The Political Role of Southeast Asian Women (Amara Raksasataya, 1968)

=== [PDF page 1] === YE fo (EQ y 2 yas — THE TCS ANNAES OF THE /AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITI AND SOCIAL SCIENCE Women Around the World STATE UNIVERSITY OF N.Y ATSIMGHAMT@N SERIALS January 1968 BOOK DEPARTMENT: NEW LITERATURE IN THE FIELD OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES === [PDF page 2] === VOLUME 375 JANUARY 1968 THE ANNALS of The American Academy of Political and Social Science Tuorsten SExuin, Editor Ricuarp D. Lampert, Associate Editor EN AROUND THE WORLD Special Editor of this Volume ALTHEA K. HOTTEL President International Federation of University Women PHILADELPHIA © 1968, by Tue American AcapeMy oF Potiticat AND SoctaL ScIENCE All rights reserved Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 68-16155 === [PDF page 3] === Issued bimonthly by The American Academy of Political and Social Science at Prince and Lemon Sts., Lancaster, Pennsylvania 17604. Cost per year $10.00 paper-bound; $14.00 clothbound. Second-class postage paid at Lancaster and at additional mailing offices. Editorial and Business Office, 3937 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104. === [PDF page 4] === conenrs MAMIE PAGE Women ArounpD THE WorLp: An IntRopuUcTorY ComMENT.. Althea K. Hottel SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC FACTORS INFLUENCING WOMEN’S LIVES Tue Status or WoMEN IN Mopern Patterns of CuLture... Jessie Bernard DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE AND THE Roles AND STATUS OF WOMEN Jeanne Claire Ridley Impact oF THE Wortp SociaL Situation ON WoMEN.... Julia J. Henderson POLITICAL AND LEGAL STATUS From ConstitutTionaL REcoGNITION To PusLic OrFice... Lakshmi N. Menon Status or WoMEN IN Private Law......... Inger Margrete Pedersen EVALUATIONS OF THE POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITIES THAT WOMEN ARE EXERCISING, BY REGIONS OR COUNTRIES WoMEN AND PoLitics IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA Rosamonde Ramsay Boyd WomMEN IN Pustic Lire In PERU..........-.-.-. Nelly Festini POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WESTERN EUROPEAN WOMEN Marcelle Stanislas Devaud PourticaL Activity oF WomMEN IN EasTeRN Europe.... Kamila Chylinska WoMEN IN THE Mippte East anp NortH AFrica AND UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE Beraét Zeki Ungér PoLiTicaL PaRTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA Angie E. Brooks Tue Potirica, Rote or SoutHeast AstaN WoMEN.... Amara Raksasataya WOMEN AND POLITICS IN- JAPAN = = 5 = 5 © ss cs 3 = He 3s Taki Fujita WoMEN’s PoLiticaL PARTICIPATION IN THE SoUTH PaciFIC..... Ada Norris ECONOMIC STATUS WomEN 1Nn Economic Lire: Ricuts anp Opportunities.. Elizabeth Johnstone WoMEN IN THE RurAL AREAS... 2... 2.2... Alison Raymond Lanier WoMEN AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS............ Alice H. Cook EDUCATIONAL STATUS Access To Epucation at ALL LEvEIS.......... Nicole M. Friderich Tue UNESCO Lonc-RancE ProcGraM FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN Jeanne Henriette Chaton Epucation Is tHE Key ron WOMEN........-....-- Ina M. Beasley GOALS TO BE ACHIEVED An Account or Unrtep Nations Action to ADVANCE THE STATUS OF WOMEN Margaret K. Bruce SUPPLEMENT RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN UNItED States History, 1963-1966. James H. Soltow BEREDDEN. scr Ge or as Gon ses Me ai Go ee) 0 Go WY vee WE 7 ws a) Has Se) MOP Sw 8D Se 10 asl Fes Say ws ow 15 34 44 52 61 67 72 82 86 91 96 102 115 124 133 145 154 163 176 === [PDF page 5] === The Political Role of Southeast Asian Women By Amara RAKSASATAYA Asstract: Women’s political roles in six Southeast Asian countries are surveyed. It is found that women have equal legal privileges in running for offices or voting, but that their actual role in these activities is minor, except in the Philippines. However, quantitative indicators such as the number of women voters may underestimate the political role of Southeast Asian women. Using Thailand as a case study, it is shown that women can influence the political processes importantly in ways outside the legislative process. For example, Thai women are a highly important force in Thai education and in professional associations. They also have a significant role in higher levels of the Thai bureaucracy. Nevertheless, the political role of women in Southeast Asia is limited, not legally, but by other factors such as substantial domestic duties limiting the time available to participate actively in politics. Significant changes in the political role of women in Southeast Asia are not foreseen. Their direct influence in the legislative process will continue to be secondary, but they will increase their influence in other phases of political processes, perhaps behind the scenes. Amara Raksasataya, Ph.D., Bangkok, Thailand, is Associate Professor of Public Administration and Director of the Research Center at the National Institute of Development Administration, Bangkok, Thailand. He is a member of various government councils such as the National Research Council and the Administrative Advisory Sub- Council and also serves as a Research Consultant to the Department of Community Development. He has represented his government at many international conferences, particularly in Asia. In the academic year 1963, he was a senior specialist at the Institute of Advanced Projects, East-West Center, University of Hawaii, Honolulu. He wrote City Government for Development, edited three widely used books, and recently compiled Thailand: Source Materials in Thai and Western Languages. He also serves as editor of the Thai Journal of Development Administration. 86 === [PDF page 6] === Tue PoxiticaL RoLE or SourHEast ASIAN WoMEN 87 MEANINGFUL study of the political responsibilities of Southeast Asian women requires departure from normal approaches. First, we need to clarify the meaning of the term “women’s political responsibilities.” It seems that, in Western thinking, the term suggests females’ demand for an equal share in political power and that the degree of political responsibility can be measured by quantitative indicators, such as how many women vote or hold office. Is it reasonable to think that women can exercise political responsibilities without directly getting involved in voting or running for offices which are parts of political processes? Would they be regarded as exercising their political responsibilities if they are engaged in other phases of the process? These are some of the points dealt with in this paper. PRESAGE TO WOMEN’s EMERGENCE IN THE PotiTicaAL WorLD Local systems of government in Southeast Asia traditionally provided minimal leadership to ensure certain degrees of peace and order and did nothing to mobilize the masses to participate in the political processes. Colonialism and modernization in the West changed the entire political picture of the region, and led to a nationalism affecting all people. This forced the women of Southeast Asia from their “proper place in the home” into the political current. The entrance of women into the political scene in the West and in Southeast Asia differed. In the West, women’s struggle for equality came after the men had successfully brought down the old regime and set up a political democracy for themselves. The process was not repeated in Southeast Asia. Women were at once able to enjoy universal adult suffrage when national independence or a democratic regime was established. Country SURVEY Because of the great variety of conditions, the author can present only generalizations on the current status of women in most Southeast Asian countries, based on information from a few reliable informants from each country.? In Burma, before the revolution of March 1962, women were politically active at an early age. It is generally believed that women turned out at the polls in greater number than men (about 80 per cent in 1960). This was the result of campaigners’ persuasion and provision for facilities to take housewives and their children to the polling stations. Women were also active campaigners for the candidates, and often entered the race themselves. According to one estimate, one out of five candidates for offices were women, but only a few made it to parliament. A few women were selected for high political offices: for example, in U Nu’s last Cabinet a widow was appointed minister. Indonesian women can vote. Yet only about 10 per cent of voters in the last national election in 1955 were women. The percentage for local elections was even lower. However, there are twenty women among 261 members of parliament and forty women among 522 members of the Constituent Assembly. In the present government, there 1The Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916 granted suffrage only to male citizens; an ensuing political fight, culminating in a national plebiscite, won for women their suffrage in 1933, before independence. 2Thanks are due to country informants. They are Mrs. Daw Tin Tin Tut, a former Burmese social welfare officer; Mrs. Gandarum and Mrs. Susilo, Indonesian housewives; Professor Raul P. de Guzman of the University of the Philippines, and former teacher Mrs. Elvira S. Macaspac; Dr. Joseph Jiang of the University of Singapore; and an anonymous Vietnamese housewife. === [PDF page 7] === 88 THe ANNALS oF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY is no woman in the Cabinet, though one lady was appointed ambassador. The chances are better for women in permanent career services, where 15 per cent of personnel are women. Though they have not reached the top-rank positions yet, their distribution at middle and lower echelons is fairly even. The Philippine case is quite different. The Filipinas are by far the most active force in the region. In terms of political participation, women exercise their political rights to the fullest extent.2 They turn out in great numbers (about 80 per cent), equal to turnout of the men, at the polls in national as well as local elections. About 20 per cent of women participate actively in political campaigns, and to a considerable degree become candidates themselves. In the present congress, 6 out of 104 representatives and 3 out of 24 senators are women. Locally, about 6 per cent of governors, vice-governors, municipal mayors and vice-mayors, and members of legislative bodies are women. Though no women are in the present Cabinet, three women are ambassadors. About 10 per cent of those in the government career service are women. In Singapore, women have the right as well as obligation to vote. They can run for office. Two of them are members of the present parliament of 51 members, though none has been appointed minister. In the civil service and other public services, women receive the same treatment as male counterparts. Many of them are in the elite Administrative Service, but none has risen to the secretarial rank. In Thailand, after the overthrow of absolute monarchy in 1932, the tradition of “king’s men” (a Thai term for bureaucrats) dominated the political sphere, and women’s domicility per- 3 The most recent account was by Dr. Paz P. Mendez in “The Filipina and Feminist Movement,” Sunday Times Magazine, October 3, 1965, p. 15. sisted, resulting in an attitude of political indifference among the Thai. For instance, less than 50 per cent of the people voted in the last national election in 1957. A sampling research conducted in one district showed that in that election, about 40 per cent of voters were women.* Not only did fewer women vote, but even fewer were active in political campaigning and running for office. Though a few were elected members of parliament, none has ever been appointed to a high political post such as minister, even before the 1958 “revolution.” In South Vietnam, more women than men cast their votes in national as well as local elections, but very few ran for offices. Five women were elected to the 1966 National Assembly, and one to the Constituent Assembly. No women have held ministerial posts, but about 30 per cent of the bureaucrats are women, mostly at the lower level. Inprrect Rote: A Tuat CAsE So far, the picture seems to suggest a minor role of women in politics. This is probably deceptive. Women’s influence in public affairs does not have to be measured by their direct role in political campaigns for legislative or executive posts. Women can be politically powerful if they can influence any stage of the political processes. To test this hypothesis, let us focus on the women’s role in Thai society, since on the surface they seem to play a lesser role in politics compared to women in neighboring countries. The role of women in Thai society as a whole is often compared to that of the hind legs of an elephant, while men are 4Vivadha Thaivadha, Voting Behavior in Muang Nakorn District on December 15, 1957, an unpublished Master of Public Administration thesis, in Thai (Bangkok: Institute of Public Administration, Thammasat University, 1961), p. 21. === [PDF page 8] === Tue PoxiticaL Rote or SouTHEAsT AsIAN WoMEN 89 _ the forelegs, connoting male domination. However, lately some women observe, perhaps in jest, that the elephant raises its hind leg first when it starts to walk! Under the dictates of time-honored tradition, women behave politely and quietly in the open, but can become active behind the scenes. For instance, one would find only a few Thai women engaged openly in big business; yet those who know Thailand well will testify that many are real entrepreneurs, mostly off stage. The high degree of women’s participation in economic life is indicated by the 1960 census report that 54 per cent of the males and 51 per cent of the females in all age groups worked, although 80 per cent of the women worked within the family and on the farm and received no formal payment. In the field of education, the government gives equal opportunity to children of both sexes, in all levels of education. In primary and secondary education, boys and girls, in roughly equal numbers, go to school. In higher education, at the undergraduate level in the academic year 1966-1967, 43 per cent of the total students (32,691) are women. About equal numbers of male and female students are studying in all fields except in the field of engineering. Furthermore, during the same academic year, of total full-time instructors, about 45 per cent were women. This indicates that women’s influence on Thai intellectual life is very great. We should also look at women’s role in the permanent career in public services in comparison with men. Excluding university personnel, - teachers, judges, policemen, and military men, 20 per cent of Thai civil servants are women. Among the civil servants in ‘supervisory or higher positions, 16 per cent are women.* 5 Figures are tabulated by the author from unpublished statistics of the National Educa- As most Thai policy-initiation starts within the bureaucratic ranks, these figures indicate that the influence exerted by women is, or can be, very great, regardless of the number of elective offices they hold. Educated Thai women are active in forming various professional associations such as the Women Graduates in Law Association and the Business Women’s Association. Women’s exclusive associations far exceed men’s professional associations. They are far more active, too. Women also play a dominant role in social, cultural, and welfare activities, such as the Red Cross Association and the National Social Welfare Council. These associations, undoubtedly, affect policy-making as pressure groups. Aside from the role of women’s groups in public affairs, women as individuals are highly influential in political processes as well. Thus, despite their low direct participation rate in the political arena, women’s actual and potential power is formidable indeed, especially given the intricacy of Thai politics. Whether such a “behind the scenes” account of women’s role constitutes a fair exercise of political responsibility or not remains a question more academic than real. Limitations oF WOMEN IN PoriticaL AFFAIRS Women’s role in public affairs is limited by many factors, mostly legal, sociocultural, economic, and psychological. Legally speaking, countries in Southeast Asia recognize full rights of citizenship of both sexes. In terms of women’s role in election, candidacy, and appointment to public political offices, there is little if any legal discrimination. Requirements for public career tion Council and the Civil Service Commission, respectively. ®In all Southeast Asian countries, women have completely equal voting rights. See === [PDF page 9] === 90 services in various countries, on the other hand, might specify details regarding induction of women to certain positions. For instance, in Singapore, women aspiring to administrative-officer positions must go through military training, as required of male officers. In Thailand, the Civil Service Act authorizes agencies to reserve some positions for either sex, if necessary; however, very few do. Once in office, women do have fair chances for advancement because, in most countries, seniority counts. Socioculturally speaking, women of Southeast Asia are oriented toward domestic affairs. They are taught to follow, to depend on, and to respect men. Religions seem to play a great role in molding their thought and behavior. Islam explicitly places women at men’s whim; Buddhist teaching, on the other hand, implies women’s secondary, but not subservient, role. In the Catholic Philippines, women’s place is more equal. Yet, in all countries, men, as well as many women, do not generally approve of women’s participation in public life. Finally, women’s responsibility at home in Asia is very great indeed, because of men’s distaste for household chores. This leaves little time for women to do other work. Therefore, if one looks carefully, women politicians are likely to be those relieved of family responsibilities. Working housewives, on the other hand, including those in government, should be distinguished entirely from women politicians. All informants agree that they work for economic and psychological reasons rather than for political recognition. Husbands’ income alone in most urban societies of poor countries are too low to provide Barbara E. Ward (ed.), Women in the New Asia: The Changing Social Roles of Men and Women in South and Southeast Asia, (Paris: UNESCO, 1963), p. 499. Tue ANNALS oF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY the desired standard of living. Psychologically, highly educated women are less homebound than housewives with less education. They like to work to keep abreast with events in the outside world. Once married, they often take part-time or full-time jobs, but with the recognition that their husbands are the real breadwinners. In these circumstances, it is not hard to give credence to the theory that Southeast Asian women would prefer a secure bureaucratic job to holding political offices. Future Rote or WoMEN According to our informants, the status of Southeast Asian women has undergone rapid change in the past few decades. But one must be careful not to interpret this as meaning that the majority of women in these countries have a modern role. The truth is that in the modernized sectors of these societies, women’s role is as great as men in many respects, but there are large cultural gaps between modernized urban sectors and the traditional rural sectors in each country. Therefore, in the decades that lie ahead, much catch-up work must be done in order to make modern womanhood a reality on a national scale. On the other hand, this author is highly uncertain whether women will become directly involved in the legislative process. He is confident that owing to Asian women’s traditional and cultural background, they will not rival men in direct political competition, except in the Philippines, where top executive positions are elective. But they will compete tenaciously for other indirect roles, as in the professions and the social world, as well as in business and government bureaucracies. This, again, does not mean that they are any less influential in political processes than men; for they are at their best behind the scenes.