conference is to study, examine and improve the draft Charter, the economic and social problems of working women included in the Charter. The Charter, once we have its final version, will be the major document of the Conference. We must prepare it with minute attention, remembering that this Charter will for a long time be the best means of action and especially an excellent programme of social achievements. The Charter we are proposing is a step to unity, since it can be approved by organisations regardless of their affiliations or by independent unions, We are convinced that it will help, to keep up a permament discussion between all trade unions. Like the rest of the working class, working women are subjected to the employers’ exploitation. In their everyday life, they feel more strongly than the other category of the working class the consequences of the arms drive, of the policy of stagnation and economic and social repression that is characteristic of the capitalist countries where the monopolies and the government subservient to them reign supreme. This policy of the monopolies, worsened by the large-scale promotion of discrimination has serious consequences for the conditions imposed on working women. I. USE OF FEMALE LABOUR Demographic, economic and social statistics concerning the working population all over the world reveal that the number of working women has increased substantially during this century. It is estimated that at present about one third of the labour force in the world is represented by women. Owing to the great diversity in the historical, political, economic and social development, the participation of women in economic life varies considerably according to regions and particularly to countries. In France, there are more than 6 million working women, among whom 4 million — one third of the working class — are wage-earners. In Italy, according to data of the Central Statistical Institute, the number of 20 === [PDF page 23] === women wage-carners increased by more than | million between 1955 and 1961, At present, there are 7 million women working in production, that is nearly 30 per cent of the working population. In Finland, working women at present account for 40.7 per cent of the working population, In Belgium and in Great Britain, working women account for one third of the working people. In the USA, the last census dating back to 1960 revealed more than 23 million working women, that is 33 per cent of the total civilian labour force. Since 1900, the number of working women has increased 4 times. In Argentina, official statistics show that the percentage of women workers increased from 19 to 23 between 1947 and 1962. in Chile, working women account for 30 per cent of the working population, in Colombia for 18.7 per cent and in Brazil for 14 per cent. In India, working women account for 30 per cent of the labour force, the same as in Japan where their number representing one third of the total labour force has increased annually by 400,000 to 500,000 during the last few years. In Africa, women are generally dependent on their family, their husband, but their position is improving in spite of very rigid customs in this respect. The fact that a large number of countries have recently won independence and that the principles of equality between men and women are given greater authority when laid down in the Constitution, has acted as an incentive in attracting African women into production. Industry, which is only just beginning to develop, opens wide prospects to women wage-earners, but their number compared to the total labour force is still low. In Egypt, the number of working women varies between 3.4 and 12 per cent according to the region. In Mozambique and in the Sudan, the proportion of active women is also small, in Kenya it represents 14 per cent, in Mauritius and Lebanon 20 per cent, in Nyasaland and Uganda 3 per cent, in Northern Rhodesia and in Lybia 2per cent. In Zanzibar, it is something less than 15 per cent. While in the newly developing countries where the proportion of working women, although small, is nevertheless increasing, in the capitalist countries working women represent a considerable force which cannot be overlooked by the capitalists. We must stress that it is agriculture which still represents the most important source of employment for working women all over the world. The impetuous development of capitalism in the countryside. with all its implications in the ceonomic and technical fields, leads to the disappearance of small farms, the increase of big landed estates and a constant growth in the number of women agricultural workers, Itis particularly in the developing countries that, in spite of efforts made for industrialisation, the number of working women in agriculture is the highest. 21 === [PDF page 24] === In many countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, farm work is extremely hard and exhausting. Farming operations are mostly manual, with the use of primitive implements, and women have to carry heavy burdens. Conditions of hygiene, food, housing and climate render the life of women workers in agriculture extremely hard. Thus, in countries where there are big plantations of sugar cane, coffee, cotton and cocoa, and where millions of agricultural workers both men and women are employed, women often still live in conditions of semi-slavery or slavery. Although the number of women working in industry and agriculture is steadily increasing, there is still much to be done in order to ensure the right to work to all women who want to work. Chronic unemployment in the capitalist world weighs heavily upon the employment of women workers. On the other hand, the employers often refuse to employ women 50 as to avoid paying various forms of social insurance due to them as women. Such is the case, for instance, in the Philippines, where a recent survey made by the ILO revealed that the employers were reluctant to employ women because the law provides working conditions for them from which the men on the same job do not benefit; thus the female labour force is more expensive than male labour. It is true that in many countries the old laws and discriminatory practices as regards the employment of married women have been abolished. Nevertheless, the situation cannot be considered satisfactory. The most frequent form of discrimination against married women is, on the one hand, the refusal to employ them; on the other hand, dismissal of the woman who gets married. Thus, in Australia and Greece, advertisements offering jobs often point out that married women are not eligible. In Japan, newly married women are as a rule not employed and the woman worker who gets married is subjected by her employers to treatment which compels her to give up the job. In Holland, various private enterprises continue to dismiss women as soon as they get married. In Colombia, dismissal of women who get married seems to be a general practice. These discriminatory measures are generally applied as regards air stewardesses. In many countries such measures are also applied to hospital nurses or teachers, sometimes also in banks and insurance companies. .,Another form of discrimination concerning employment is the one used when women are dismissed for other reasons than marriage. Collective agreements often provide for dismissal on the basis of the family status. For example, among the first to be dismissed are women whose husbands are working. Such methods are used in France, Italy, Japan, Malaya, Holland, Great Britain, Venezuela and other countries. In Italy, the action of working women and of the trade unions forced the 22 === [PDF page 25] === government to take measures to wrest from the hands of the employers this shameful weapon directed against the stability and dignity of women’s work. In many capitalist countries the employment of women on part-time work is used to an increasing extent. In many of these countries such as France, Holland, Great Britain, Italy, where a great number of women want to work in order to increase their family income to the essential minimum — a necessity that has become pressing as aresult of the rising cost of living in the Jast few years — women, especially mothers come up against the lack of adequate social institutions, ereches and nurseries for their children. That is why they have to accept part-time work. However, partime work means for them the same time spent on the journey to and from work, the samo transport expenses, the same outlay for food, clothes and almost the same effort as if they were working full time. But what is even worse for the woman who is doing part-time work is that the job she is doing is considered by the employer auxiliary work. Women on part-time jobs have low wages, carry out monotonous unskilled work, since the more qualified and better paid jobs require permanent activity and presence. For women the prospects of promotion are very poor and so ave their opportunities for further training; consequently they often have difficulties in obtaining an increase in wages based on length of service. Part-time jobs enable the employers temporarily to avoid satisfying the claims of working women for the introduction of a sufficient number of social institutions where their childron should be cared for at low cost while the mothers are working, as well as other services which make the hard job of a housewife easier. Part-time jobs also give the employers the possibility to put a brake on actions for shorter working hours. Women mean a reserve labour force which can be dismissed easily as technical progress such as automation enables the same amount of work to be done with less personnel; they are a means of exerting pressure on wages as a whole. Il. EQUAL PAY FOR EQUAL WORK The discrimination practised by the monopolies and the employers in the utilisation of manpower inevitably brings about striking discriminatory practises in other fields as well and especially concerning payment of women’s work. The claim ‘Equal pay for equal work”’, irrespective of sex, age or race, remains @ fundamental demand of working women, Recognition of this principle is the result of innumerable struggles waged by the working class and its trade union organisations. Since its formation the WFTU has carried on a ceaseles struggle for equal rights for working women and, immediately after the Second World War, suggest ¢ that the question of equal pay for equal work should be put on the 23 === [PDF page 26] === agenda of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. Consequently, the ILO was induced to adopt Convention No. 100 which sanctions the principle “equal pay for equal work”’. This is a great success, but there is still much to be done. Thus it is particularly significant that, out of the 104 states only 38 have so far ratified the Convention and that governments such as those of the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Holland, Switzerland, Spain and Portugal have so far refused to do this. Nonetheless it is significant that the governments which ratified the Convention do not take adequate measures to enforce equal pay. 6 During the preparatory work for the Conference it was made clear that the inequality of wages was a reality in all capitalist countries, both in highly industrialised and in newly developing ones. Undoubtedly, there are differences from one country or another. The first international consultative trade union conference on the economic and social consequences of the European Economic Community and the policy pursued by the monopolies, held in Leipzig, noted two years ago that the differences between the wages of men and women continue to be an important feature of the wages situation in the six countries of the EEC. In spite of the assurances given in the Rome Treaty, these differences have not been eliminated. In the German Federal Republic, the wages of women are on the average 37 per cent lower than those of men. In France, although the law guarantees equal pay, the average difference between the hourly wages of men and women with the same qualification went. up from 6.8 per cent in 1956 to 9.5 per cent today. 'In Italy, out of 63 agreements concluded with the employers in 1962, 24 provided for absolute equality, the others allowing for differences in wages of men and women — between 2 and 4 per cent in credit institutions, 5 per cent in trade, 7.2—10 per cent in industry. In Holland, married women are compelled to pay a special tax of 25 per cent of their wages, which creates a difference between the wages of men and women. In Belgium, in all industries employing a great number of women, the difference amounts to at least 20—25 per cent. In other capitalist countries, such as Canada, Austria, Finland, Japan, the difference is very big. In the countries of Latin America, Asia and Africa, discrimination in wages is an indisputable reality. In certain countries it is aggravated by racial discrimination. Such is the case in Angola, South Africa and Mozambique. An analysis of statistics for various countries shows that in addition to the above-mentioned differences in applying the principle ‘‘equal pay for equal work’’, the average wage for women records a much more substantial difference. These differences reflect not only discrimination in the wage-rate for equal 24 === [PDF page 27] === work, but also the fact that women often do less qualified work as a result of the difficulties they encounter in acquiring trade skills, or in their promotion to more responsible jobs in their places of work. In connection with discrimination in wages we must stress that in some capitalist countries the wages of young girls are lower than those of adult women who do the same job, although the latters’ wages are already lower than those of men, These differences on grounds of age are sometimes very big, as in the case for instance in France, where they reach 20 to 40 per cent. The successes which have been won in reducing the differences between the wages of men and women are due to the action of the working class which does not rely on the good-will of the big monopolies but seeks to win its most elementary rights by tireless struggle. We can speak of a long struggle in the developed countries, where the degree of organisation of the working class and the growth of the class consciousness of working women have brought about perceptible improvements. By stressing this situation, we can easily realise the big difficulties encountered by working women in the countries which have now set out on the path of development, where the trade unions are reatively young and where colonial and imperialist rule has left deep traces in all fields of economic and social life. The problems of working women in these countries, despite the general features typical of all capitalist countries, show some peculiarities which the trade unions must respect in their actions. But whatever the country, developed or less developed, working women — like all working people —- claim higher wages and at the same time the recognition and full application of the principle ‘‘equal pay for equal work.”’ In contrast to this situation, in the socialist countriescquality of wages— like equality in all other spheres — is a great victory for the working women. This principle is laid down in the Constitutions of their countries and in addition is guaranteed in various collective agreements. Men and women are employed with full equality. There is no difference in wages on grounds of sex. Payment of work is established on the basis of skill and results, both from the point of view of equality and quantity. Moreover, this right is guaranteed in practice by the socialist organisation of the national economy, by the steady increase in the productive capacity, by the elimination of the causes of economic crises and of unemployment. An analysis of the problems of women’s wages in the capitalist countries will bring out certain common demands, around which broad unity can be achieved in anti-monopoly action, both on the national and the international scale, These claims have been included in the draft Charter. === [PDF page 28] === Ill. VOCATIONAL TRAINING The lack of facilities or the existence of limited opportunities for the vocational training of women are a serious obstacle to the full recognition of the work of women. The problem of vocational training is all the more important since it is essential if women are to be able to acquire general knowledge and technical experience in order to choose the job that suits them best. At the same time, vocational training enables them to claim the correct remumeration for their work.. Vocational training should of course follow on an adequate general education. This implies the total abolition of illiteracy which still exists in numerous countries, and calls for equal opportunities in education for young people of both sexes. Examples from certain countries clearly illustrate the low level of vocational training for women and the discrimination to which they are exposed, In France, according to data collected by the General Confederation of Labour, in answer to the inquiry organised by the WF TU, there are at present no more than 850 apprentice centres and technical schools. This number, which is obviously insufficient, is even more inadequate for young girls. Out of 1,184,000 young girls between the age of 14 and 17.9 per cent are students, 17 per cent learn a trade and 74 per cent enter life without knowing any trade. Technical training of adult women is practically non-existent. In 1958, less than 300 women were trained as against nearly 47,500 men. In Chile, the access of women to secondary, technical and higher learning is limited by very high fees. According to data furnished by the Teachers’ Union of Chile, only one per cent elementary school pupils reach university; this gives an idea of the limited opportunities open to women. In the newly liberated countries of Africa, the possibilities of young girls to train for a trade are extremely limited. On the one hand, there are the old customs and conceptions which still prevent women from taking up jobs; on the other hand the remnants of colonialism, the seizure of the countries’ riches by the monopolies place many obstacles in the way of the right to work and accordingly the right to vocational training. In the Republic of the Congo, since independence. women are allowed to attend the same schools as men; being however of recent date, this measure will not yield fruit until after a number of years; at present, the exploitation of the Congolese woman is facilitated by her lack of qualification. This means the employers can dismiss her any moment after giving notice. In Guinea, there are still few qualified women workers, but by opening the Training Centre for Women, the Guinean Trade Unions hope to reduce the number of unskilled women. In the socialist countries the concern for training and qualifying women is becoming increasingly important, in view of the mechanisation and automa- 26 === [PDF page 29] === tion of industry and the mechanisation of agriculture, as well as the rapid increase in the number of working women, Socialism creates all the necessary conditions to help women to raise their trade qualifications. Their access to secondary, technica! and higher schools is based on the principle of full equality; a vast educational network for adults offers them every opportunity to round off their general and trade knowledge, and enables them to train for a trade just like men, The liquidation of discrimination in the sphere of technical training as well as the access of women to higher education becomes particularly important because this creates the conditions for equal pay, promotion and so on. IV. REDUCTION OF WORKING HOURS At prosent the demand to cut working hours without loss of pay for men and women is of paramount importance. It is among the main objectives of tho struggle waged by the working class. Let us briefly examine the consequences of the introduction of new techniques, automation and mechanisation on the use of a female labour force, in connection with the need to cut working hours. The offensive of rationalisation carried on by the monopolies has advanced considerably of late, at the expense of the workers in general and working women in particular, The answers to our enquiry are unanimous in considering working women to be the first victims of technical progress in the capitalist system. In Finland, new techniques and the mechanisation of various operations have excluded elderly women from the industrial labour force. Their reintegration in production is difficult since the employers are steadily seeking to rejuvenate the labour force. A 40-year old woman already finds it hard to get anew job, especially if she has no trade cpualification. The regulations of several enterprises even state that priority is given to women under 30 and men under 36, In Colombia, the introduction of new techniques has led to a considerable drop in the wages of working women at the enterprise “Le Garantia, A. Dishington”, to a premature aging of the personnel, work accidents, diseases such as tuberculosis, and exploitation. There are three to four new cases of tuberculosis every six months. Ta Japan, as @ result of the use of automatic equipment, women operators suffer from new occupational diseases. They are sometimes compelled to work ina noise exceeding 80 phen and to repeat the same operation 30,000-—40,000 times a day, Consequently they complain of extreme mental and |physical strain, stiff shoulderz, decrease in their mental apprehension capacities, bad eyesight, and neurosis. === [PDF page 30] === These few examples point to the consequences of technical progress on the use of a female labour force as well as on their health, not only in the abovementioned countries but also in many others. Another aspect must be stressed too. If, for a great number of jobs, the absolute and proportional percentage of women as against that of men is falling as a result of the introduction of new techniques, there is a reverse process in other trades. For instance, the development of automation in the leather, footwear, rubber and other industries has led to the replacement of men by women. In printing a rapid process started a few years ago, namely that of introducing keys and high-speed machinery. When such devices were introduced in certain countries, skilled printers and linotype-operators began to be dismissed and the keyboards were entrusted to women who had not been trained for the trade, but were sufficiently skilled typists. The demand for shorter working hours, which is common to both men and women, acquires special significance in the case of working women who, in addition to their job, have many obligations at home. Consequently we consider that the demand for shorter working hours for women should be summarised as follows: — special adjustment of working hours without any loss of pay in order to enable women to fulfil their tasks as workers and mothers; — right to annual paid leave of a minimum guaranteed length, and — right to paid breaks during the day for nursing mothers. These claims are set out in chapter IV of the Draft Charter. V. THE RIGHTS OF WORKING WOMEN IN THE FIELD OF SOCIAL SECURITY The growing participation of women in all fields and at different levels of production raises specific problems that do not arise from the participation of men. This is especially true of women who have family responsibilities. According to the ILO, in industrially developed countries the number of married women who take jobs represents some 30 to 40 per cent of the number of working women. In the newly developing countries their number is steadily growing. This situation raises social and moral problems, besides economic and juridical ones. In view of the necessity of protecting working women during pregnancy and as mothers and of helping them to carry out their multiple tasks, the social security systems take on particular importance. Discrimination affecting other aspects of the employment of women, especially wages, is very strong in the social security schemes of various capitalist countries. 28 === [PDF page 31] === Allocations in case of illness, accidents or occupational disease are lower than those granted to men, since they are established on the basis of wages. In the case pregnant women or young mothers, who need special care and have to face additional expenditure, discrimination concerning wages effects the maternity allocations. Pensions are very low on the whole, both for ren and women, but even if she has the same length of service and has paid the same contributions to the social insurance, the working woman’s pension is less than that of the man. The question of retirement age arouses discussion even among trade union workers. Life has proved that owing to the social role of women, they should retire earlier than men. Can this be discrimination against men, as some allege? For us this question has always been clear. One cannot confuse equal rights with equality concerning physical conditions. The worth of an individual, his share in creating the wealth of each country is one thing, while nature or physical weakness is quite another, We have always maintained, and we believe that all of you will agree, that the trade union movement and working women should claim an age limit, especially for the pensioning of working women, that would at the same time guarantee them a decent life. The problems linked with maternity must also be given our full attention. Despite the long-lasting struggle of the working class which has enabled the promulgation of laws on the protection of maternity, in many capitalist countries mother-and-child care is far from meeting the requirements. The state and employers must be made to set up and extend social institutions, nurseries, kindergartens as well as to organise household services so that women should be able to carry out their tasks in production and ensure continuity of their work and simultaneously enable them to fulfil their tasks at home, What hinders a woman from fully and freely participating in the economie life of her country is the lack of institutions where her child can be taken care Speaking about the social security system, we should stress the great difficulties encountered by working women in agriculture. In many countries especially in those where there are big plantations, they are deprived of all protection, of all rights. The high mortality rate among mothers and children is due to the lack of food, rampant disease and total lack of hygiene. Infant mortality in South Afriea, where the shameful apartheid policy is being practised and where the coloured population are treated as slaves, reaches a percentage of 200 to 300 per thousand. In San Salvador, a child dies every 32 minutes due to poverty and starvation. How can one qualify the fact that in our time, an epoch of great discove- 29 === [PDF page 32] === ries, there are still countries where the excessive exploitation of children takes on a dramatic aspect? On the other hand, in some recently liberated countries, the social security systerns that were almost non-existent under colonialism are being developed in step with the economic expansion of these countries. This is the case with Guinea, Mali and Ghana. Progress is being made to this end in other countries under the pressure of working class struggle. Following the confrontation of different social security systems that exist nowadays in the world, it seems to us that the claims we have set forth in our Draft Charter, chapters V and VI, fully correspond to the aspirations of working women throughout the world. VI. WORKING WOMEN IN THE SOCIALIST COUNTRIES Speaking about the building of a new society in the socialist countries, the Programme of Action declares: — ‘ “Free workers, masters of their destinies and builders of their happiness, are erecting, over immense areas comprising more than a quarter of the earth’s surface, the magnificent edifice of the most just social regime in the world. The world socialist system has shown the world the enormous possibilities that socialism offers to all working people. It is showing in a convincing way that millions of men can at last live free and happy without capitalists, big landowners and bankers. In the whole socialist system the exploitation of man by man has been, or is being, abolished for ever. “The triumphant fulfilment of the policy of socialist industrialisation has led to the harmonious development of the economy of the socialist countries and a better life for the working people.” For the first time in the history of the world, woman has, in these countries, become a free human being enjoying equal rights, offered boundless prospects of progress and able to make a contribution to the development and prosperity of the respective countries. The tremendous headway made by the mechanisation and automation of production, freeing man from physical strain, has done much towards extending the employment of women. The economic and social rights of working women as set out in the draft Charter, are already part of the gains of women workers in the socialist countries. Since the Constitutions of these countries recognise the equality of women in all spheres of life, they play a more and more important part in economic, social and political activities. The historic changes that are taking place and the 30 === [PDF page 33] === impulse given to the development of socialist society have done away with everything that restricted the part played by women. In all these countries it is no longer necessary to struggle for legal recognition of equal rights for all citizens: this equality has already been achieved. Women enjoy the same right to work as men, that is to say work guaranteed and paid according to quantity and quality, the right to holidays, to old-age pensions, paid maternity leave, sickness and disability benefits, to education, to mother-and-child welfare and to the assistance granted to mothers with big families or to single mothers. Like men, women have every opportunity to continue their studies, to improve their skill, to acquire specialised training and to work in all fields of the national economy. In the Soviet Union for example, more than six million women with @ university or secondary education, i. e. 59 per cent of all specialists, were employed in the national economy in 1963. Women represent 37 per cent of all sientific workers. Some 800 women are academicians and corresponding members of the Academy of Sciences and doctors of various universities. In Hungary, 12 per cent of all engineers and technicians and 28 per cont of all students are women. In the German Democratic Republic, 3,524,000 women, i. e. 46 per cent of the total number of workers, are employed in the different branches of the national economy. In 1963, some 30,000 women, that is to say almost 26 per cent ofall the students, studied at high schools and colleges. More than 26 per cent of the students at technical and trade schools are women. Ih Czechoslovakia, almost 42 per cent of all the workers are women, In the Rumanian People’s Republic the number of women in industry and agriculture is eight times higher today than it was in 1930. More than 253,000 women are workers, engineers, technicians and specialists and roughly 163,000 work in education, culture and art. This year, 37 per cent of all the students at the universities are women. Working women are entitled to and hold any post in the State administration and in the public services. In the USSR, 390 women are elected deputies of the Supreme Soviet, some 8,000 are members of the Supreme Soviets of the various Socialist Republics and of the autonomous Republics. Some 700,000 women have been elected deputies to local municipal councils. In the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea more than 25,000 women are deputies in the various assemblies, ranging from the Supreme People’s Assembly down to the local bodies. Th Czechoslovakia, out of the 202,400 deputies in the National Committees at all levels, 44,200 are women. By their devoted work, women workers in the socialist countries help to build a new life. 31 === [PDF page 34] === There are many women whose attitude towards work can serve as an example. The great achievement of Valentina Tereshkova-Nikolayevna, the first space woman, is symbolic of the full participation of Soviet women in the economic, social and cultural life of a socialist society. The example of this young textile worker is the symbol and testimony of woman’s equality with man, of the concern for the growing role of woman in a society without capitalist exploitation. Today, in the socialist countries women enjoy equal conditions with men at different levels, according to the specific development of each state. This enables them to make their contribution to the collective effort without, however, neglecting their duties as mothers. They have at their disposal a vast network of maternity homes, creches and kindergartens. The trade unions in these countries carry on tremendous activity and see that the equal rights guaranteed by law are fully observed. Of course, they no longer have to take steps against discriminatory practices against working women, Rights exist, but the centuries-old obstacles of the former society are still present in certain cases, and the trade unions are striving to overcome them and to apply the laws that sanction the principles of equality. To this end they have officient and powerful means to enable working women to enjoy their gains and to take their unrestricted share in the political, economic and social life of their countries. Women know that the consolidation of the historic achievements of their peoples depends on the maintenance of peace. Therefore, they are enthusiastic fighters in the defence of world peace. The achievements of working women in the socialist countries are a source of inspiration for working women in the capitalist, recently-liberated, dependent and colonial countries and in their struggle for the conquest and defence of their legitimate rights. The struggle of working women and their trade unions in these countries is a fundamental contribution to the peaceful activity of the working people in tho socialist countries. VIL THE PARTICIPATION OF WORKING WOMEN IN THE STRUGGLES OF THE WORKING CLASS The picture we have just outlined of the position of working women in the capitalist and in the socialist countries reveals the striking contrast between their living and working conditions, One factor is common to all working women under the capitalist regime, even though at different levels, in keeping with the economic development and the existing balance of forces: excessive exploitation. 32 === [PDF page 35] === Wemonstration for ace and disarmaent organised by jous trade unions d ther organi- ITALY When the new agreements were due to be signed the trade uniis cammanding al pay, especially for women employed the land. Our pho- 0 shows one of the any demonstrations of these land worke: === [PDF page 36] === USA Women fight alongside their husbands, brothers and fathers to end discrimination. This demonstration was held recently outside the General Motors offices in Detroit to demand equal working conditions for all workers regardless of the colour of their skin. GERMAN FEDERAL REPUBLIC Some 330 women from the Mathes Fischer factory in Dusseldorf struck against increased exploitation which meant their wages went down by 50 to 60 DM a month. === [PDF page 37] === YPRUS p Oyprus women displaying fine in the for the right to selfination and iti. lanners carried in demonstration de and that the U. N. da shall not om British oops Lyon hospital orkers are monstrating jor ter_conditions. === [PDF page 38] === FRANCE — A delegation of Paris Municipal workers went to the Ministry of the Int p present their demands. GREAT BRITAIN — ‘Women demand peace among nations!”, ‘Stop atomic tests”, were the main slogans at a large women’s peace meeting in London. Here are @ group of demonstrators outside the Houses of Parliament. === [PDF page 39] === GHANA — Working women marched alongside their menfolk and colleagues to cele- Wrale the new Constitution which gives more power to the people and opens the road to GUINEA — The s for cultural emancipation has spread throughout the counthough often primitive, have been opened in the remotest di. Is Wdren will get_an education to fit them for their new li} === [PDF page 40] === CONGO (LEOPOLDVILLE) Most working women still do unskilled jobs, but they are becoming increasingly aware of their rights and demand the right to a trade. TANGANYIKA Women plantation workers have to carry their babies on the backs while they wor. The demand for nw series is most urgent. === [PDF page 41] === Women showed great heroism in the struggle for independence. Today rights in all spheres of life. 20 people live in them. === [PDF page 42] === SOUTH AFRIC# A open to vicious poi Women get equally brutal treatment. o pe gi move out of localities whites. This family takes a rest on the road leading to one of the camps reserved for coloured people. === [PDF page 43] === All of them have the same aspirations: to live as human beings who want toenjoy the full equal rights to which they are entitled by their own personality and their important role in society. That is why they take part in the struggle for the satisfaction of the demands of the working class as a whole for the sarne reasons as men, but also as women and mothers who see in the fulfilment of these demands easier working conditions and new prospects. They begin to realise that their work isa source of wealth for the capitalist monopolies and that the State in the service of these monopolies is waging a policy contrary to their interests and those of their families. That is why ever more working women join the general struggle of the working class as well as the struggle for their own demands, Everywhere they manifest a high fighting spirit and a good understanding of the best tactics of struggle. In many countries and in many trades they have played an important role in the struggle against the employers and in winning some significant successes, The balance sheet of the struggles and results obtained since the First Conference of Women Workers is particularly rich. Tn Italy millions of working women in industry and agriculture carried on a large-scale successful struggle in 1961-62 side by side with their male fellowworkers. This movement affected branches where most of the wage earners are women: clothing, textile and food industries, as well as department stores. Some 1,650.000 Italian working women thus obtained equal pay as well as additional wage increases and the reduction of the working hours in some cases, Anew and very important fact is that since July 1962 women in agriculture have won equal pay and are now continuing their battle for social security. Women workers in several enterprises in big towns such as Milan, were granted one and a half days paid leave on the occasion of March 8, International Women’s Day. In this vast movement for their demands the actions of the young dressmakers, their militant spirit and trade union conscience were simply amazing. Starting from the specific features of various enterprises and from their specific demands, the movement spread throughout the whole industry. Working women in the clothing industry in Naples organised strikes involving over 100,000 hours for wages and social services according to the rates laid down in the contract. In Milan, 8,000 young dressmakers in the region went on strike for the renewal of the contract concluded in 1948. This was the first time since 1945 that they took part in a struggle organised on a regional scale. In France, the strikes of working women have teen on wide proportions, All the branches in which women are employed have at one time or another 33, === [PDF page 44] === and in one form or another participated in struggles, including enterprises where until then struggles had been more difficult. Movements such as those of the women in the clothing industry of Lille, the working women of the Hutchinson factory, the one-day strike in the textile industry which involved 400,000 workers, most of them women, the participation of women in the regional and national days of metalworkers, the strike of the working women in the canning factory at St. Jean de Lue, the repeated strikes of women at post offices, of the telephone operators, of women employed at the Post, Telegraph and Telecommunication offices, of the various categories of workers employed in the public services, of the women office workers, etc., are evidence of the maturity of working women. They understand that the struggle is necessary and also that under the regime of personal power the struggle is inevitably fiercer, longer and waged at a higher level in order to compel the employers and the State-employer to give in. New sections of working women have joined the struggle: temporary workers, social welfare workers, midwives and teachers took part in strikes and in street demonstrations. Important results have been obtained in all these struggles thanks to the impetus of the miners’ strike for higher wages and for a fourth week of paid leave. It is significant that the branches where most of the workers are women such as the textile, clothing and others, were among the first to get a fourth week of paid leave. In the German Federal Republic, the working women showed fighting spirit and courage in the big strike for higher wages of the metalworkers of Wiirtenberg, which meant a loss of 1,800,000 work days for the employers. This participation of women is very significant if wo take into account the fact that for years no strike of such great proportions had been organised. The strike was a reply to the West German monopolies which were harbouring illusions that the class struggle had ceased and that peace between capital and labour was an accomplished fact. The strike proved the high class consciousness of the German metalworkers and was an impulse for unity and solidarity in other branches of economy. In Austria, remarkable successes have been obtained in the field of motherand-child protection, the working week has been cut from 48 to 45 hours and certain specific wage categories for women in the metal and chemical industries abolished, thanks to the firm struggle of the working women, backed by their workmates. Among the actions of working women we should mention the struggle of the nurses for higher wages, of the women employed in the Osram electric bulb factory in Vienna who went on strike for a wage increase and encouraged the metal trade unions’ struggle for the abolition of the specific wage-categories for women. These strikes were often accompanied by work stoppages in protest against the speed-up. 34 === [PDF page 45] === In Finland, the First Trade Union Conference convened by the Women’s Section of SAK, welcomed the joint struggle for the conclusion of new labour contracts. In India, men and women workers organised a big march in September 1963 which culminated in a powerful demonstration in Parliament Square, New Delhi, which was attended by 200,000 people. Petitions were sent all over the country. These petitions were signed by 11 million workers, peasants and representatives of the middle classes. They asked for price cuts, reduction of direct and indirect taxes, which mainly affect the workers, abolition of the system of compulsory savings by deductions from wages, the nationalisation of the main economic branches, particularly the banks, oil and foreign trade enterprises, so as to avoid an unjust concentration of the national wealth in the hands of a limited number of monopolies and landowners. They also asked for measures to combat corruption in all walks of life and a democratic control which would put an end to bureaucratic oppression and emergency decrees. In Indonesia, working women led by the trade unions carried on many actions, most of which were crowned with success. These actions took on various forms, from the most simple to vast and energetic actions, such as strikes and demonstrations at which people carried slogans and empty bottles and oil cans, asking the authorities to give them oil. These seemingly simple actions set public opinion in motion and helped the achievement of unity. Other methods are likewise being used: working women carry knapsacks with economic slogans and demands inscribed on them. Apart from the actions for wage increases and social advantages, for price cuts and a better distribution of consumer goods, working women also participated in the activities organised by SOBSI for the liberation of West Irian, for the nationalisation of Dutch enterprises and of other foreign companies. Following these actions, many working women were summoned by the police, arrested and even imprisoned. But the repressive measures did not succeed in crushing their fighting spirit. Each time SOBSI organises an economic campaign, more and more working women answer its call: 2—3 million. They organise big delegations and demonstrations. It is very interesting to note that ever more working women and active trade unionists take part in demonstrations. In Japan, the struggle of working women for the satisfaction of their economic and social claims, organised by SOHYO, especially during tho spring and autumn campaigns, enables working women to ensure the gradual fulfilment of their claims. Among the multiple actions we must. mention the one organised by the members of the union of workers employed in department stores in September 1962. The union succecded in including in the collective agreement two weeks special leave for women and the extension of maternity leave to eight weeks. We should further mention the strike of the women at the Daiwa 85 === [PDF page 46] === Page Missing in Original (p. 36) === [PDF page 47] === workers which took place in 1963 on the sugar cane and coffee plantations of Sao Paulo, Parana and Pernambuco, as well as in other states, for a wage inerease and for better prices on the almond plantations. In the clothing industry where most of the workers are women, many successful strikes for wage increases took place in 1963. This was the case especially in the Guaspari factory and at the Renner and Wolens Moda companies. The struggle continues in other factories too, such as the Tannhauser enterprise. It testifies to the strong perseverence of the working women. In Colombia special mention must be made of the strikes the working women called at the beginning of the year in the gas, water and textile establishments where most of the workers are women, and which resulted in an increase in wages; in Mexico, peasant women participated in the struggle which compelled the government to nationalise over 300,000 hectares of land; in Uruguay, working women in the textile industry conducted a struggle and obtained a 21 per cent reduction in the difference between the wages of women and men in certain branches, and equal pay in others. Working women everywhere are playing a greater and greater part in tho struggle of the working class for better living and working conditions, for democratic rights, for social progress, for the maintenance of peace, Their contribution in all domains of the economic, political and social life proves to be indispensable for unity and the mobilising of the broad mass without whom it is impossible to face and defeat the coalition of the capitalist monopolies, In the period between the First International Conference of Working Women in Budapest in 1956 and the 2nd Conference, some of them even went as far as sacrificing their lives, leaving behind orphans and mourning families. Repression has not made working women surrender, on the contrary, it has sharpened their class consciousness. In these past few years, tens of millions of working women in the world, industrial and office workers as well as peasant women, took part in the greatest struggles of the international working class. It is the duty of our Conference to show its deep solidarity with all who have taken an active part in these heroic battles, that were at times ruthless, but in most cases victorious. In your name and in the name of the WFTU, I wish to express tho most sincere greetings from our international labour movement. to all these working women. CONCLUSIONS In organising this Conference, the WFTU did not intend merely to follow up the very positive experience of eight years ago, to which it has been devoting all its power and energy ever since its foundation. Does this mean that unity is the prerogative or monopoly of the WFTU? 37 === [PDF page 48] === No. The achievement of unity is, and must be, the work of all those who sincerely wish to defend the interests of the working class. However, an exclusive feature of the World Federation of Trade Unions is the united spirit that inspires all its decisions, its consistent effort to stimulate and to give an impulse to the working class struggle. Let us take our Conference as an example. What other international trade union organisation could gather representatives of trade union organisations from countries of all continents, with different economic and social systems, trade union organisations of different affiliations or independent ones for a broad consultation at a meeting such as ours? The ICFTU or IFCTU? Weshall be happy when one or other of these organisations takes a similar decision, but for the time being this is only an illusion, However, it is gratifying to know that among the organisations affiliated to these two international centres there are genuine united forces which are already making their contributions to the cause of unity. The presence of our Conference of representatives of organisations affiliated to the two centres is a practical confirmation of the desire that guides these organisations to take part in discussion and to strengthen the anti-monopolist fighting front. The WFTU attaches great importance to regular contacts and consultations between the trade union organisations affiliated to the WFTU and those which are not affiliated to it. We think ways and means must be found to organise such a permanent discussion so as to open correct prospects for struggle. We must not think that we have nothing to learn from contacts and discussions with working men and women who are not affiliated to the WFTU. In these contacts and in such discussions we can always discover something new, we can get to know our comrades and sometimes, on trade union matters, discover things that before we found it hard to understand. Likewise, those comrades with whom we enter into discussion inevitably discover new things in their contacts with us, with you. Can working women, women trade union leaders and active trade union members make a special and specific contribution to widening these discussions They can, because new categories of organised women in the world and the growing number of women trade union leaders at all levels represent a new feature in the discussion on unity. Apart from the fact that the majority of these women were not directly involved in the trade union break in 1947, 1948, 1949 and 1950, there is the important fact that they represent new forces and elements who add to the discussion on ways and means of establishing unity, a tone of their own and the desire of seeking the road to unity which is specific and typical for the will and tenacity of working women. That is why we feel so strongly about the peculiar and specific role of working women in extending the trend of unity in the ranks of the working class. The widening of this trend of unity demands, in the first place, mutual 38 === [PDF page 49] === respect, @ reasonable and friendly confrontation of different opinions and aspirit of tolerance. It is gratifying to note that in the world trade union movement abusive tirades and offensive vocabulary are being more and more abandoned, since when used, they lowered and still lower the standard of dignity that should reign within our workers’ organisations. Those who seek to maintain hatred and a spirit of division in the world trade union movement are more and more isolated. Those who are working for a genuine spirit of workers’ unity are more and more numerous in the world trade union movement. Ican assure you that the WFTU is and will remain inflexible on this position of unity. No one will be able to drag us into polemics or into discussions which would jeopardise relations between the national trade union centres, between the members of the WFTU. Since the WFTU remains on this politically correet and morally unassailable position, it also has the right — since it fulfils its duty of unity — to demand to be protected. In view of the present difficulties in the international working class movement, the WFTU has the right to demand that the adverse consequences of these difficulties should not be introduced in the World Federation of Trade Unions. The WFTU was born at the end of a terrible tragedy, the Second World War. We began to shape it when the world was still at war. Ou WETU, a typical trade union organisation which wants to remain a mass trade union organisation, open to all national organisations without discrimination of nationality, race or religion, places great confidence in the Conference on the problems of working women to further the struggle in application of the Programme adopted by the Fifth World Trade Union Congress. ‘The WFTU will demonstrate by its deeds that it deserves its title of a united organisation. The Second International Trade Union Conference on the problems of working women is part of our anti-monopoly activity which, after the Fifth World Trade Union Congress, has seen a fresh impetus and has taken on more concrete and more organised forms, Does this mean that in the final analysis the defence of the economic and social rights of working women can only be conceived within the general struggle of the working class against the policy of the monopolies? In the conditions of monopoly concentration, when the economic and political power of the monopolists affects the national and international life, and the exploitation of the working masses and their living conditions are getting worse, the working class has only one weapon — unity; it has only one alternative — to struggle. The impetuous upsurge of the mass movement and the unprecedented scope of the strikes in recent years is proof of the growing desire for unity of the working class, its resolute reply to the policy of exploitation and social backwardness of tho monopolics. As we have noted, working women take an active part in this great battle. It is enough to see how impetuously, with what confidence and courage, 39 === [PDF page 50] === with what selfless spirit, women, precisely because they have always been the most exploited in society, take part in the struggles of the workers, in social struggles and in struggles for national liberation, when they are aware that they are acting for greater rights, greater happiness for their families and children, greater freedom, fraternity and peace. They take part in these struggles because they are an integral part of the working class, subjected to its exploitation: exploitation in the form of the discriminatory practices that they suffer at every step. To abolish these discriminations would mean to oblige the monopolies to give up part of the big profits they are making by exploiting the working class; it would mean that by limiting the privileges of the monopolies, further rights would be granted to benefit the working class. Always anxious to find new actions capable of raising to # still higher level the reply of the working people and the working women to a common offensive and to the united front of monopolies on a national and international scale, at the end of last year the 'Trade Union Committee for Consultation and Unity of Action against the Monopolies was set up on the initiative of the WFTU. This committee is guided in its activity by the slogan: ‘‘Let us oppose the offensive of the monopolies with the alliance of the working people and trade unionists.”” All of us have met here fully aware of the responsibility incumbent upon us, wishing to co-operate fraternally, desiring unity, anxious to find the path for further conquests in favour of working women by common efforts and to strengthen the united front of all trade union forces in the anti-monopoly struggle. Our offensive must be unfolded wherever monopoly rule is exercised, at work places, in factories, in villages, in industrially advanced countries as well as in recently liberated ones, where the greed of the monopolies for the national wealth restrains and puts a brake on true economic and political independence. The Secretariat of the WFTU proposes that the Conference should study the opportunity and usefulness of setting up an International Consultative Trade Union Committee on the economic and social problems of working women, attached to the Secretariat of the WFTU. Such a committee, made up of representatives of organisations affiliated to the WFTU, of other affiliations or autonomous, could meet every year, on the initiative of the Secretariat of the WFTU. I have said that the World Trade Union Committee for Consultation and Unity of Action against the Monopolies was formed on the initiative of the WFTU. A great deal of work is being done towards establishing unity of action and analysing the best ways and means of combating excessive exploitation, which has its origin in the monopolies’ policy. The actual reason for our proposal is this: besides the World Trade Union Committee against the 40 === [PDF page 51] === monopolies, which already includes 44 national centres on the five continents andof every affiliation, we should like the formation of an International Trade Thion Committee for Consultation which would be in a position to work ‘frough special working hodiss Logether with the Seeretaniat and the WET, « that the standard of our action in support of working women should not drop again in the months and years to come. We should like to make another proposal. In view of the part the ILO should play in solving the problems of working women, the Conference could snd a memorandum to the ILO which should include the main demand of working women inseribed in the Charter of Economic and Social Rights, particularly since the ILO is planning to put the problems related to the work of women on the agenda of its next Conference, In 1956 in Budapest, a Memorandum to the International Labour Office was adopted, It was handed over in November 1956 to the Director General of the International Labour Office. We note now that almost seven years passed before the International Labour Office included the problems related to the demands of working women on the agenda of its annual Conference, and we shall discuss them in Geneva in June. In renewing the proposal to prepare a Memorandum, we intend to do better than in 1956. The Memorandum, together with the Draft Charter will be one of the two decuments the Conference is going to adopt and on the basis of which the WETU will pursue its future activities. It is evident that in the great struggle of the peoples for peace and for national independence, the part women (wives, mothers and young girls) can play is considerable, Their participation has « decisive role in speeding up the current of the forces of peace towards victory over the forces of aggression, militarism and imperialism. It is just as obvious that as workers and wage-carners, because of their economic and social role in modern society, women are called upon to an ever larger extent to play an increasingly important role in the direetion of all the forms of social, cultural and human progress. Fully aware of this double reality, our Conference must have a very high standard in the democratic organisation of its discussion and in drawing the necessary conclusions. Before leaving this rostrum I should like to appeal to you to incorporate this Conference in the activities of the international labour movement. This is 1964. I call upon you to remember what happened one century ago, in 1864, when the General Council of the First International met for the first time in London. Tf only our amcestore could see where the international labour movement is today, they would feel some satisfaction that the great ideas of the first International have triumphed over a large part of the globe and that we shall make them triumph over the other part cf the globe too, You must realise, sisters, that this conference has also its contribution to === [PDF page 52] === make to the fulfilment of the ideas of those who in 1864 gave the labour movement, the people and the cause of unity the first workers’ International. If we succeed in doing this, we shall be able to say that the Second International Conference has served not only working women all over the world, but that it has served mankind as a whole. Let us make the Second International Trade Union Conference on the problems of working women a united and democratic gathering. 42 === [PDF page 53] === The role and contribution of working women in the colonial countries or those that have recently won their independence, in the trade union struggle to abolish colonialism and win wider rights.: Report presented by Comrade GALI MENENDEZ Cuba === [PDF page 54] === Since THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION mce of working women, fargoing changes have taken place in the concerning the anti-colonialist struggle. of 34 African countries only 3 won independence before 1956, not South Africa, whose government was condemned by progressive all over the world for its policy of apartheid. n June 1956, when the First International Trade Union Conference on lems of Working Women met, the names of Sudan, Morocco, Tunisia ybia were added to the list of independent countries. Since 1956, 27 counes have won independence. Backed by the favourable international situation created by the existence ady development of the socialist camp and by the upsurge of the class movement in the capitalist countries, hundreds of millions of md women have freed themselves from colonial slavery. Many politically dent states have sprung up on the ruins of colonial empires, underthe foundations of imperialism and making a growing contribution to trengthening of world peace. The WFTU and its affiliated organisations fully support these struggles; y co-ordinate and stimulate the implementation of the tasks, based on tual solidarity which unites the working people of all countries — in parr those of the colonialist countries — with their brothers in Africa, Asia sin America. Nevertheless, many millions of men and women still live under direct colon in Africa, Asia and other parts of the world. Conference conveys warm greetings to the people and women of 45 === [PDF page 55] === Angola and Guinea (wrongly called Portuguese) who are showing such courag in the odious criminal and ruthless war unleashed by the Portuguese colonial ists, as well as to the peoples of Mozambique, Northern and Southern Rho. desia, Sarawak, Northern Borneo, South Africa and many other peoples, to the innumerable men and women who rose to battle in Africa, Asia and Latia America and who will not be deterred either by direct violence or by colonia oppression. The working women in these countries, who still live in a state of slavery, as we shall see later on, are waging a heroic struggle for the liberation of their countries, alongside their menfolk. In this heroic battle they are encouraged by the example of their sisters in the independent countries, who already won certain rights. \In the newly independent countries the working women enjoy relatively better conditions than their sisters in the colonial countries. ECONOMIC LIBERATION, KEY TO TRUE FREEDOM But, although certain countries have recently acquired political indepen dence, we know that the colonialists will not surrender their power willingly. Still less will they make a gift of freedom to the oppressed nations and peoples, They try to impose new forms and manifestations of colonialism on the people. A telling example of this new form of colonial penetration is the European Economic Community and its policy towards the “associated” African countries, It is not possible to make a detailed and profound analysis of the BEC and its influence on the African countries in a few lines, but we can say here that the objectives, particularly the economic ones, of the African countries for the consolidation of their independence are in striking contradiction to the interests of the monopolies and this creates serious problems for tho new states. These consequences of the problems are known and measures are being considered to be taken against them. Tho WFTU fully supports these measures and has suggested to the African trade union organisations that it might be possible to draw up a programme of common action with the aim of setting up an African Economic Community which would oppose imperialism and would protect the interests of the African peoples. The WFTU has expressed the active solidarity of all its trade union org nisations grouped on different continents for the young African trade unio movement, has offered them the benefit of their experiences, leaving it to the African trade union organisations themselves to judge, independently and autonomously, whether this experience is valid for them or not. 46 === [PDF page 56] === Similar forms of penetration of capital and economic domination have been adopted by the American imperialists in Latin America where they mtrol four-fifths of foreign capital invested on this continent. By means of the Alliance for Progress the imperialists sought to show themselves to the peoples as their friends and saviours, promising to help ‘them out of the backwardness and economic and social stagnation in which they live. _ To learn the price the Latin American people have to pay for this “‘generous help” it is sufficient to look at the 1962 balance sheet which shows that while the imperialists made a profit of 4,000 million dollars, Latin America lost, through the difference between the prices of its own raw materials and of the manufactured products it had to buy on US markets, 2,827, 000 dollars, In its trade with the United States, Venezuela lost 208 million dollars; but in exchange she received from the Alliance an “aid” of 58.3 million. In order to lay the foundation for a happy future the workers of the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America endeavour by strengthening their unity to consolidate their national independence and to contribute to the creation of conditions for a free and independent development. By supporting the general political struggle of the peoples for their liberation, according to the particular situation in their countries, trade union action on behalf of economic and social demands is an important aspect of the role played by the trade unions in ensuring the workers’ participation in the struggle for their country’s independent economic development and the wide democratic transformation of society. The working woman plays a bigger and bigger part in these actions with enthusiasm and a spirit of responsibility, thus contributing to their further development. HOW THE WORKERS LIVE | Both in industry and agriculture, the working people are subjected to intense exploitation by the capitalists, profiteers and landlords. Dire poverty of the working people, mass unemployment and under-employment are a chronic phenomenon in these countries. Widespread illiteracy continues owing to lack of educational facilities, schools and teachers. This is true of general education and of vocational training. Sickness is widespread owing to lack of per medical care, hospitals and doctors, especially in the rural areas. As result there is a high infant mortality rate and a low average span of life working men and women. The existence of social and traditional prejudices as sex discrimination and general cultural backwardness are a corollary such a situation, which is still further worsened by the practice of racial tion in some countries. This racial discrimination has reached its 47 === [PDF page 57] === most inhuman form in the practice of segregation and the policy of apartheid in South Africa. The working women is in a particularly critical situation. To the discrimintion under which the people in general are suffering, the discrimination dire. ted particularly against women is added; and the situation is even more s ricus for the peasant woman, who is ignorant, exploited and deprived of all rights and every protection for herself and her children who die as a result of 1ualnutrition at an alarming rate. In certain areas infant mortality is mor than 50 per cent of the annual birth rate. {In spite of the international convention on equal pay for equal wor accepted by many of these countries, women workers are discriminated against, In South Korea, for example, women workers receive only 30 to 50 per cent of a man’s wage for the same work; in South Vietnam two-thirds and in Southern Rhodesia less than half of what is paid to men workers. Then, as a result of the lack of facilities for getting general education ot vocational training, women workers are confined mainly to low-paid, low: skilled and unskilled categories of jobs. They are thus condemned to an infe rior position and are deprived of any security in their jobs. In Madagascar, qualified women workers are often obliged to accept the rate for a general unskilled worker, especially in the districts along the coast, In Morocco only 20 per cent of the women workers are permanently employed, Being casily replaceable, thoy are the first to be laid off or fired at short notice. THEY KNOW NO CHILDHOOD Not only the women, but also their children and especially girls, are an easy prey to such a situation, as for infinitely small wages and very often without any reward whatsoover, they are given hard and humiliating work which hampers their physical and intellectual development and does psychological harm. In Turkey it is customary to see six year old children working. In the North-East region of Brazil, in places like Tours, young children do hard work, And there, too, the children have to drive donkeys and carry wood, water, and coal, Evidently, in these countries there sre no nurseries, nursery schools or schools, except on # very insufficient scale. Consequently the high percentage of illiterates is daily increasing instead of decreasing. Here are a few examples: In Africa, in general, there are 100 million illiterates; more than 80 per cent of the school-age children do not go to school; only 30 per cent of those who 48 === [PDF page 58] === go to school continue their studies. On the average only 10 per cent of the boys and 5 per cent of the girls go to school. Latin America has 70 million illiterates, which is almost 40 per cent of its population. The case of Cuba which, with more than 28 per cent illiterates could, in only one year, declare its territory ‘‘free of illiteracy’’, by a campaign in which the working class played a vanguard role, thoroughly proves that this scourge is closely related to the economic and political system of every country. NO SOCIAL SECURITY The women workers of these countries suffer frorn # general lack of social security measures such as maternity benefits, medical care, nurseries, nursery schools, factory canteens, etc. In some cases, where some social security measures have been taken by the governments concerned, their implementation is either ineffective or partial. We shall give a few typical examples: in South Korea, women work until the last moment before their confinement for fear of dismissal —- and they are forced to resume work a few days after their baby is born. One can often see pregnant women fainting at the bench as the work is too hard, They are not even given time off for nursing their babies. In South Vietnam, women workers are not entitled to any maternity leave or allowance. On the other hand they are sometimes sacked after they have had their babies, on the pretext of not having “adequate labour capacity”. In Southern Rhodesia, no nurseries or nursery schools are provided by law. Married women are not entitled to stay in their jobs. Women workers are often the first victims if the employers lay off labour because of technological changes, rationalisation or other causes; in this way the employers avoid having to grant women the few advantages laid down by the labour laws. In India, for example, the number of Bombay textile workers declined from 225,000 in 1945 to 185,000 in 1961, most of the redundant workers being women. The position of women working in agriculture in these countries is very bad. Hardly any women agricultural workers are employed for wages in most of these countries, apart from Ceylon, Malaya and one or two other rare exceptions. Thus, working as non-wage-earners, they are deprived of the benefits of any labour laws, legislation or protection. In fact they work only as “auxiliary members of the family.” Thus, they are subject to great feudal exploitation and ruthless social oppression. 49 === [PDF page 59] === HOW THE UNIONS CAN HELP The trade unions have the task of increasing their activities concerning the demands of working women in their day to day work and struggle. The working class in Africa, Asia and Latin America is waging a resolute struggle against imperialist penetration and all the evil it brings to the people; in this struggle, women play an increasingly important role. From their instinetive rebellion against the injustice and inhuman exploitation they suffer, women have acquired a greater class consciousness; the link of working class solidarity has brought them once and for all into the general movement of the oppressed against the exploitation of capitalists and monopolies. By taking only a few recent examples, we can say that the strike of the asbestos miners in Swaziland had a big repereussion in Africa, The same can be said of the strikes of tea plantation workers in Kenya, of copper miners in Susaka, Northern Rhodesia. Also important are the bank employees’ strike in Madagascar which lasted three and a half months, the strike of the phosphate miners of Khourtba and Yousofai in Morocco, of the dockers of Puerti Lago in Nigeria and many others. In India, more and more women workers are now joining the trade unions, A committee for the Defence of Rights of Working Women has been formed in Bombay. On March 6, this year, it organised a demonstration of 20,000 working women demanding ‘‘equal pay for equal work,” security of employment, the abolition of the marriage clause in the women’s labour contracts in the pharmaceutical industry, and the proper implementation of the existing social security legislation. In Ceylon, the women workers of the tea and rubber factories in Colombo were responsible for winning the advantages now enjoyed by all industrial workers in Colombo. On the plantations, the women workers, while joining the trade unions have also formed their own committees. In Latin America the struggles of the working women—which are becoming more widespread and united — reached their peak on January 28, at the Latin American Workers’ Congress, which set up a Permanent Co-ordination Committee, the nucleus of the future Latin American Workers’ Central Organisation. EMANCIPATION ESSENTIAL TO PROGRESS The new conditions created by the achievement of national independence in a large number of countries of Asia and Africa and the new stage that has been reached in Latin America’s struggle against imperialism and the survivals of feudalism, due to the Cuban revolution, has resulted in women workers becoming increasingly conscious of their rights. The Constitutions of most of these independent states have recognised women’s full status as citizens. 50 === [PDF page 60] === This is of special significance in Africa, where under the colonial regime wonen were kept out of public life and were not entitled to education because of certain traditional practices and harmful prejudices, such as the sale of young girls into marriage. Now big changes have taken place in marriage and divorce laws and customs. In this connection new codes have been drawn up in Guinea, Mali, Ghana and Tunisia. Women have won the right to vote and even to belong to trade unions or political parties. In many African countries labour Jaws have been adopted to protect women workers’ rights. Owing to these new conditions, women are going into prcduction in ever growing numbers. Is there any possibility of improving the working and living conditions of women in the colonial or newly liberated countries? We answer without hesitation: yes, there is. Experience has shown that the more a society follows a noncapitalist way of development, the nearer it comes to socialism and the greater are the possibilities of satisfying the working women’s claims and establishing the conditions ensuring @ full equality of rights between men and women, rapid progress, and the fulfilment of the maximum requirements of all the working people. We shall ask another question: Is it possible today, in the newly independent countries, to follow the path of social development? The Programme of Trade Union Action states: “The generous moral and material, unconditional assistance granted by the socialist countries and their trade union organisations — true and honest friends of all the oppressed peoples — opens large vistas to the recently liberated countries. It can be firmly stated that. in the present-day epoch, it is possible for these countries, by making use of the socialist countries’ aid and by relying on their own efforts to create and develop their industry and their agriculture in their own national interest, and being protected against any evil penetration of imperialism and foreign monopoly capital, to advance on the way to social progress.” Does this declaration of the 5th Congress correspond to reality? Allow me to quote an example from my own country. In the heroic struggle waged by our people against the American imperialists we have always had the support and solidarity of the working people throughout the world and especially of our brothers of Latin America as well as of the working people of the socialist camp. We shall quote but one example of this solidarity — the case of the Soviet seamen on board the first oil tanker that anchored on our coasts when tho imperialists had ccased their oil deliveries in an attempt to paralyse the entire economic life of our country. The oil tanker was damaged at sea and it should have returned for repairs; 51 === [PDF page 61] === but the Soviet comrades knew what it meant to Cuba to have its oil deliveries on time and they repaired the damage on the spot. The oil was delivered to Cuba in time, thus overcoming the attempts of the imperialists to paraly# the country. Had I more time at my disposal, I could have quoted hundreds of such examples, showing how the socialist countries and their trade union organi sations have given all colonial and newly independent countries such great help. The very fact that our Conference is being held in a socialist country, Rumania, which has much facilitated our work, is an irrefutable proof of the solidarity of the working people of the socialist countries with the struggk against colonialism, END COLONIALISM IN ALL ITS FORMS The WFTU has always staunchly supported the workers’ and people's fight for national liberation. It supports the fight of all who are still fighting against colonialism or imperialist domination in the economic and political life of their countries. The innumerable solidarity actions and campaign organised by the WFTU towards this end are a concrete manifestation of the unflinching loyalty of the WFTU to the cause of the workers and of the peoples. In backing working women’s demands, the WF'TU seeks the most effective and concrete forms of action. Let us mention a recent example: Taking into account the fact that a great number of newly independent countries in Africa are now facing the burning problem of economic indepen. dence, are overcoming the neocolonialists’ manoeuvres and demanding theit own independent economic development, the last session of the WFIU Executive Committee in Sofia supported the idea of organising a Euro-African trade union conference, with the aim of developing still more the solidarity of the trade union organisations in Europe and Africa. This particularly con cerns the following fields: 1, economic independence of the African countries and their independent development; 2. technical training; 3. the struggle against neo-colonialism. The problem of technical training — and here the European trade union organisations and especially those of the socialist countries can give great help — is of particular importance for working women in Africa. + We are convinced that a Euro-African solidarity conference would largely contribute to solving the many African problems that have arisen today and would bring nearer the day of the African working woman’s full emancipation, 52 === [PDF page 62] === the day when she will find her rightful place in production and enjoy equality of rights. Let us now examine the principal demands for which the working men and women in tho under-developed colonial and newly liberated countries aro fighting. The workers of these countries are fighting for higher wages, guaranteed payments of agreed wages, a guaranteed minimum wage, shorter working hours without loss of pay, the establishment and extension of social security and social insurance and the right to work. They are fighting for the introduction and general application of a system of collective agreements and the annulment of all forms of individual contract, and for trade union participation in the settlement of problems arising between employers and workers. They aro demanding the widespread distribution of food and essential products and tho reduction of prices. They want paid holidays, vocational training, glimination of illiteracy, a rise in the cultural level of the people, and the ending of the wago, hiring and dismissal systems which were enforced by the colonial regime. The workers and trade unions in the under-developed countries are developing their action for the nationalisation of foreign monopoly undertakings, the building and development of a national industry and a State sector, and the expulsion of foreign monopolics. They are fighting for agrarian reform which will abolish colonial ownership and all the vestiges of feudalism, while benefiting the peasantry, particularly poor peasants and agricultural workers, and providing them with assistance for increasing production, They are struggling for the democratization of the State, making it possible to mobilise all national forces in the struggle against imperialism, for social progress, and against military dictatorships and undemocratic measures contrary to the peoplo’s interests and endangering national independence. They desire a policy of co-operation with all countries, and State control over foreign trade in order to protect it from imperialist domination and interference. They demand a fully independent participation of the workers and trade unions in the preparation and organisation of economic plans and programmes for developing the national economy. We call on all workers, men and women, on all trade union organisations, without any discrimination, to carry on their struggle in @ spirit of proletarian solidarity, side by side with our brothers in the colonial, newly liberated and developing countries up to the full achievement of the aims we have outlined here, up to the final liquidation of colonialism and its consequences — poverty and exploitation. === [PDF page 63] === “For the broad mobilisation and organisation of women for their active participation in the trade unions and their promotion to leading posts.” Report presented by Sister SETIATI SURASTO Secretary of the WFTU === [PDF page 64] === In THE PAST SEVEN YEARS WE HAVE SEEN AN UNPRECEdented militant spirit among women workers, including young girls who have taken part on a mass scale in the struggle of the working class. In the struggle for wage increases, for a shorter working-day without loss of pay, for the defence of trade union rights or for other economic and social demands as well as in the struggle for peace, democracy and national indepeudence, women workers everywhere have fought valiantly alongside their brethers. During those struggles, the very class consciousness and militancy of women enabled them to win success, In the new international situation that results from strengthening of the forces of the working class and of progress throughout the world and with the prospect of implementing the Programme of Action adopted by the Fifth World Trade Union Congress, the debates and decisions of our Second Conference should enable us to put forward still more clearly the idea that “nothing important can be achieved without women” and to draw ever more women workers into the ranks of the trade unions, This means strengthening the great united current which will lead the working class towards greater progress, democracy and freedom. STRENGTHENING TU ORGANISATION The world trade union movement has developed and today represents a considerable force. Sinco the First Conference (that is, in eight years) 80 million men and women have joined the trade unions. They now have about 57 === [PDF page 65] === 200 million members, 35 per cent of whom (nearly 70 million) are women, As far as the WFTU is concerned, its membership increased by 40 million during the period and it now has 120 million members. A few figures will give an idea of the progress achieved concerning the recruitment of women into trade unions. In Austria, where 40 per cent of the women are working, one out of thre is organised in a trade union. That means that in the ranks of the trade unions there are nearly 450,000 women. In Great Britain, out of 8 million women workers, 14/, million are member of a trade union. In the United States, out of 23 million women workers. somewhat mor than 3 million are members of a trade union. In Finland, 400,000 workers are members of trade unions and 23 per cent of them are women, In Cyprus, out of 30,000 women workers, 20,000 are trade unionists, which represents 66 per cent. In Italy, out of 5,800,000 women workers, approximately one quarter ar trade unionists, In France, there are 400,000 women trade unionists, which represents approximately 25 per cent of all trade unionists and 10 per cent of wage earners. In Morocco 100,000 women workers are affiliated to the UGMT. In Algeria, Ghana, Mali, Guinea, Congo, (Leopoldville), South Africa, etc., where the number of women workers is increasing daily, we know that the trade unions are making special efforts to organise them, but we have as vet no statistics, The speeches of the delegates of these countries will give us more precise information on the growth of the number of organised women and on their activity in the unions, In India, the statistics for 1958—59 showed that of 3,700,000 trade unio. nists, 400,000 were women. In Indonesia, at the beginning of 1963, the SOBSI showed a considerable increase in the total number of its members; this amounted to nearly 3,500,000, of which nearly 1 million were women. In Japan, out of nearly 8 million women workers, 2,400,000 are trade unionists, as compared with 1,940,000 in 1960. In two years, more than 430,000 women have joined the trade unions. In the socialist countries 80 to 97 per cont of the women workers are members of trade unions. For instance, in Czechoslovakia 92.4 per cent are organised, in the Soviet Union nearly 100 per cent, in Poland approximately 85 per cent, in Hungary 91 per cent, in Albania nearly 97 per cent. In Mongolia, women represent 30 per cent of the total trade union membership, in Vietnam 18 per cent and in China 20 per cent. 58 === [PDF page 66] === IN LEADING POSTS Progress has also been achieved in the increase of women cadres. Many women workers have become active trade unionists and are taking up leading posts at all levels. In Austria, 10 out of the 16 OGB trade unions have a women’s section, run by full-time workers. In the regions and districts, women’s committees have been elected. Many women are members of factory TU committees. In Great Britain, the TUC has four women on the national executive, 150 to 200 full-time workers in local branches while between 500 and 600 women workers are on the executive bodies of national and regional committees. In the enterprises there are between 2,000 and 3,000 women shop stewards, (5 per cent of all stewards). _In order to remedy this under-estimation of the role of women in the unions, the last TUC Congress drew up an “Industrial Charter for women” which embodied their specific demands. It recommended that local women’s committees should be set up to deal with the problem of women workers who have domestic resposibilities. Many trade unions organised courses for women workers and made a special study of their problems in order to adapt their methods of work and organisation. In Finland the Central Trade Union League (SAK) has a women’s section. Although, 23.2 per cent of the SAK members are women, there is only one woman on. the executive committee. In the various trade union federations, there are, on the average, 3 or 4 women on leading committees of, say 12 members. As far as Northern Europe is concerned, there is a northern women’s trade union committee whose activity consists mainly in organising seminars for women trade unionists. In Cyprus, the PEO (Pan-Cyprian Labour Union), 25 per cent of whose members are women, has 3 women on the general council and many women on TU committees and factory or shop committees. All in all there are 400 women in leading trade union positions, that is 14 per cent of the overall TU leading cadres. The Pan-Cyprian women workers’ assembly has worked out a special programme concerning women’s demands. In France, there is a national women’s commission and departmental ones attached to 50 departmental TU committees. Women’s groups also exist in local branches in certain national trade union federations. Much has been done to develop trade union education by holding courses and days of study for women workers, The CGT’ women’s magazine “Antionette’’ occupies a prominent place in the battle of ideas and provides a link between the unions and the women workers. Tens of thousands of women are active in trade union life, from the shop steward to the member of works’ committees, from the distributor of the 59 === [PDF page 67] === trade union press to the secretary of an industrial union. Some 350 women are active on the departmental leadership in 89 departments. 200 women are members of TU Executive Committees and 50 are bureau members. Twelve women are members of the Administrative Committee of the CGT and two are secretaries of the CGT. In Spain, despite Franco’s regime of terror aimed against the working. class movement, the workers are carrying on their struggle by the use of both illegal and legal’; methods of work. Many women workers have been elected to positions of “enlaces” and “jurados de empresas” and lead the struggle in defence of their fellow workers’ demands. Following the strikes in April and May 1962, a large number of united working class committees elected by the workers directly at their places of work sprang up outside the framework of the official unions. These committees constitute an original movement, suited to the conditions of struggle under dictatorship. Although they have no legal status, these committees of the Trade Union Opposition have such influence, thanks to the confidence and support given them by the workers, that during strike movements the employ. ers and the authorities find themselves forced to deal with them, thus ignoring the official vertical trade unions. Many women are active on these com. mittees. In Japan, there have been women’s sections in the trade unions since 1946, 15 out of these 59 trade sections come under the SOHYO. In the SOHYO leadership, however, there is only one woman out of 32 members of the Executive Committee. In 10 out of the 28 trade federations (either affiliated to SOHYO and ZENRO, Shinsanbetsu or independent) in which women are in the majority, only 21 women have been elected to different executive committees which is less than 3 per cent of all the E.C. members. Women’s sections meet regularly, publish documents and bulletins and organise information conferences for women. In Indonesia, 13 women have been elected to the National Council of SOBSI, which is made up of 110 members. One woman is Vice-President, four others are departmental heads or deputies. SOBSI organises special courses of vocational training for women as well as courses on trade union problems. Of the 31 trade unions affiliated to SOBSI, 22 have women on their executive councils. The highest number of women cadres are to be found in the Unions of the Plantation Workers (SARBURI), the Cigarette Workers and the Ministry of Labour employers and particularly in the local trade union organizations, each of which has at least one full-time woman worker, The Plantation Workers’ Union has 958 full-time workers on the regional and central leadership. Every regional committee of the SOBSI — in Eastern Java, in Central Java, in Djakarta, in Northern Sumatra and in Western 60 === [PDF page 68] === Kalimandan —- and every Executive Committee has one woman among its members. In Chile, 15 unions out of 40 have women on their leading bodies; the same is true of 20 provincial councils out of 25. More and more women workers are to be found on the leading bodies of local trade unions and thus these unions become better acquainted with the specific problems of women and are able to maintain closer contact with them. Their aim is to recruit 300,000 women who are still unorganised. There is 8 women’s section in the leadership of the CUTCH. The recent National Conference of Women Workers recommended that women’s committees should be set up in every trade union branch as well as in the national unions and associations. After Parliament was forced by united action to ratify the lowering of the age at which women are pensioned to 55 years, the women’s section set itself a new task, to work for the establishment of nurseries and nursery schools. The committee set up to launch this national campaign includes people of all political opinions, doctors, university professors, social workers, etc. In Australia, the Council of Trade Unions launched a national week for equal pay in March 1964, which marked a new stage in the struggle for women’s rights. In Melbourne the trade unions set up a mixed committee for equal pay. The aim of this national campaign is to force the government to adopt the law on equal pay which so far has only been adopted in New South Wales. This campaign is leading women to take a bigger part in trade union work, In Algeria, the General Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA) has hundreds of thousands of members, and many women in leading positions, The unions organise vocational training, as well as schools for the TU members. A great effort is being made to do away with illiteracy and to train young women workers rapidly. Numerous workers have been elected to local TU committees both in industry and agriculture and here they learn economic management. Algerian women, who played such a glorious part in the war of liberation enjoy the same rights as men. With the help of the trade unions and mass organisations the Algerian Government is taking measures to ensure their complete emenicipation and to put an end to the old prejudices. In Morocco, since April 22, 1962, 100,000 women trade unionists have been organised in their own Women’s Union within the Moroccan Labour Union (UMT). The UMT sees to it that trade union vocational training is organised on the national and regional level and in several trade unions the women workers have access to responsible positions at all levels. In Kenya, there is a ““‘Women Workers’ Council” which is represented on the General Council of the Labour Federation of Kenya, Trade union courses are organised for women. In Madagasear, working women are becoming increasingly aware of their responsibilities. They are joining their class brothers in trade unions and are 61 === [PDF page 69] === taking an increasingly greater part in the leadership. There are several women shop stewards. In Guinea, the unions are encouraging women to take an active part in the country’s social and economic life; they have organised courses and meetings on the material and moral value of work and on specific problems arising from their two-fold task of workers and mothers. The trade unions also help to set up vocational training centres for women. In Ghana, where there is no discrimination, women occupy important and responsible positions. Some unions have women Presidents. In Zanzibar, 10 per cent of the working women are TU members and 1 per cent are active trade unionists on regional committees or in local branches. There are no women on the national leadership. In the Congo (Leopoldville), the CGT organised fortnightly meetings of women workers which are very popular; these meetings are part of the cadre training campaign. In the Lebanon, two women have been elected to the Executive Committees of the Textile and Clothing Workers’ Unions, This is a step forward, for until recently women were prevented from taking part in the country’s political and social life. Speaking of Africa, we should mention the great importance of the Dakar discussion on the promotion of African women. This discussion was organised at the end of 1962 under the auspices of UNESCO, with the active participation of the WFTU. Its aim was to encourage women to take part in the construction of a new and independent Africa within the framework of industrialisation and economic development. Women representing 22 African countries took part in this meeting. The meeting particularly appealed to women to organise themselves within the trade unions and the trade unions were asked to include in their programmes of action the specific demands of women and to struggle in close unity with the women for their success. In African countries or territories stil] under colonial rule, and in Angola, Mozambique, the so-called ‘‘Portuguese” Guinea, and in the Republic of South Africa, the trade unions are persecuted, their leaders imprisoned, tortured and even sentenced to death as at present the SACTU leaders (multiracial South African Congress of Trade Unions). However, in South Africa the women workers support their unions and struggle in the ranks of the national movement. Despite the most savage repression they demonstrate against apartheid, collect funds for imprisoned patriots, face imprisonment, torture and persecution in their desire to conquer colonialism. 62 === [PDF page 70] === tHE ALLIES OF THE TRADE UNIONS We would like to stress the fact that in many countries as, for instance, Australia, Canada, the United States, France, Japan, Cyprus and others, many trade union organiations are being helped in their work by organizations of the workers’ womenfolk. Under normal conditions they play a social role, but during strikes they give invaluable help by their participation in picket lines, in the preparation of meals and refreshments for the strikers, in making arrangements for their sisters’ children. In certain countries these committees are called women’s auxiliaries. Here we would like to recall the considerable role played by the miners’ wives in France during the big strikes of 1963. “Associations of housewives” with a 350,000 mombership have been sot up in Japan. This close link between the trade unions and the women’s auxiliaries — (often women workers who have had to give up work after starting a family because of the lack of creches and other facilities, and who can go back to the factories or offices only when their children have grown up) strengthens the cause of trade unionism and is greatly beneficial to it. PROGRESS ACHIEVED IN SOCIALIST COUNTRIES We have quoted figures illustrating the high degree of organisation of women workers in socialist countries. This mass participation is without doubt possible thanks to the fact that the trade unions in these countries are able to give the women workers maximum satisfaction. For it is not a matter of admitting the woman to the trade union organisation simply as a ‘‘worker’’; the socialist regime always encourages the trade unions to remember that their female members are ‘“‘working women” and thus do everything possible to satisfy their needs and specific aspirations. The trade unions, whose importance and role are increasing with the development of the various socialist countries, in turn. ask their women members to take an increasingly important part in the numerous tasks of the trade unions, especially concerning organisation, the consolidation of trade union structure in the different branches of industry, in raising the role of all trade unions bodies and ensuring the broad development of trade union democracy. In the Soviet Union, women represent 31 per cent of the membership of the Trade Unions’ Central Council, 43 per cent of the Central Trade Union Committees, 40 per cent of the membership of trade union Councils and Committees at republican, territorial and regional level, 49 per cent of the membership of urban and district committees and 50 per cent of the membership 63 === [PDF page 71] === of works committees. All in all there are 2,405,245 Soviet women workers who hold elected functions in the trade unions, In Czechoslovakia, women workers are promoted to leading positions at all the levels of the trade union movement: In the Central Council there are 25.6 per cent women. In the Slovak Trade Union Council there are 25 per cent women. Apart from that, of the regional and district trade union bodies 22 per cent are women and on the works committees 30 per cent. In Mongolia, women represent 30 per cent of the trade union membership and many of them hold leading positions in the trade union bodies. In Hungary, the participation of women in trade union bodies at all levels is considerable: in works committees more than 30 per cent are women, in regional bodies more than 26 per cent, and in higher bodies more than 11 per cent. Thero are more than 53.9 per cent women in the social security council (led by the trade unions). In the People’s Republic of China, quito a number of women workers are elected by the masses to work within the trade unions. Some are even elected to the trade unions’ leading bodies. There aro 14 women employees and workers on the Executive Committee elected by the 8th Congress of the All-China Federation of Trade Union and 3 others on the Financial Control Committee. Among them, 2 are members of the Presidium and 1 is Vice-Chairman. In the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the Central Council of the Korean rade Unions has 15 per cent women members, among whom one is Vice-Chairman and one is head of the Women Workers’ department. More than 20 per cent of the employees working in the trade unions are women. In Vietnam, there aro moro than 12 per cent women in the trade unions’ leading bodies, In Cuba, the youngest socialist Stato, the mass and enthusiastic participation of women workers in trade union life is well-known to all. In the traditional “fomale” branches of industry, such as textiles, leather and fur, ete., there are more than 200 women leaders of the trade unions and trade union sections; in public affairs 1,116 women hold key positions in the trade unions on a local, regional and provincial scale; in the food industry, 810 women are on the trade unions’ leadership, ete. Tn order to create and ensure conditions enabling the woman trade unionist to fulfil all her duties, the trade unions of socialist countries which are steadily increasing their scope as a social mass organisation as well as the sphere of their activities, continue to take ever more efficient measures to eliminate the difficulties which might occur. These difficulties are not being denied; they are being examined with a desire to solve them. Concrete steps are being taken and women workers are certain they will be definitely solved. 64 === [PDF page 72] === GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC During breaks and in their free time, the staff of the modern hospitals and polyclinics can rest in comfortably equipped rooms. Village housewives can do the week’s washing in the automatic machines put at their disposal. What a saving of time and energy. === [PDF page 73] === Factory trade union take special on trade union Women play a big part in the trade union movement, as we can see from this photo. graph taken at the Berli regional trade union POLAND This young laboratory a ant works in an agricultural research station. === [PDF page 74] === USSR Soviet women can learn the trade of their choice, These architects are planning new estates in the suburbs of Moscow. The network of nurseries and nursery schools covers all districts of the Soviet Union even in the remote paris of the taiga or the Far North. They enable mothers to carry on a job without interfering with their children’s developments. This nursery is in the village of Shorog, in the Pamir mountains. === [PDF page 75] === BULGARIA Marusa Todorova and Olga Naide are members of th Supreme Soviet, both t rs. They ‘took spel training courses and qualifi as enginee MONGOLIA Women are to the fore in every walk of life im the country, which has 1 gone ov feudal economy to soci In the new ind es women are becoming specialists and, in time, help to train othe’ === [PDF page 76] === HUNGARY — Infant mortality has gone down by 76.4 per cent, nared with the pre-war years, thanks to the care given to children by the socialist sta fore and more nurseries are being set up for the children of working mothers. With the help of all k raining facilities, women are taking on more skilled jobs and professions. La Dw n took vocational training cor In addition 29,000 wor 0 1 attended classes to complete their general and secondary schooling anc 7 i rt This is a class at the evening secondary school YECHOSLOVAKIA — This team at the “Sazavan” shoe factory is famous for high productivity and fine quality goods. === [PDF page 77] === INDIA More than 20,000 working women demonstrated when their Charter of demands was presented to the government of the State of Maharashtra. They marched through Bombay carrying thousands of banners and of poste On March 6, 1964, working women staged a huge march through the streets of Bombay, DLCK BACK van === [PDF page 78] === CAMBODIA Most women are agricultural workers. Their main demand is for equal pay. NORTH VIETNAM Women play a very important part in industry and agriculture, where the main aim is to improve the people’s living standar This team of Nam Dinh textile wor has been honoured for ils outstanding work. === [PDF page 79] === TO WIN OVER MORE MILLIONS OF WOMEN WORKERS Tt cannot be denied that since the Ist International Conference progress has been made as concerns the organisation of women workers and their more active participation in the life and leadership of trade unions. However, this cannot satisfy us as millions and millions more women workers have still to be won over for the trade unions. There is also a great deal to be done to give rise to and to liberate tho initiatives of the women workers already organised and to make the best of them participate in the leadership of trade unions at all levels. There are three types of shortcomings in our activities. We have to consider ' them so as to overcome them. 1) The trade union organisation has to deal increasingly with the specific demands of women workers in order to broaden their understanding of the trade unions’ role in defence of their rights and to stimulate their recruiting. 2) Our forms and methods of organisation have to take into consideration the difficulties women have to face because the second shift is waiting for them after their work. 3) Prejudices about their ‘‘inferiority”, and a lack of confidence in their capacities which aro an obstacle to their organisation have to be eliminated and women must have access to responsible positions. In determining the special demands of women, an invaluable role is played by various kinds of trade union committees on women’s questions — called women’s departments, sections or committees, according to their character, either mixed or composed only of womon. The numerous examples from all over the world, which we have already given, show that existence of such committees, their functioning and their activities are necessary for the trade unions so that they can better know these demands. TO ADAPT FORMS AND METHODS OF ORGANISATION A woman who works has to win a race against time after a harrassing day if she is to finish all her tasks before bedtime. If, for these working women, membership in a union and the struggle for it represents a third shift, then one understands why they are reticent to become members and so much the more to become militant cadres. The first task of the trade unions is therefore to establish closer links with women workers, as indeed ‘they should with all workers. And therefore it is necessary to develop their activities within the framework of the enterprises. And it is from this that arises the importance of defending trade union liberties and of struggling for further liberties in connection with the conditions of industrial life in our days. -: 65 === [PDF page 80] === Shop stewards and members of works committees are invaluable as the link between the trade union and the workers. Therefore women should be elected in large numbers as shop stewards, particularly where female labour is prevalent. One can make use of intervals, particularly during the lunch hour, for women workers’ meetings in workshops, to pass on information and to organise discussions. During work meetings or conferences, days or half-days of study, the trade union should take steps to help mothers in their work at home and in looking after the children. Working class solidarity is not an empty word and we know that women are always able to find in such cases ingenious solutions to cope with these difficulties. It is also necessary for the trade unions to pay much greater attention to the problem of publicity. It would be desirable to follow in many countries the example of the French CGT which possesses a magnificent instrument of propaganda and organisation in the review “Antionette”. Could not the Women’s Committee of the MUGC (Movement for Trade Union Unity and Coordination) in Argentina make a permanent publication of the “Organisational Bulletin of the Working Woman”, which played such a mobilising role during the preparation of our Second Conference? Our press articles, works magazines and leaflets must always be written in simple and concrete language, comprehensible to all women. We must also show them the bright future by giving wide publicity to successes scored in other countries, informing them about life of women workers in socialist countries. TU SCHOOLS FOR WOMEN A special effort should be made to find forms of education and enable women to profit from them, despite their lack of time, their numerous tasks and their fatigue. Besides a special prograrame for the demands of women workers, it is also necessary to formulate a programme of activity concerning trade union education among women workers and active trade unionists. What should be the main content of the education of women workers? Like trade union education in general, it should consist of political and organisational problems. To enable the workers to direct their sentiments into a movement, into a struggle against oppression and exploitation, against injustice, to demand increased wages and social security, they have to know the fundamental sources of their poverty. Women workers should thoroughly know their rights and the power of unity, and also learn who their enemies are. 66 === [PDF page 81] === They should learn the principles of organisation and action, and of trade union democracy. Active women workers who are elected to posits have much to learn in order to reach the same level as their men colleagues and carry out their tasks efficiently. Education among the women workers and continual promotion. of women will increase the number of women in the leadership of the trade unions with a large number of women members, such as those of the textile and other light industries, on the plantations, and so on. PARTICIPATION IN LEADING BODIES Certainly it is the women workers thernselves who are best qualified to defend their own interests and who, together with their working brothers, can move the trade unions forward in the fight for their specific demands. But this means that the trade union movement must have confidence in them and help them to take up responsible jobs. Experience shows that while certain progress has been made to this end — the figures and the examples given in this report prove it — a great deal still remains to be done before women can hold the positions they are entitled. to in the trade union leadership. What do the working women themselves think about this? The answer was given in an enquiry made by the Belgian General Federation of Labour concerning the best way to fulfil the demands of women workers. One answer to this enquiry — a letter signed by 120 women of the Fabrique Nationale d’Herstal — is characteristic. These workers state that the trade union centre is lagging behind in carrying out the women’s social programme. ‘hey propose that women should be put on trade union election lists and that they should be allowed to fight, both for general demands, and. also, in particular, for demands that essentially concern women. They reply in advance to the objection that “women workers have not such a good training as male trade unionists” and say: ‘But why should we not learn how to carry out a trade union task properly if some of us are allowed to become shop stewards?’? And they end their letter by asking the FGTB to include women representatives on trade union committees as an important item of its programme. We have heard of a militant woman trade unionist in Argentina, who belongs to the Union of Workers in Plastic Products and is a shop steward in the enterprise ATMA; she declares that she is greatly worried about the indifference of most leaders to the problems of women workers. However, “we are’, she says, “an appreciable force and we occupy an inereasing!: decisive position in the working class movement. In our enterprise, for === [PDF page 82] === instance, there is a high percentage of women; several internal committe are composed mostly of women. But in nearly all leading bodies of the trade unions women are ignored or relegated to social committees. Are we not capable of occupying leading positions? If, in internal committees, women have to face internal problems and deal with employers’ representatives, how can somebody doubt their capacity to defend the general interests of the union? “T therefore think”, she adds, “that since we struggle against discrimine tion in the social sphere, we should also struggle to put an end to discrimination in the trade unions.” Yes, it is essential to have confidence in women. And in ordex to become conscious of the reserve the number of women can offer, it is necessary to se the courage and intelligence with which women workers are struggling against the employers, participating in struggles and even leading them. But it is necessary to do even more; it is necessary to create conditions for the working woman to permit her active participation in the trade union leadership. It is necessary for this purpose that the militant trade unionists should bear in mind the difficulties which most of the women have to face in their lives and in their responsibilities and to adapt the time of the meetings to hours which are most convenient to them. We would like to give one example because it can illustrate all the others and can show that there ere no insoluble problems if one wants to find a solution. This example comes from France, In one of the trade union leaderships, the brothers were astonished about the absence of an active woman:membor at trade union meetings. After enquiries they learnt that she lived alone with a young child and that apart from her work in the factory, she had to do 17 hours a week domestic work in order to make ends meet for the upkeep of her son. Tho leadership of this union then decided to compensate this woman for these 17 hours so that she could devote this time to trade union activities. This shows how necessary it is to think about helping militant trade unionists if we want to enrich the trade union leadership with new and valuable forces. IN CONCLUSION In conclusion we should like to say that the trade union movement cannot carry on good mass work if it is not able to draw the women into action, convince them of the need for unity, explain the concept of class struggle and bring them into the organisation. This can only be the result of continued explanation, of the battle for ideas, and the denunciation of bourgeois propaganda. In order to weaken the workers struggle and the trade union movement 68 === [PDF page 83] === the employers attach great importance to isolating women workers, who we, in reality, an important part of the working class. Beceuse of their numbers, of the way they are exploited and of their militant spirit, women workers constitute a decisive force for the success of the working class struggle for a better life, for democratic rights, for freedom, for \national independence and for peace. As the socialist pioneer Jules Guesde wrote: ‘‘The workers, whose civil tad political emancipation has enabled them to give the lie to every non- (oonomic emancipation, less than anyone else want to see the continued ionomic subordination of one sex to another. This would mean to make woman @ proletarian of man.” Of course, it is the task of the working class as a whole to fight for the equality of women. We should remember Lenin's words in his greetings to the Women’s International Day celebration in March 1920: “Tho principal task of the workers’ movement is to ensure the equality of women workers in the economic and social spheres, and certainly not merely their formal equality. 'o promote the participation of women workers in the productive work of socicty so that they will not remain prisoners of the dousehold and will not be confined to the kitchen or taking care of the children. This is the principal task of the workers’ movement.” Therefore in the struggle against the monopolies, against imperialism, for national independence, for a better life and for world peace it is the duty af the workers and the trade union organisations throughout the world to mobilise millions of women workors in their ranks. We must and we can obtain this success. It will be the merit of our confetence if it can become the starting pcint of an ever greater international tampaign for a greater participation of wornen workers in the struggle, in the tivities and in the leadership of the trade unions. 68 === [PDF page 84] === FROM THE CONTRIBUTION TO THE DISCUSSION === [PDF page 85] === ISABELLA MILANESE Secretary of the Union of Clothing Workers, OGIL Tue THIRD CONFERENCE OF ITALIAN WORKING WOMEN, held in 1962, on the initiative of the CGIL, outlined a programme of demands which can give the work of women its rightful place and make them aware of the role they play in production and in society. This programme of demands links the problem of wages with that of social institutions, the classification of work with that of technical training, the reduction of working hours with that of public transport and rents, the need for a new social security scheme with the struggle against increasing speed-up. Such an economic policy makes it possible to mobilise working women and to force society to investigate practical steps to eliminate the contradictions which prevent the full application of women’s right to work. We are confident that despite the difficulties the employers will certainly put in the way of achieving these demands, they will sink into the minds of the women of our country and spread to the entire labour movement. Our whole organisation must act to prevent any section of working women remaining backward, for this would hinder the development of the entire labour movement. The experiences and results obtained in Italy during the past few years explain our confidence and certainty that we shall be able to carry out the advanced and united trade union policy needed in the present situation. Though confident, however, we do not under-estimate the difficulties of the moment. We are confident that by our economic struggles we have reinforced the organisation. More and more women, especially young ones, are joining the trade unions. More and more women are becoming active trade union members in the 73 === [PDF page 86] === factories as well as on factory committees. We note a more direct and more extensive participation of women in the elaboration of economic programmes, for the renewal of collective agreements and in economic campaigns in the factories. This shows that the relations between the women and the trade unions are growing stronger every day. Yet we cannot be satisfied because difficulties still arise in assuring the systematic participation of women in the activities and life of the trade unions. We should try to go over as quickly as possible from the present stage, when women support the struggle, to the next stage when they will become trade union leaders capable of holding leading posts in the union organisation. To do this we must also get rid of an attitude of paternalism on the part of the men leaders and their reluctance to regard the problems of working women in the context of the general problems of the working class. The problem of the training of the maximum number of female leaders so necessary at all levels of the organisation, is of fundamental importance. During the last fow years several hundred young women have attended trade union courses organised by the CGIL and by the national industrial unions, particularly in the textile, clothing and food industries and in commerce. It will be easier to train female trade union leaders if we succeed in encouraging women (who participated with such militancy in the struggles for their own domands) to be confident in their own ability to participate in leadership. This confidence should be based on their knowledge of specific and general problems and backed by the enthusiasm which makes an active trade union member. We want to train complete leaders who understand trade union and political problems and who combine their knowledge of the problems of the factory with those of society and the demands of women. TATIANA NIKOLAYEVA USSR Our CONFERENCE IS BEING HELD AT A TIME WHEN the whole march of history is being moved onwards by men and important events. The heroic struggle of the working class for their ideals is winning success. The forces of socialism and peace are isolating the forces of reaction and war. The world socialist system has become the decisive factor in the 74 === [PDF page 87] === development of human society. The sivongth and prosperixy of the socialist tmp are a great encouragement for the oppressed peoples in their struggle against imperialism and colonialism. The peoples who have won their independence and have set oui on the road of socialist development can rely on the fraternal help of the socialist countries. Soviet women wholeheartedly and unanimousiy endorse the peaceful foreign policy of the Soviet Government, a policy which ensures our people the best conditions in which to build communism. We know that ordinary people all over the world support the clear and consistent policy of the Soviet Union and of the other socialist countrics, as well as the firm principle of peaceful co-existence between states with different social systems. Our Gouyernment, headed by the tireless fighter for peace, Nikita Khrushchov, does everything possible to lessen international tension and to avert a nuclear war. In our couniry a new generation of women have grown up under the Soviet regime. As in the capitalist countries, where the class struggle and the national liberation struggle give vise to heroes and heroines, in the Soviet Tnion the peaceful construction has given birth to determined and courageous women who are the pride of the entire Soviet people. The October Revolution gave women cqual political rights, The principle of encouraging women to help in running the State is being applied consistently ina Leninist manner, 'The Supreme Soviet of the USSR has 390 women deputios. This is more than the number of women in all the parliaments of the capitalist countries taken together, Tho role of Soviet women, in the country’s economic life is increasing year by year. Some 48 % of all industrial and office workers are women. It is easy to find women who are heads of brigades, forewomen, heads of departments, or of shifts and sections. About 13,000 women are managers and chief engineers of factories. Women represent 50% of all specialists with secondary or higher education. This is due to the fact that in Soviet universities and institutes the number of women students is almost four times higher than the number of all the students in Britain, France, the German Federal Republic and Italy together. The fact that women are able to do work, carry on public activities and bring up their children woll while still having leisure to raise their cultural standards is a great achievement of the Soviet system. Communism has inscribed on its banner: Peace, Work, Freedom, Equality, Brotherhood and Happiness.' These are our wishes for all peoples. The building of communism is our international duty, our contribution to the common cause of the revolutionary struggle of the working class. === [PDF page 88] === MADELEINE COLIN Secretary of the General Confederation of Labour — France Women ARE, INDEED, A NEW FACTOR THAT HAS COME to the fore in the search for ways and means of obtaining the unity of the international trade union movement. The International Trade Union Consultative Committee will enable thom to make a greater contribution to this. We approve the analysis of the international situation made in the report, for without this it would be ridiculous to attempt to make a serious analysis of the economic and social problems facing the working class and, in particular, working women.. MOBILISATION OF ALL DEMOCRATS Naturally, the position of working women in our country cannot be separated from the conditions of the working class as a whole, living under a regime of personal power. The policy of this regime is to enrich and strongthen the monopolies. In foreign affairs its policy isto concentrate on the formation of a French nuclear striking force which swallows up thousands of millions at the expense of the working class which pays tho cost. The repeated attacks on freedom and democracy, on the right to strike and civil liberties have only one aim, that is to impose this anti-social and militarist policy which is opposed not only by the working class, but by increasingly broad sections of the people and by all democrats. The struggle for economic demands, against the regime of personal power, for democracy and for peace calls for the unity of all the workers and their trade union organisations. It means that all democratic forces must be mobilised and this is our steadfast aim. The struggle is long and hard. However, we can say that while the present situation in France shows a marked stiffening of de Gaulle’s policy in favour of the monopolies and at the expense of the working class and non-monopoly circles, it is also characterised by a weakening of the influence of the regime of personal power among the people; popular and democratic opposition to the de Gaulle Government is growing and there is a big development in the movement for working class unity and for the unity of all democratic forces, despite all obstacles. For us this is encouraging and hopeful. 76 === [PDF page 89] === FIRST VICTIMS Tho foremost victims of de Gaulle’s anti-social and antidemocratic policy we women, especially working women and mothers. This particularly refers to their wages. According to official figures, three out of our women in industy and two out of five office workers earned less than 450 francs a month last year. The gap botween hourly rates for men and for women on tho samme job is growing wider and wider. At the moment there is, on an average, a difference of 10 per cent, the highest since the liberation. TIME TO LIVE! Last International Women’s Day, the General Confederation of Labour put out this slogan; “Timo and the means to live, time to rest, time to breathe, time to love’’. This expresses the longings and the noeds of women. Working hours should be redueed in the following ways: — a shorter working week, with a return to the 40-hour week and tivo consecutive days off; —ashorter working year with four weeks’ paid holiday; —a shorter working life ending with a pension at 55. Theso aro demands which unite all working women. One of these demends has been won, since the four weeks paid holiduy has now been introduced in most trades. This is a great vietory which hrs been imposed on the monopolics and on the regime. We are now campaigning for pensions at the age of 55 for women, amotinting to 60 per cent of their former wages. We argue that, counting her day in tho factory and the office, and her work at home, a woman has, during all the 30 to 40 years of her working lite, put in a working weck of 90 to 100 hours. This is shown by statistics, and it shows, therefore, that she has well deserved a pension at 55. THE RIGHT 10 MOTHERHOOD The third type of demands which engages French working women concerns their role as mothers. For many years we have been leading a vast ideological battle so that motherhood, bringing up children to become men and women capable of building tho society of the future, should be considered by public opinion, by our trade unions and by working women themselves a social function. This would give the working mother the rights which are due to ber from sociesy, the employers and the regime. 77 === [PDF page 90] === This idea of the right to motherhood, which is a reality, gives the trade unions and working women a stronger position in demanding the right to equality at work, equal pay and to equal access to jobs. For the demands to the rights of motherhood cannot be opposed by the employers as they often try to do under the pretext of ‘equal status’’. ‘This idea of the right to motherhood goes much further and js more sound than that of the protection of mother and child or of aid to mothers, and we think it would be useful if it were expressed in the Working Women’s Charter. Determined campaigns are being organised in factories in support of all demands related to motherhood, and far-reaching results have been obtained and included collective agreements, in regulations and factory agreements. Our demands include daily nursery allowances, paid time-off to look after a sick child, Jeave with half pay to bring up a child, shorter hours for pregnant women or nursing mothers, snacks for mothers and so on. Our campaign is aimed at making the public authorities recognise a numbet of these provisions and extend them to cover all working women. The struggle of the working women in our country is growing and has obtained considerable results. It has many different aspects and is part of the general economic and social struggle. In all these struggles for their specific demands, the maturity of working women is also increasing. Great changes have taken place here since the first World Conference in 1956, Not a singlo economic struggle has taken place in any of the trades without the full participation of working women. They took part with courage and at times with heroism in the fight to defend the Republic in 1958, the fight for freedom, against the OAS and against fascism. A great event has marked the period since the first World Conference, an event which has brought relief to thousands of anxious mothers. This is the ond of the war in Algeria. In these important struggles the working women of our country have grown mature, they have won expericnce and a spirit of responsibility. As we succeed in convincing our trade unions that they must take into account a women’s burden as a housewife and a mother, that they must adapt the forms of organisation and propaganda to a woman’s life, we shall see that large numbers of women will come and strengthen the trade union organisations and take their place in their leaderships. This Second International Trade Union Conference and ospecially the discussion on the problems of organisation and the exchange of experience which will accompany it, should help us to advance even further in the struggle for the satisfaction of our economic and social demands, for democracy and peace. 78 === [PDF page 91] === MAKIKO YAMAMOTO Head of the Wornen’s Department of Sohyo Sobyo — Japan Every NEW YEAR, SINCE TRE FIRSY INTERNATIONAL Trade Conference of Working Women, we have organised a National Assembly of Working Women in Tokyo. ‘The purpose of the assembly is to review the rsults of the struggles waged during the previous year and to prepare our work in the coming year. This year in April, just before we left to come here, the 9th Assembly met in Tokyo. More than 4,500 delegates came from all parts of the country to discuss wages and working condiiions, discrimination, peace and independence, the organisation of working women and the vlruggles against the monopolies. The number of working wormen in Japan increases every year by 400,006 to 500,000. In 1956, at the time of the first Conference, there were five million working women. Today there are eight million. However, only 2,460,000 working women are organised in trade unions. The majority of the five million non-organised women. work in small and medium-sized establishments. Working women’s wages are today 45.6% of the men’s. Had it not been for the firm struggle of working women, this percentage would be even lower. The Japanese Government, which has close ties with the Japanese xnonopolies, associates itself wilh the policy of American imperialism and does not even recognise the ILO Convention No. 87. Under the pretext of rationalisation. it increases the exploitation of the workers for the sake of maximum profits for the monopolies. The introduction of new machinery swells the ranks of the army of unemployed. The workers are compelled to work at great speed. Consequently. the rights of working women to protection, maternity, monthiy days off and so on are greatly restricted. The struggles of working women against the attacks of the capitalist mionopolies reach their peak every spring during the campaign of some six and a half million workers who demand a general increase in wages and application of the principle “equal pay for equal work”. This vast movement is led by SOHYO and a number of strong independent unions. It takes the form of strikes and demonstrations. Simultancously various kinds of seminars and meetings are organised to discuss the problems in question. The campaign also stresses the need to cut working hows as well as the establishment of ereches and kindergartens. ‘The struggle of working women for their demands is closely linked with the struggle for the preservation of peace, against reforms of the Constitution, against the signature of the Nippo-Korean mili- === [PDF page 92] === tary treaty, against American atomic submarine and American military bases in our country. Our women workers are very active and work for unity of action in the struggle for the complete independence of Japan. WLADINA RESTANO CASTRO (Cuba) On BEHALF OF THE REVOLUTIONARY TRADE UNION Centre of Cuba with its one and a half million members and on behalf of all the peoplo of Cuba, we grect this Second Conference and express our conviction that it will be a powerful stimulant for unity of action of the trade unions and for the promotion of programmes aimed at solving the problems of working women. We also wish to express our profound solidarity with the defence of the rights of working women and firmly endorse all measures to apply the Programme of Trade Union Action adopted by the Fifth World Trade Union Congress. In our country, the woman in production, as in any other job, contributes all her enthusiasm and all her abilities to the aim of creating a life of dignity in the society we are building. There are no limits to the scope of our activities. Working women in Cuba wear the uniform of the people’s defence corps, they hold leading posts in the Government and in our beloved United Party of the Socialist Revolution. Today women hold positions of which they had never even dreamed before; they hold responsible posts in the trade unions, and their participation can be felt in the fulfilment of all tasks. Tho situation in our country is in sharp contrast with the distressing conditions of many peoples, particularly in Latin America.. Speaking of the problems of Latin America, allow me to read to you a paragraph from the Second Havana Declaration, presented to the People’s General Assembly, in reply to the Punta del Este agreements which are. designed to serve the aims of American imperialism: ‘No Latin American nation is weak, since it belongs to the family of 200 million brothers who suffer the same hardships, who share the same feelings, who have the same enemy, who have the same objectives and who rely on the solidarity of men and women all over the world.” Cuba is a Latin American country which the American monopolies will never again be able to pillage. The future of our country depends on us, and 80 === [PDF page 93] === this explains why our trade unions are trying hard to raise production and productivity, to improve the quality of goods, to organise and stimulate socialist emulation which encourages enthusiasm, fine achievements and the appearance of new heroes of labour. Of all the shock workers in the country, 21.95% are women. In the period of one year Cuba has eliminated illiteracy, thanks to the activities of our outstanding teams of educators made up of our sons and daughters, and thanks to the workers’ brigades whose slogan is ‘Patria o muerte” (Our country or death). The labour movement is today duty-bound to encourage and advance the cultural revolution which must be accomplished speedily. In fulfilling these extensive and profound objectives the working women of Cuba are called upon to offer their important contribution. Social insurance schemes were among those problems which used to cause great concern to working women, This concern has been transformed in Cuba into joy and satisfaction. The former social legislation we inherited from the capitalists is nothing but a memory of the past, since the new law on social insurance protects all the rights of women: the right to work, to motherhood and to life, and guarantees them a carefree old age. We support peaceful co-existence and world peace and —- with special emphasis on this point --- we quote a section of the speech of our Prime Minister, Supreme Commander Fidel Castro: ‘“‘Cuba is a nation which knows the price of peace, it is a nation which knows the tragedy of war, which cherishes peace and hates war, and yet it is a nation capable of shedding its blood to defend its country and its cause. We cherish peace with dignity.” SALLY JOHNSON Ghana TUC Tie REPUBLIC OF GHANA HAS JUST EMBARKED UPON her Seven-Year Development Plan for the socialist reconstruction of her national economy towards the development of the State. The successful implementation of this Plan depends on the joint efforts of men and women workers of the State. Our women are aware they have a peculiar and unique role to play in our forward march towards the prosperous future. This awareness has fully orientated the mentality of our women who ean be seen competing with men in many industrial spheres of our country. 81 === [PDF page 94] === The labour laws of Ghana, I am particularly proud to say, have cherished and will continue to cherish socialist principles which guarantee equal rights for both men and women workers. We cannot blink our eyes to the fact that the policy of “equal pay for equal work” is a long-cherished tradition in the Ghanaian society. Promotion avenues in industries for men and women are not dissimilar. Technical training schemes for improved skill cover both sexes without any discrimination. The right to annual paid holidays of guaranteed minimum duration has been embodied in the collective agreements of our trade unions and are enjoyed by men and women workers regardless of creed, and race. In our march towards socialism the government has been particularly concerned about the health and educational needs of her citizens. This has resulted in free medical treatment for all citizens. Our women therefore enjoy free medical attention during pregnancy as all citizens from the cradle to the grave. During pregnancy, our women workers are assigned light jobs for fewer hours to enable them to havo sufficient relaxation. It is an irreversible truth that imperialism and colonialism — the enemies of socialist revolution, — have turned the African workers into impoverished, half-clad and undernourished people. The monopoly, capitalists have mercilessly exploited the African workers in return for a pittance.. It is therefore the declared determination and avowed aim of Ghanaian workers to join forces with all progressive trade union organisations in the fight against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. The workers of Ghana organised in the Ghana Trades Union Congress will resolutely continue to defend and consolidate our national independence and security against Western capitalism. The Trades Union Congress will never abdicate its right to defend the cause of our workers both men and women for the achievement of economic sufficiency which is the bulwark of socialist reconstruction and development of national economy.: MARGARETE MULLER Secretary and member of the Presidium of the Free German Trade Unions (German Democratic Republic) THE DELEGATION OF THE CONFEDERATION OF GERMAN Trade Unions would like to express its complete agreement with the deep analysis of the present situation and the important conclusions expressed in 82 === [PDF page 95] === the reports of Louis Saillant, General Secretary of the WFTU and of comtrades Gali Menendez and Setiati Surasto. Women are becoming more and more aware that the struggle to maintain peace can only go forward with their support. Events have shown the truth of this. They understand that politics are not only men’s business. And the trade unions are playing a big part in heightening their understanding... In our country three and a half million women and girls work. This is 70% of all the possible female labour. It is also 46% of the total labour force. This shows their great contribution to socialist construction. At the sixth Congress of the German Free Trade Unions, in the autumn of 1963, it was pointed out that at the present stage of socialist construction the trade unions of the German Democratic Republic were facing new and important tasks. The Sixth Congress appealed to all unions to see that women were enabled to exercise creative sense in socialist emulation and socialist. co-operation to increase the productiviry of labour, to cut production costs and to turn out high quality goods. This is a contribution to the wealth of the socialist society as a whole, and not merely to the wealth of each woman and each family. Groat importance should be given to the questions of training women for qualified jobs, to giving them posts at various levels in the state and in the trade unions. In accordance with these tasks, the trade unions do everything to see that the life of working women is made as easy as possible so that they can carry out their professional work alongside their work as housekeepers and mothers. The right to education is certainly one of the most elementary rights of women. The German Democratic Republic offers women the widest opportunities in this field. In the universities and colleges, in the trade schools, one student out of every four is a woman or a girl. This shows that women are making good use of their right to education. Working women can take courses at their enterprises or in the people’s schools where they acquire in particular professional qualifications so that they can become skilled workers, forewomen, technicians or engineers. Of course, this is not so easy, for many of them are married, with a family of small children. But here, too, the trade unions help them. They have worked out a plan of various levels of qualification, so that the women and girls can learn to be semi-skilled or fully skilled workers during their working hours. Each factory or industrial branch should plan its exact needs in qualified workers, according to its particular perspectives. Thus, they should organise ways of helping those women that wish to improve their qualifications; to this end, the managers of socialist enterprises and the trade unions draw up yearly contracts in which the plans for training women play an important role. The decreasing rate of infant mortality and of death in childbirth shows how our state cares for mother and child. The bud zt allocates large sums to this effect and in 1961 the socialist state set aside one thousand eight hundred 83 === [PDF page 96] === million marks for ante-natal and post-natal care, child welfare and nurseries Every second child goes to nursery school, one out of seven to a day nursery, where they are well cared for. This is another great achievement. The wide network of social services functioning in the districts and in the enterprises, which will be improved continually, makes the work of housekeeping easier for women workers. With such help they have more free time which they can devote to both technical training and to caring for their family. MIREYA BALTRA Chile Tax CHILEAN DELEGATION APPROVES THE REPORT presented to this Conference by the General Secretary of the WFTU, Brother Louis Saillant. As regards the problem of peace, we welcome any step towards ending international tension. The United Workers’ Centre of Chile has taken a firm stand in support of a policy of peace, for universal disarmament and the destruction of nuclear weapons. It has strongly opposed the cold war and the policy of provocations pursued by the imperialists. For the working class, peaceful co-existence means heightening the class struggle, strengthening of the national and international labour movement and carrying the national liberation movement forward still further. In our trade unions we should muster all our strength and energy to fight against the national monopolies which, in collaboration with the imperialists, apply various new methods of excessive exploitation. Concentration of economic power in Chile, as elsewhere in the world, is reflected in the activities of the monopolies, which are using their financial, banking and industrial establishments to stifle the workers’ legitimate demands. These national monopolies dismiss working women during pregnancy. They use cheap labour, that is to say, our young girls, to avoid applying the law on creches and so as not to have to pay family allowances. They violate trade union rights and the provisions of the Labour Code, as for instance at the large textile plant “‘Yarur” whose owner preferred to condemn 1,200 workers, including 800 women, to poverty rather than tolerate the organisation of a trade union in his factories. This explains why we, the workers, are against imperialism, against the big landowners and the monopolies. The women’s section of the United Workers’ Centre has drawn up a plan for trade union action around a concrete programme: 84 === [PDF page 97] === — Immediate establishment of day nurseries to help working mothers; longer maternity leave (it is now 42 days before and 42 days after childbirth); — Loyal application of the law providing for the establishment of creches, that is now systematically violated by the employers; — Elimination of all discrimination to which women aro now exposed, both on the administrative level and with regard to wages; — Proper protection for working mothers; — Consistent struggle against rising prices of essential foods. Thanks to the united action of Chilean working women, we have succeeded in compelling the government, which adopts a hostile attitude to working women, to fix the retiring age for women at 50, after 25 years service. MILADA NETUSILOVA Czechoslovakia ly OUR COUNTRY 46% OF THE WORKERS ARE WOMEN and since the first Conference in Budapest their number has gone up by 200,000. The number of organised women has also increased and 92.6% of all working women are members of Czechoslovak trade unions, which is 40.6% of the total membership. We no longer discuss questions such as “Should women work or not?”’, “Should they hold public office?” The Czechoslovak Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (ROH) has laid down in its programme all the necessary provisions to ensure that a large number of women can have a trade of their own or hold public office, so that their fine qualities, their spirit of economy, order and conscientiousness should serve society as a whole. Special attention is devoted to improving the quality of various services that free women from housework and facilitate her work as a mother and worker, since not even a socialist society is able to solve all problems at once. Moreover, we are doing everything to eliminate prejudices which still exist in tho minds of certain people who still have not much confidence in women in responsible jobs. We are working hard to overcome tho wrong conception held by certain women who are satisfied with a less qualified job, considering their wage as a mere supplement to their husband’s income, without trying to raise their own qualifications. Today no-one any longer claims that politics do not concern women. On the contrary, we can see how eagerly women follow international problems and discuss how they can contribute to safeguarding peace, which they cherish so dearly, for ourselves and for future generations. 85 === [PDF page 98] === Today, across our frontiers, in the German Federal Republic, attempts are being mado to give atomic weapons to the federal army. Demands are being formulated for a revision of our frontiers and we can see that peace is still in danger. I speak for all Czechoslovak women and for all workers when I say this: We maintain that there is only one road to maintaining peace, and that is through peaceful coexistence and universal and complete disarmament, which will offer mankind tremendous opportunities for a further economic and cultural development. SEKAT RABIA Secretary of Moroccan Labour Union Turovenovur THE WORLD WOMEN WANT TO PARTICIPATE in creating a new era and in assuring peace and progress. This also applies to African womon, both in the independent countries and in the countries that are fighting for their independence. Tho women of Morocco are confronted by tremendous problems but they are determined to solve them. In order to organise thomselves to unite and to work even harder to tackle their probloms, the Moroccan women formed their organisation, the Progressive Union of Morocean Women, on April 22, 1962. Through this union they campaign for their demands, defend their rights and interests and speed up their promotion in all spheres. Women have taken part in all the struggles which are tho pride of our people, in all the battles waged since the earliest days of Morocco’s history against the invaders. During the struggle for national independence they carried in their flowing jellabas arms and documents, they distributed leaflets, looked after the wounded, encouraged the fighters and participated in all demonstrations. By their action and by their presence they contributed towards victory, after which the independence of our country was finally recognised. In 1956 their eyes shone with hope and they looked into the future with faith and enthusiasm in the construction of a prosperous and democratic country. However, the independence they had longed for and to which they had mado such a great contribution did not live up to their expectations. Thoir conditions did not change, they even grew worse. Like the rest of the people women continued to struggle for the recognition of tho rights. 86 === [PDF page 99] === They participated in all the strikes and they have on many occasions expressed their determination not to give up the fight until their objectives are attained. They demonstrated for the evacuation of foreign bases, for the independence ofthe Algerian people and so forth. They are carrying on the struggle against unemployment, under-cmployment, poverty and exploitation and are doing everything to protect their tights which are continually threatened. The work of the women of Fez, of Agadir, bank clerks, postal clerks, and others, have gone down in the history of the women’s struggie. They organised large-scale strikes and won great victories in their struggles alongside their menfolk. Sister DOLIIN People’s Republic of Mongolia Tue ENTIRE PROGRAMME OF THE TRADE UNIONS TO defend the vital interests of the working class, as laid down in the documents of the Fifth World Trade Union Congress, as well as the decisions of our Conference, can only be carried out if wo have peace. We are fully aware that in our country a new war would imperil not only the lives of millions of human beings but the very existence of entire countrics and nations. That is why we consider the struggle for peace as a permanent task. The Mongolian people have supported the Moscow Treaty on the partial banning of nuclear tests for military purposes as well as the New Year Message of the head of the Soviet Government, we consider that these are stops that safeguard world peace. Our people know the horrors of the colonial yoke, for we were under the yoke of foreign occupants for over 200 years. Hunger, poverty and ignorance was the lot of Mongolian cattlo breeders. The people were being wiped out. Barely 43 years ago not a single woman had been to university and the number of those who were able to read and write could be counted on the fingers of one hand. Today more than 40% of all industrial workers are women and 51%, of all the members of agricultural unions are also women, Women are playing an important role in the health service where they represent more than 70% of che workers. 87 === [PDF page 100] === In the dairy establishments, sugar, textile and clothing factories 85% to 90% of the workers are women and we find women in all branches of national economy. The trade unions carry out a great deal of cultural and educational work among women. They encourage more and more women to take part in public activities and to improve their working conditions. The labour legislation assures all rights to working women and one of the most important tasks of our trade union organisations is to see that it is adhered to. The Labour Code forbids the dismissal of pregnant women, stipulating that they must be given lighter jobs if their hoalth makes this necessary. They retain their former wages and after childbirth return to their old job. Mothers of large families are entitled to a State pension at the age of 45 and all other women at the age of 55 years. GLORIA DE CASTRO Colombia Tue MOST OPPRESSED AND BACKWARD SECTION OF Colombian society is the rural population. More than 14 million inhabitants are illiterate. This is 38% of the population, but the majority of these people are, in fact, women living in the country. Our country has 130 million hectares of arable land, but only 30 million hectares are cultivated. Thoro are one and a half million landless peasant families and moro than one million families who own so small a plot that they cannot live from it. There are the large estates where many families work as share-croppers, suffering ill-treatment and despotic behaviour of the big land-owners. The woman peasant plays a decisive role in agricultural production on the coffee plantation, 56% of the workers are women. Many women are also employed on the rice, sesame, cotton and other plantations. These plantation workers do a nine-hour working day; they have no social care or medical assistance. The women have a hard and exhausting life. In addition to their work in the fields they have to do the housework; they are victims of a whole series of prejudices and of a backward system of family relationships. They are deprived of all culture and are surrounded by superstition, The democratic forces in the country know that the only way to do away with the shame of the rural areas of Colombia is to carry out a genuine de- 88 === [PDF page 101] === mocratic land reform, under which the land would be given to those who work it. Violence is the worst scourge to which the peasants are exposed. The big landowners and the government use force to stifle the desire for land, for peace and for work expressed by thousands of peasants. The working class of Colombia is preparing itself for a difficult battle against the Government’s policy of starvation, repression and violence. ROZA DESHPANDE India Ix INDIA TODAY THE WORKING WOMEN DO NOT COME forward only for their various demands or sectional interests. After the first International Conference at Budapest more attention is paid to promote women cadres to positions of responsibility in trade unions, in factory committees, in canteen committeos. Today thero are factories whore women workers come forward to take up and solve urgent demands at departmental level. Women workers are also participating in larger numbers in trade union struggles. Asa result of our campaigns, in September 1958, the ILO Convention on Equal Pay for Equal Work was ratified by the Indian Parliament. In the coal industry, women workers have been awarded equal pay. In somo other industries, the Government has ratified equal pay but itis yet to be implemented. In the field of Social Security we have also some achievements to report. There is a law which is being fully implemented prohibiting the employment of women workers on night shifts. An Employees’ State Insurance Scheme has been introduced for the industrial and office workers with five major benefits: medical, maternity, injury, sickness and dependants’ benefit (in cases of death due to employment injury). 2.57 million workers are insured, and 2.08 million families are covered by this scheme. But women are discriminated against even here, as in the caso of women workers the scheme does not extend to their dependants and families. We have a Central Maternity Benefit legislation, passed in December 1961, but there are yet many industries where this legislation has to be implemented. Particularly, seasonal industries. a These above instances serve to show that in newly-liberated and dependent countries the struggle for working women’s rights does not end with the achievement of this or that legislation, this or that award. A consistent struggle 89 === [PDF page 102] === has to be further waged for the effective implementation even of existing rights on a uniform scale. Women workers, engaged in backward areas in industry, when unorganised, aro even forced to work a twelve-hour day. But with the growth of our movement these instances are becoming fewer and fower. We are of the opinion that the Draft Charter of Demands placed before this Conference reflects correctly the special problems facing working women. Such a Charter, applied to the concrete problems of our country will certainly enable us to carry our movement forward. Faced as we are in our country with a multiplicity of trade unions it will further help in providing a common platform with working women of other trade unions. To quote one instance, although factory workers have the benefit of ecreches, there is no provision for kindergartens in our country. Office girls, telephone operators, bank employees and so on do not even have creche facilities. This is a burning issue which can be tho starting point of building a united movement for the achievement of demands outlined in the Charter. Through this we are confident wo shall bo able to break through existing prejuctices and pave the way for united action. We welcome the proposal for setting up an International Consultative Trade Union Committee concerning the economic and social problems of women workers. Such a Committee would enable us to exchange experience and views in a systematic mannor, and thereby ensure a most effective campaign to carry out the tasks we will outline together at this Conference. We, in our country, will not fail in our duty towards maintaining and striving for the preservation of world peace. The significance of tho Moscow Treaty on a partial ban of nuclear tests was fully realised by our working women and hailed as a great stop forward in the provention of war. The New Year Message of the Soviet Government to heads of Governments regarding steps to ensure the settlement of frontier and territorial probloms without recourse to force was welcomed by all. The All-India Trade Union Congross has been consistently campaigning for such a policy. As a loyal detachment of the World Fedoration of Trade Unions, the All-India Trade Union Congress will unhositatingly and determinedly strive for the prevention of war — this is essential for us in order to consolidate the progress we have so far achieved and to go forward to farther achievements. We pledge to you here that we will be unswerving in our fight for the rights of working women, to strengthen and extend the trade union movement, in our determination to serve the sacred cause of unity of the working class. 90 === [PDF page 103] === HELENE DAZY Secretary of the World Federation of Teachers (Trade Department of the WFTU) Worx NG WOMEN WHO HAVE SCHOOL-AGE CHILDREN are greatly concerned with the problem of education. Like all mothers, thoy want thoir child to have the best possible school conditions, to attend well built and equipped schools with qualified teachers. They also hope that their child will have the best and widest education, that he will dovelop his personal gifts and see the finest perspectives before him. It is only natural that all parents should want their childron to develop in every way as individuals, as creators, as citizens. These parents are, for the most part, workers who know the weight of exploitation and povorty, and thoy want their children to be better armed than they were in the fight against the monopolies and to win true freedom. This is why the workers’ trado union organisations play an active part in the struggle for a democratic education. One aspect of this struggle is particularly close to the hearts of working women: this is the technical training of girls, a subject which is closely bound up with the whole question of employment of female labour. Tho lack of professional training among women is the most frequent argument put forward by tho employers when they refuse to apply the principle of equal pay for equal work, or to give working women promotion. For the monopolies — which are governed entirely by their thirst for profits — technical training for women is not worth while. We all knowthe complaint that the employers make about female labour in general — absentecism, maternity leave, the fact that women often stop work on marriage or when they have to bring up small children. These accusations are all tho more unjust since it is the capitalists who aro directly responsible for this state of affairs by refusing to increase social security schemes, to shorten the working day or to set up a network of social institutions which would help women to work and to look after their families at the same time. The result of such short-sighted and unfeeling conceptions is that the training of women workers is at a standstill, both from the point of view of the number of young girls who can go to trade schools and from the choice of jobs that await them when they have been trained. And this is true at atime when the progress of science and technique is going forward at lightning speed, at the dawn of the atomic and cosmic age, when culture and education have become a vital demand, just as dear to the people of all countries as the demand of bread and freedom. In opposition to these reactionary conceptions, the working class, working 91 === [PDF page 104] === women and progressive teachers firmly put forward the idea that a woman has not only the right to have a trade, but that she has the right to all trades, even the most highly qualified ones, that she has the right to accomplish all tasks without any reservation, oven the most responsible, according to her gifts, her physical and intellectual possibilitios. Wo can completely reject the idea of her “not being worth while”, of being second-class labour in regards to teaching. While preparing the working woman to fulfil her task in the national economy, occupational training should also encourage the development of her personality, it should be the gateway to higher culture, This, too, is why we do not admit that occupational training and promotion should be refused to women. JAN FONZE Belgium We HAVE COME HERE ANXIOUS TO TIGHTEN THE BONDS of friendship which have, for many years, united the progressive section of the Belgian trade union movement with your great organisation. Our presence is the assurance of our desire to see the workers acting together for the establishment and consolidation of world peace. We have followed the important deliborations of your conference with great attention and wo shall draw our own conclusions from it. When we return to Belgium we shall not fail to report to our working women. We hope wo have accomplished our duty towards international unity of all the labour forces and contributed to the fulfilmont of the traditional call: — “Workers of all lands, unite.” LINA FIBBI Trade Unions International of Tertile, Clothing, Leather and Fur Workers ly THE WORLD OF TODAY THE DEMAND OF THE RIGHT to work, to equal pay, an advanced technical training and social legislation for mother and child (as a right of the working mother and not as a charity which is granted out of kindness) are no longer remote objectives. 92 === [PDF page 105] === As for women’s right to work, today the problem is no longer that of finding any sort of a job in an economic system which only considers the work of men as valid and productive, but of applying economic plans, an economic policy which would respect the women’s right to work as well as their specifie abilities and possibilities. It might seem that these objectives are too advanced, but this is not true. Why is it possible today, even under the difficult conditions of capitalism, to achieve such advanced demands? The first reply that comes to our mind is that we can achieve them by our struggle. However, this reply is not sufficient in itself. The fact is that tho struggle for these objectives has become so vast and so united that it involves much broader and different sections of women than before. If you look at the newspapers of various countries you will find that not only women in the textile, clothing, food and metal industries or in agriculture are fighting for these demands, but also office clerks, specialists, women doctors, lawyers and so forth. Quite recently an international congress of women lawyers held in Italy put forward a number of demands outlined in our own programme, Taking all this into consideration, Brother Saillant was right to put before us the problem of unity as he did previously in this report to the Executive Committee of the WFTU. Unity is not only justified, it is absolutely essential if we are to win the domands we put forward. In working for this unity we must understand that we are thus widening our experiences and our knowledge. Whilo we have much to offer those with whom we shall establish unity, we also have much to learn from them. I think that for tho Committee of Consultation we must seek maximum collaboration even outside our organisation. It should help us to enrich and extend our experionces. The discussion of the problem of women at the 48th International Labour Conference might become the occasion for meeting and discussing with other forces represented there. This would naturally serve the interests of working women. The ideas we endorse and the proposals we put forward are not only our own; they so fully correspond to the desires of working women in all countries that they have been included in the programme or at least in the active demands of other important organisations. Our Conference shows that the struggle for peace and for peaceful coexistence which is being carried on by our trade union organisations and the majority of working men and women, has in no way weakened the class struggle to win class demands, for class objectives, which the workers are waging in all these countries that are still under capitalism. A review of trade union struggles and their scope proves the contrary. This can easily be explained. As men and women workers become more widely aware that, by their 93 === [PDF page 106] === united struggle, they can win economic and social objectives, they also become aware that it is possible to prevent war and to defoat the forces of big business and the monopolies. The trade union struggle is an important school in which women come to understand those things. We are proud of the contribution working women are making to the struggle for peace and peaceful co-existence among tho peoples. We who live in capitalist countries know that there are millions of men and women in the world who do not hold the same opinions as Khrushchev, but who appreciate his work for peace. In the Italian delegation to this Conference there are working women with different political outlooks, but who are courageously fighting in the ranks of our trade unions and who approve the Moscow Treaty on the banning of nuclear weapons tests. There are millions of mon and women workers who regard partial results and the Moscow Treaty as important steps forward although they do not forget that the danger of war still persists; on the contrary such results prove that the struggle and united action of the pooples for peace and peaceful co-existence can bring more and even greater successes, Do you think that if two years ago this correct policy of peace had not triumphed during the crisis in the Carribbean we would be here today, gathered at our Conference to discuss the problems of working women? Would the Rumanian worker who is building up his country whose beauty we have admired, would he be at his job today? Could our sisters from Cuba speak to us as they have done this morning about the construction of a new and happy life in their country? Certainly not... We are of the opinion that under the present conditions, the argument “all or nothing” means, in actual fact, nothing. 94 === [PDF page 107] === REPLY TO THE DISCUSSION BY LOUIS SAILLANT === [PDF page 108] === We BELONG TO A MAGNIFICENT CLASS, THE WORKING class. We are tho sons and daughters of workers in industry and agriculture and we have been brought up with the idea that ours is tho class of the future that it is fraught with great hope for the transformation of humanity for economic, social and political change. Tho strength of our working class stems from our determination to roplace the so-called ethics of the exploiters by ethics based on our revolutionary and working class principles which will be those of mankind tomorrow. After this Conforence I am enthusiastic despite cortain internal difficulties, we have reached our aim, we aro applying the decision of the Fifth World Trade Union Congress which set tho conference a vory important task. We are enthusiastic because, since Monday, more than 60 women delegates havo come to this rostrum. We are enthusiastic because from Africa, Latin America, Europe, Asia and from distant Australia and Now Zealand as well as from far-away Canada, we have heard expressions of confidence in our World Federation of Trado Unions. We are enthusiastic becauso of the rich contribution each of these delegates has made to our work, which is to understand better and to make known the conditions of working women throughout the world. Is it not true that after this week of work we feel better equipped for our future tasks than one week ago, whon we arrived in Bucharest? And if you feel stronger, it is because you have lived in this atmosphere of struggle and fraternal work at this Conference. Friends from Africa, is it not true that you have learned many things at this Conference, just as you have taught us many things? At this Conforence we have established ties of solidarity with African wor- 97 === [PDF page 109] === king women, whether they come from South Africa or North Africa, from East, West, Equatorial or Central Africa. These ties will help us in our common struggle for the emancipation of African women. This, in itself, is a first victory for the WFTU. And you, sisters from Latin America, who would have been here in far greater numbers had the 22 delegates from Brazil been able to come, you, too have felt: the authority, the dynamism and tho spirit of responsibility of the WFTU. When you return to Latin America you will make sure that you are heard by your brothers and sisters of Brazil so that they may finally win their struggle for liberation. Sisters from the countries of Asia —- our friends from Japan, from Indonesia, from India — you have drawn our attention to the conditions of working women in your countries. You have given us an insight into the conditions of working women in Asia. We thank you for your contribution. Rest assured that the results of your work ati this Conference will be felt by all of us in the months to come, because our trade union organisations will be stronger, more competent and bettor prepared to cope with their responsibilities. As for the other delegations, we have more frequent opportunities of meeting them in Europe, but I must say that when T looked at the list of delogates I could not help recalling that the Secretariat had originally thought that 45 countries would be represonted. Actually there are 54 here today: 21 countries from Europo, 8 from Asia, two from Australia and Oceania, 10 from Africa and 13 from Amorica; in all 308 delegates, as well as those from the nine Trade Union Internationals (‘Trade Departments of the WFTU) and a seven-member delegation from the WFTU Executive Committee. Consoquently thore were 324 delegates to this Conference. On behalf of the WFTU,1 should particularly like to groot our friends from the World Federation of Domocratic Youth, the International Democratic Women’s Federation and tho representative of the International Labour Organisation. I should like to assure them of our sincere desire for collaboration and co-operation, Altogethor, over 330 people took part in our Conference. Woe have achieved the aim we have set ourselves: a truly representative Conference, a working Conference, a trade union conference, This fills us with enthusiasm. Once we have adopted the draft Charter of working women’s economic and social rights and the draft Memorandum, drawn up by the special Commission, we shall see the concrete results of our work. It was very interosting for us to see how the national delegations that came to this rostrum evaluated the Chartor as an instrument of straggle and a basis for action. We are not publishing a Charter as a document for tho archives, or as a fine example of printing, produced on paper and nicely laid out, that will remain in the officos of the trade union organisations. Our Charter should be the basis for going forward to a still wider mobilisations, that will inspire new struggles and help us to proceed step by step in our social and political 98 === [PDF page 110] === struggle. If we remember that this Charter is going to be integrated as an additional document to the Programme of Action adopted by the Fifth World Trade Union Congress, we can understand its full political significance and the place it will take in the activities of tho WFTU in general and of all our trade union organisations in particular. Tho wido circulation of the draft Charter has already had its first results. These wore reflected at our conference in the fact that the rights of working women were defined more precisely and that there was more clarity on the future which we anticipate for working women in general and, particularly, for working mothers. Our trade union organisations, both in the capitalist and underdeveloped countries, and in the socialist countries, show great concern for working mothers. Our trade union organisations give more thought and interest to and are making headway in seeking ways and means of protecting women who have this two-fold role in life. In a modern society with modern industry, such protection should also be modern, How can wo assure that children are not separated too much from their parents who work long hours in industry? This is one of the concerns of the WFTU and of all trado union organisations, because it corresponds to reality. Undoubtedly, at some future date our trado union organisation will be able to give a more comprehensive answer to this question which concerns the mass of the workers. A very intoresting idea was expressed here by our sister Lina Fibbi; shoe said that while the demand of equal pay for equal work was still important, anothor demand was coming to the fore because women were beginning to play an increasingly active part in all spheres of production. That was the demand that women who do more qualified work should also receive a higher wage. We welcome this idea at this Conference and we shall give it very serious consideration. It appears that thore is virtually general support for the idea of a Memorandum. The Memorandum to the International Labour Office is not an end in itsolf — it is an act. We foel that both on the national and the international scale, we should use all means at our disposal to dofend the conditions of working women. Woe believe that our task is to establish somo liaison betwoeon tho action of the masses, particularly that of working women, for thoir demands and this international work to establish now international jurisdictions and new international conventions, Such new decisions would be at the same time a now form of struggle for our trade union organisations in these countries where this is necessary against out-dated concepts, against vestiges of the past and all forms of social conservatism. The WFTU did working women a service when, in 1947, it set in motion procedure which, on an international level, resulted in the elaboration of an international convention known as Convention No. 100. In a large number of countries, such as Japan and Italy, this international convention has helped to stimulate the mass movement..to encourage the struggle of working women 99 === [PDF page 111] === and to give them oven greater confidence so that they feel less alone in the struggle they were waging against the employers and against the reprosentar tives of reactionary governments. Tho Memorandum on which we are going to vote this evening will enable us to organise and to act together on an international scale that the campaign we are conducting in the International Labour Organisation in Geneva should bo thoroughly familiar to working women in all countries. We have put forward the idea of an International Trade Union Consulta. tivo Committee. It is vory encouraging for us in the World Federation of ‘Trado Unions to note your support for this proposal. We think that after this Conference, such a Committee will have an important task: it will have to carry on our work. This evening. whon we have heard the traditional phrase ‘“The first session is closed” we shall feel that the time has come when we must begin to put ow work into practice and organise this International Committee to which the Conference will delegate its responsibilities. Continuing the resoarch work begun hore, making now analysos of the demands and struggles of working women, of methods of organisation, of tho functions of working women in trade union organisations, the promotion of joint action, the organisation of extensive international campaigns for womon’s demands --- those, very rapidly and without going into detail, will be some of the initial tasks of the International Consultative Trade Union Com. mittee which we shall set up with your confidence. Its composition? It must be as united as possible. basod on the principle of equal rights and nondiscrimination. Wo shall invite all trade union organisations to participate and lead its work. We shall make no conditions for membership. We shall pursuc the policy of the wide open door, particularly towards those women and those workors who do not belong to the WETU. This brings me to the conclusion of my specch. We have spoken of unity. The International Consultative Trade Union Committoe must be the organiser of international unity of action in dofence of tho economic and social rights of working women. It must create the conditions for a broad international front, for the broadest possible unity. And hore T must reply to a quostion at this Conference: Unity with whom? How and why? Unity with whom, comrades? First of all, who are we? We are men and women workers. What do we represent? We represent a class. Could anyone dream of thinking that we seck trade union unity with our exploite or that we ask them to join our trade unions? Could anyone dream of thinking that we want international trade union unity with employers, workers, imperialists, anti-imporialists or colonialists? The unity which the WETU wants and which is recommonded in our Prograinme of Action, adopted by the Fifth Congress is unity with our class brothers and sisters. We know very well that not all our class brothers and not all our class sisters aro as yet anited with us. 100 === [PDF page 112] === KOREA — One country... two world, In American occupied South Korea children beg in the streets. In North Korea children are treasured, as can be seen from this nursery at the Pyongyang silk factory. === [PDF page 113] === NORTH VIETNAM “Be good, Mummy will pick you up after work.” A scene from the Sao Sang nursery school in Hanot. JAPAN Hard work, poor wages... Women are to be found even in the shipyards. === [PDF page 114] === JAPAN Miners’ wives demonstrate dongside their husbands aycinst jety measures. The read: “Let the miners “We protest against the an and Japanese monowho have killed our The recent Okinawa-Tokyo peace march against the American occupants won lively sympathy from the inhabitants of all towns and willages through which the marchers passed Women, some with their children led the marchers. === [PDF page 115] === ARGENTINA — This meeting in Buenos Aires was one of the many held throughout the country to prepare the Second International Trade Union Conference on the Problems of Working Women. MEXICO There is over 60 per cent illiteracy in this country. Trade unions campaign for their children’s right to education. Literacy groups are organised for adults, and there peasants are learning to read and write. === [PDF page 116] === BRAZIL — How many families of workers in towns and countryside live in wretched poverty. COLOMBIA — Women are taking an increasingly active part in the country’s economic, social and political life. T'hey crowded to this Bogota meeting against the rising cost of living, which was violently dispersed by the police. BUSES ¥ REPOS ESTOS A CAE BIG bE Care EA === [PDF page 117] === COLOMBIA — Only a few children are able to attend school. They have to work in the plantations the United Fruit Company, in order to add their poor earnings to the family income. EQUATOR — Land rejorm is one of the most vital needs. Indian peasant women take part in the vast movement to demand that the land should be given to those who work it. === [PDF page 118] === During demons the high ao tay cularly agai yi mi f j se 1 monopolie. “ tip people were killed by th police. Women were in the forefront in the march organised to pay homage to the victims. CUBA Cuban women who fought bravely for country’s libera tion, are now taking on the jc of peace, to build up their country. Le ny My. Cy ie === [PDF page 119] === CUBA — Young women who have trained as technicians; a group of volunteers helping to bring in the sugar cane harvest. === [PDF page 120] === Many working men and working women belong to trade union organisations that are not affiliated to the WFTU. Should we abandon the idea of establishing nity with them because, on some point or another, we noted different opinions or have a different way of looking at things? If, we want to carry out the big and essontial job of persuasion and explanation, if we want to convince others, wo must got into contact with each other, we must get together. We do not need to convince the members of the WETU of the correctness of its Programme. But wo must come together with those men and women workers who do not belong to the WFTU, to make them understand that today there is no better international trade union programme than ours. The important thing isnot merely to tell them, but to convince them. We must prove it to thom. And it is this that we must do when we raise the problem of unity and when we ask the question “Unity with whom?” With those who are not yet with us, but who will inevitably come to us. This depends on them, it is true, but it also depends on ns and most particularly on us. Under certain circumstances, our determination for unity must be strong enough not for ourselves alono, but for others, too, so as to advance more rapidly along the road to unity. Flow are we to advance? By showing understanding, by following the workers’ day-to-day demands, by studying their actual conditions; not by inventing imaginery situations or formulations, but by going to the factories and offices, in each country and on each continent, so as to set in motion the great curront of international workers’ unity, by passing on to one and all our own experiences so that all can gain from them, by gathering from our new comrades their experiencos so that we can learn from them. Tiow are we to advance on the road to unity? By organising joint action. Unity is not simply a sentimental act. One does not advance on the road to unity by carrying out united action. Why unity? Because workers’ unity has always boen the source of all our victories. More than a century ago Karl Marx made his immortal call: “Workers of all lands, unite’. Throughout the century, as our experience has accumulated, unity has grown stronger, the action of workers of all lands has became more extensive and the strength of the international working class has grown. A great German writer, Schiller, wrote in “William Tell’, that even the weak become strong when they are united. Now we can go further than Schiller because what we represent is not weakness, but strength, the strength of men and women workers throughout the world. This is a splendid reality, this is the source of our happiness, the essence of all our struggle. The greater is the unity of the international working class, the more invincible will it be. I am certain that here in Bucharest, at our Conference we have further strengthened the invincible might of our international working class to which you all belong —- whether you come from Africa or from Asia, from Europe or from Latin America, from New Zealand or from Canada. Therefore we shall go home filled with joy, with the confidence of victors. 101 === [PDF page 121] === DOCUMENTS ADOPTED e Charter on the Economic and Social Rights of Working Women e Preliminary Memorandum to the Director General of the ILO === [PDF page 122] === CHARTER ON THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RIGHTS OF WORKING WOMEN PREAMBLE Tus CHARTER ON THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RIGHTS of Working Women is worked out on the basis of tho guiding linos of trade union action included in the Programme of Action for the present stage. The wealth of the world is created by workers who should enjoy all economic, social and political rights. The presence of an ever larger number of women in industry is an irroversible fact of our time. By their growing participation in the economic activity and in the struggle of tho international working class, working women are an important force which is indispensable to the succoss of the workers’ struggles. Women’s entry into social lifo is a factor of progress which has helped tho working class as a whole to achieve positive results and working women to win new rights. Women workers represent fresh forces which help the growing trend towards unity and make a new contribution to the confrontation of ideas for the achiovement of a united front of tho working people. The full right to work for women necessarily implies equal rights in all spheres of the economic, social and political life of each country. Although equality of rights is legally recognised in most countries of the world, it is not yet implemented in many of them. Equality is a recognised fact in the socialist countries, where all fundamental conditions have been created to enablo women to develop their abilities to the full and to play the role that befits them in society. In tho socialist countries all riches and the fruits of labour belong to the entire people. Working women enjoy the same economic, political and social rights as their male fellow workers. 105 === [PDF page 123] === The position of women workers in the socialist countries encourages and stimulates the struggle of working women in other countries. Distinct from this, the situation in the capitalist countries shows that the employers and the monopolies, pursuing a maximum profit drive and social regression, are simultancously conducting an intensive policy of discrimination against working women. Ending this discrimination is an urgent demand of our time. In the newly-liberated countries where women have played their part in the struggle for national independence and where the remnants of colonialism hinder the complete emancipation of women, working women have to cope with many difficulties and discriminatory practices. That is why in many countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America the broad mass of women workers participate in the struggle for national independence against imperialist, colonialist and neo-colonialist subjugation and for equality of economic and social rights. As an inseparablo part of the working class, working women have the same aspirations and economic and social demands as the entire working class. However, they have additional specific demands, which result from the particuwar forms of exploitation they are exposed to and from their position of workers women and mothors. More and more womon fight for the carrying out of every measure meant to improve living standards and to oxtend the rights of working women and of the working class. The fundamental common demands of women. in all occupations in town and countryside, including women on outwork, and based on the given conditions in each country, can be suramed up as follows: 1. Right to work — guaranteed by the Constitution and by the industrial legislation of each country, without any discrimination; — effective application of this right once it is embodied in national legislation; —- introduction and expansion of social sorvices to ensure the full exercise of this right; — abolition of all discriminatory clauses and practices in the employment and dismissal of working women; —— guaranteed equality in promotion at all levels; —~ security in preserving jobs and qualification in case of maternity leave, to be extended to women employed on outwork. 106 === [PDF page 124] === 2, Remuneration — ratification and effective application of Convention. No. 100 of the International Labour Organization establishing the principle of equal pay; — wide recognition of the value of women’s work through removal of all discriminations in access to employment, classification, qualification and wages, and with guarantee and application of the principle of ‘equal pay for equal work”’, particularly in: — establishment of the same guaranteed minimum wage for men and women; — elimination of age categorics in the payment of wages for young girls; — removal of racial and territorial discrimination in establishing wages; — payment of unemployment benefits without discrimination. 8. Technical training — equal access to technical training; — unrestrictod entry of women into the trade of their choice; — establishment of, and raising the general and technical skill of women at the place of work or in special centres during working hours, and paid as such; — the introduction of retraining courses for women who have had to leave work for family reasons; — implementation of plans for teaching illiterate adults and for organising part-time tuition for working women under the management of the government and of employers; — the necessity of organising technical training in the developing countries. 4, Duration of work — reduction of working hours without loss of wages to give women the possibility of accomplishing their duties as workers and as mothers; — right to and observance of weekly rest days; — right to annual paid holidays of a guaranteed minimum duration; — right to paid breaks during work for nursing mothers; —— paid breaks during the day for working people during arduous or assombly line work. 5. Social security Apart from social duties and risks covered under social security and applicable to the entire working class, working women have the right to: 107 === [PDF page 125] === — special protection including free medical assistance during pregnancy, confinement and after childbirth; — free medical assistance for their children; — pre-and post-natal maternity leave of sufficient duration to ensure the protection of their health and that of their children; — maternity bonuses and family allowances; -~ nursing allowance and a layette; — leave to look after a sick child, to bo paid by the social security system, under legal provisions. Unmarried mothers looking after one or more children should be entitled to additional allowances; —a special age limit for earlier retirement with guaranteed adequate means of livelihood; —removal of all discriminatory practicos in the provisions concerning health and social security laws. In tho developing countries whoro as yet no social security laws have been enacted, such laws to be introduced and fully put into force. 6. Protection of woman and child Maternity provisions; Motherhood, a social function which is beneficial to society, bestows rights upon working women that must be recognised and guaranteod by the State and the employers. Tho rules of hygieno, health and labour safety for women must be strictly observed. The protection of woman’s health requires the elimination of excessive work-loads and observance of a normal paco of work, established on realistic and scientific norms and tasks. Technical progress, mechanisation and automation must mako hor work oasier. — The countries should ratify and guaranteo the application of the International Labour Organisation Conventions Nos. 4 and 89, prohibiting nightwork of women, as well as the conventions excluding women. from jobs endangering their health; — special and urgent stops should be taken for excluding expectant mothers and mothers of young children from night-work; — employment of women on heavy jobs which are dangerous to their health and where the causes cannot yet bo olirinated, must be prohibited; — states and employers to provide the necessary number of creches and kindergartens with specialised medical and educational staff and see to their running; — the stato and the omployers must provide holiday camps for children, of school-age. 108 === [PDF page 126] === 7. Participation in trade union activities In order to achiove the general demands of the working class as well as the specific ones of working women, trado unions should be free to exerciso trade union rights and freedoms, including in factories and all places of work. The active participation of working womon in the life, activitios and struggles of the trade unions as well as their promotion to the leading bodies of tho trado unions is a decisive factor for winning, defending and extending tho economic and social rights of working women and the entire working class. To this ond the trade union organisations have to focus their efforts on the two following probloms: — to carry on constant educational activity among working women and among the ontiro working class, with a viow to fighting reactionary prejudices in connoction with working women and to convince them in ever growing numbers of the necessity to fight and organise; — to work out and adapt methods of propaganda, oduecation and organisation, particularly taking into account the additional duties of women who carry on trade union activitios as housewives and mothers. Moreover, working women must be accorded the right to participate in trade union activities, particularly in strikes. 109 === [PDF page 127] === PRELIMINARY MEMORANDUM addressed to the Director General of the ILO Mr. Director General, Tue SECOND INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONFERENCE on Problems of Working Women held in Bucharest, the Rumanian People’s Republic, from May 11 to May 16, 1964, attended by 330 participants, men and women, from 54 countries, has made a thorough analysis of the present situation as regards women in industry in various countries of the world and has adopted a Charter of Economic and Social Rights of Working Women. The Conference has mapped out the tasks and the rolo of trado unions in the struggle for the defence of the rights of working women and of winning their claims, and has underlined the importance of the working women’s participation in the struggle for prosorving and safeguarding peace, against imperialism, for peaceful co-oxistonce and the peoples’ national independence. Living conditions In view of the considerable role women play in contemporary society, in all fiolds of economic, social and political life in every country, the Conference participants lay stress on the outstanding successes scored in the socialist countries, where women are on an equal footing with men and where every condition has beon created to develop their faculties to the full. As shown at tho Conforence, the working women’s living conditions in the capitalist world are in striking contrast to conditions in the socialist world. Undoubtedly, some progress has been made in many countries owing to the struggle in recent years by the working class against the offensive of the monopolies, but working women in certain countries on all continents are still subject to various discriminations. In the industrial capitalist countries, thanks to the long struggle of the working class and of its trade unions, these discriminations tend to bo less pronounced, although they still appear markedly in employment, wages and advancement. In the newly independent countries, the situation of women is greatly influenced by persistent survivals of colonialism and feudalism. As these countries are but slightly developed economically, and unemployment is 110 === [PDF page 128] === rife, women resolutely claim the right to work, an essential condition of their emancipation. In some of these countries, especially in those that have taken the path of independent economic development, progress is made in favour of working women, in step with economic development. In the countries still under the yoke of colonialism, women live in a state of slavery, subject to numerous discriminations, especially racial discrimination. They are fiercely exploited and exposed to long-term unemployment, their pay is extremely low, and they suffer the consequences of an almost total lack of social security systems. Urgent necessity The Conference has therefore thought it necessary to list the joint claims of working women and draft a Charter of the Working Women’s Economic and Social Rights, which is a powerful lever for action and represents an excellent programme of social achievements. Taking account of the work of the International Labour Organisation for the improvement of the working women’s conditions of life and work and the abolition of the discriminations against them, the Conference considers that the International Labour Organisation might increase and step up its activities in favour of working women. Charter of Economie and Social Rights of Working Women adopted by the Conference, and the Programme of the International Labour Organisation The Conference believes that in its work for women in employment, the ILO should consider tho results of this important meeting and especially the economic and social claims sot out in the Charter, the text of which is attached hereto. This is all the more important at a moment when the forthcoming International Labour Conference will resume its debates on the Programme of the International Labour Organisation in order to adapt it to contemporary requirements. The industrial committees should likewise concentrate their activities on those branches where many women are employed. The Trade Unions Internationals (Trade Dopartmonts of the World Federation of Trade Unions) are prepared to make their contribution in the examination of the problem of women in industry in different occupations. 111 === [PDF page 129] === Forthcoming discussions at the 49th International Labour Conference The Second International Trade Union Conference on Problems of Working Women notes that the problem of working women in a developing world has been included in the agenda of the forthcoming International Labour Conference to open at Geneva on June 17, 1964 and that a Convention or Recommendation on “Employment of Women in a Changing World” is to be drawn up. The WFTU and its affiliated centres have for long insisted on such debates being held, laying stress on the necessity of more rapid solutions of the problems women meet with in their work or in connection with their work. In this respect we should like to recall that in 1956 a WFTU delegation submitted a first Memorandum to the ILO together with the documents adopted by the First Conference of Working Women, which called for such debates. Principles to adopt The Conference wishes to lay stress on some of the principles which should be included in the instruments concerning working women to be adopted by the 48th International Labour Conference. Yo begin with, emphasis should bo laid on the right to work without any discrimination, which should not only be guaranteed by national legislation, but also effectively applied in practice. Any discriminatory clause or practice as regards employment or dismissal should be abolished and equality in advancement should be guaranteed at all levels. The instruments of the International Labour Conference should insist on tho application of the principle of “equal pay for equal work’’ formulated in Convention No. 100 of 1951, as well as on the necessity for the governments to intervene in the spirit of the Convention so that discriminations in wages are eliminated. These instruments should morcover state the right to technical training and moro particularly to equal access to technical training, free choice of occupation, the creation of suitable conditions for qualifying at the place of work, advancement, otc., the right of women and children to special welfare measures as part of the social security system and in the sphere of labour hygiene and industrial safety. The Conference also insists that these principles should be included in the Conventions and not in the Recommendations, if that has not already been done. The Second Conference of Working Women approves the proposal submitted to the International Labour Conference concerning the drafting of a new instrument on the employment of women with family obligations. As regards the other documents prepared by the ILO, the Conference 112 === [PDF page 130] === considers that they should refiect the claims laid down in the Charter on the Economic and Social Rights of Working Women. On the other hand, the Conference considers that the trade unions should be closely associated in the working out of international instruments. And once these instruments have been ratified and introduced in the national legislation the trade unions should play a decisive role in checking whether these laws are being observed. Ratification and Application of the Convention of the International Labour Organisation The Conference acknowledges the work carried out by and very often on the initiative of the International Labour Organisation in co-operation with trade unions, including the WF TU and its affiliated organisations, as regards Conventions on problems of outstanding interest to working women. However, an analysis of the ratification of such Conventions shows things to be far from satisfactory. Consequently the Conference considers it urgently necessary that the ILO and the International Labour Organisation should again call upon the governments to ratify tho Conventions at the earliest possible date, if they have not already done so, in particular Convention No. 100 which has been ratified by only 46 out of the 110 members of the International Labour Organisation. On the other hand, the Conference voices its regret that in many countries the obligations devolving on tho governments are not applied in practice; especially the principle of equal pay, where many discriminations still exist in this respect. Certain governments fail to apply those principles, even for civil servants. In the private sector tho situation is still more serious. Adoption of New Conventions International laws, as reflected in the Conventions already adopted, do not always meet the requirements of working women in the present stage and do not always solve their problems. Indeed, some of these Conventions show serious shortcomings or are outdated. Moreover, there are no Conventions whatever in many spheres of work, although immediate action is required. Consequently the Conference considers that the International Labour Organisation, as part of its general programme, should work out a special programme and adopt new Conventions on women in industry, having in mind the working women’s roquiremonts and aspirations. The claims set out in the Charter adopted by tho Conference will undoubtedly make a considerable contribution to the working out of such a programme. 113 === [PDF page 131] === Investigation and Studies In order to carry out activities for the benefit of working women, the various aspects of their conditions of life and work should be thoroughly examined so that the measures adopted should meet actual requirements and really reflect women’s problems. The Conference considers that the International Labour Organisation might make investigations and draw up studies on the following themes: 1) Repercussions of technical progress, of mechanisation and automation on employment of women, on women’s technical qualification and training; 2) Legislation and practices relating to the dismissal of married women; 3) New occupational diseases and safety measures for their prevention in the branches of industry and the occupations whore large numbers of women are employed; 4) The technical training of young girls, and obstacles and discriminations against them; 5) Working and social security conditions of women employed in agriculture, including plantations. In drafting the programmes of the International Labour Organisation on problems of working women, experts should be drawn in, whose studies, inquiries and recommendations might provide specialist assistance to the International Labour Organisation. The Conference urges the setting up of a representative tripartite commission made up of delegates of countries from all the regions of the world and with different economic and social systems — a commission on which the International Trade Union Organisations should be represented with full rights. Programme of action The colonial system, the long rule of imperialism and its survivals, have loft the developing countries with an economy whose main features are extreme backwardness, an underdeveloped industry, predomination of agriculture, and economic, social, occupational and technical conditions lagging far behind those of other states, with working women at a particular disadvantage. Consequently the Conference proposes that the International Labour Organisation should lay down in its programme new initiatives and activities enabling a moro rapid settlement of the problems facing women workers in these countries, thus extending to them the international juridical support which is within the province of the International Labour Organisation. In conclusion, the Second International Trade Union Conference on Problems of Working Women expresses the hope that the International Labour Organisation will attach greater importance to the problems of working 114 === [PDF page 132] === women than in the past, taking into account the new phenomena of life. The Conference hopes that the International Labour Organisation will not lag behind the reality of life but will keep track of the transformations taking place in economic and social lifo, transformations that enhance the role of working women in all spheres of contemporary economic and social life. === [PDF page 133] === [Otherwise blank, discoloured page] Published by PRACE === [PDF page 134] === [Back cover:] WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS [twin-globe emblem on a blue panel; red lower panel] === [PDF page 135] === WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS