Two Indonesian Women's Organizations: Gerwani and the PKK (Wieringa, 1993)

=== [PDF page 1] === Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars ISSN: 0007-4810 (Print) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/rcra19 Two Indonesian women's organizations: Gerwani and the PKK Saskia E. Wieringa To cite this article: Saskia E. Wieringa (1993) Two Indonesian women's organizations: Gerwani and the PKK, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 25:2, 17-30, DOI: 10.1080/14672715.1993.10416112 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1993.10416112 Published online: 05 Jul 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 3811 View related articles Citing articles: 11 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcra20 === [PDF page 2] === Two Indonesian Women's Organizations: Gerwani and the PKK by Saskia E. Wieringa* Introduction The modem history of Indonesia is sharply divided. From is one of the major instruments of the political leaders to make 1950 until 1965 its first national president, the charismatic Ir women conform to an ideal of citizenship based upon wifely Sukarno, steered the country through the Old Order. This period sacrifice. After 1965 the public image of Gerwani was transwas characterized by nation building, economic deterioration, formed: whereas before the coup members strove to be responand growing tensions between the army and the Indonesian sible and socially active citizens and good mothers, in the late Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia-PKI), with Mus- sixties mass campaigns were orchestrated with the objective of lim groups an important third power. General Suharto took over constructing an image of Gerwani members as whores and from 1966 onwards. After an ill-fated leftist coup in 1965, he sexually perverted women. PKK members on the other hand are built his New Order on terror instilled by anticommunist mass extolled as good ibus' and dutiful and respectable citizens. murders. In both periods important women's mass movements What greater contrast could there be between two women's were formed. Gerwani, in the earlier period, was closely allied organizations? Yet in the minds of some people the two organizawith the communist power bloc. Guidance for Family Welfare tions merge. When I carried out fieldwork in the Minangkabau (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga-PKK) was built up under region in Western Sumatera in 1984, women in far-off villages strict military supervision during the New Order. The parallels tended to think of Gerwani as a kind of PKK that had been there and differences between these two organizations are the focus of earlier but had disappeared in the midst of much slaughter. This this article. may be because Gerwani had had little time to organize itself There are wide differences between Gerwani and the PKK. since it could only develop fully after 1961, when a regional Gerwani was the mass-based left-wing women's organization in uprising had been put down. Yet some present-day observers of Indonesia that was completely destroyed after the coup of 1965, PKK activities also pointed out to me that the PKK was which in its aftermath brought General Suharto to power in 1966. reintroducing aspects of Gerwani's program. The PKK is the present-day women's mass organization or- Thus in spite of the big ideological gap between Gerwani ganized by Indonesia's New Order government. Gerwani strove and the PKK there are also parallels between them. In order to to help transform Indonesia into a democratic socialist state in compare these two organizations I will first outline their histories which women's rights would be guaranteed, while the PKK is and the relationship between ideology and practice. In the second intended to help the present-day government consolidate and part of this article I will make use of the term mediation in the strengthen its policies of modernization and development favor- sense of representation of interests to compare the maneuvering ing Indonesia's upper and middle classes more than the great space of the leaders of these two women's organizations. The masses of impoverished peasants and workers. The organization major questions addressed in this respect are the following: On whose behalf have Gerwani and the PKK acted as mediators? *This paper was first presented at a seminar "Women as Mediators in Indonesia," Leiden, Holland, 26-30 September 1988. In 1989 it ap- 1. Ibu literally means "mother." It is also generally used as a reverential peared in the Women's History Working Paper Series of the Institute of title for any woman with a certain status or of a certain age. An ibu is Social Studies, the Hague. It has been considerably revised. Helpful expected to show proper conduct, that is, to be an obedient wife and a comments were received from K. von Benda Beckmann and others. sacrificing mother and to be in charge of the household. 17 === [PDF page 3] === Which interests have they served? Between which actors have ethnic affiliation." In order to implement these demands and to these organizations mediated? In this effort I will focus on both reach the masses of women, cadres were to go out to build up the ideological and practical aspects involved in the mediating the organization. Cadre courses were set up and efforts were process and on one of the central elements of both these organiza- made to support poor peasants and especially women farmers. tions, that is, the relation between the government, the leaders, Many Gerwani members were also very active in supportand the membership. In order to clarify both the continuity in ing the electoral process and in making women conscious of the these organizations and the tremendous discontinuities between right to vote. In 1955 the first democratic elections were orthem I will emphasize the critical differences in the way in which ganized. Gerwani members themselves were also candidates in these two women's organizations have operated. the elections, most of them for the PKI. The outcome of the In this process I will argue that Gerwani strategically un- elections was very favorable for the PKI, which came out in a dermined the existing construction of womanhood. The PKK on surprisingly strong fourth position. Several high-ranking Gerthe other hand is not engaged in such a subversive policy: on the wani members were elected to parliament.' contrary, it aims to reinforce women's subordination by locating Active members went out into the villages and persuaded women's position firmly in the household under male leadership. many women to join the organization. Ibu B was in many ways a typical Gerwani member of those early years. Her mother was Gerwani, a Left-Wing Women's Organization the first wife of a polygamous man, and Ibu B was the only member of her family who joined the organization. When she Gerwani originated from Gerwis (Gerakan Wanita Sedar, was around fifteen Ibu B joined the women's branch of the Movement of Conscious Women), founded in 1950 with a mem- Pemuda Sosialis (Socialist Youth), one of the organizations bership of only five hundred. Its members were mostly educated, active in the. guerrilla struggle against the Dutch. After indemiddle class, and politically conscious. Some of them had been pendence Ibu B joined Gerwis. She was mainly attracted to the active before the war and independence in the most radical organization because of its strong stand against polygamy: "In women's organization of the time, Isteri Sedar (Conscious Gerwis we learned how to fight for our own rights. Women Wives),' while others had been active in the guerrilla struggle would come and ask for advice if they wanted a divorce. We also against the Dutch. Some of them had links with the PKI, and discussed issues like polygamy and divorce in the arisan [lotothers were not party affiliated. What united these women was tery] meetings we held in the neighborhoods." the fight for "democracy, women's rights and a higher standard of living.'" In those early years little effort was made to work Gerwani's Campaigns among the masses of Indonesian women, either in the cities or In 1955 Gerwani had grown to a membership of 400,000. in the countryside. By then the majority of Gerwani's members were uneducated By 1953 Gerwis had grown to a membership of 40,000. peasant women. Gerwani organized literacy courses and cooking Creches had been set up, and literacy courses and income- and sewing lessons. Various seminars for peasant women were generating activities were organized. At its 1954 congress (when organized, culminating in the National Peasant Women's Semia membership of 80,000 had been reached) it was decided that nar held in 1961. The demands put forward touched on many the organization would do away with the "sectarianism" that had aspects of the lives of peasant women. In the discussion paper of characterized its activities so far, and would try to build up a mass the seminar the situation of women was analyzed in terms of base. To symbolize this break the word sedar (conscious) was gender, class, and citizenship. It was noted that as a consequence removed from its name, which was changed to Gerwani. The of feudal customs and poverty a large proportion of women fell demands accepted at that congress included those for a victim to forced marriages, child marriages, rape, and arbitrary democratic marriage law: and for more consistent implementa- divorce; that women did not yet have the right to be elected as tion of laws governing working women.' Membership was village heads; and that the rights of women to possess land, as opened to all women who accepted the organization's constitu- guaranteed in the Land Reform Law, paragraph 9, had not been tion and program, irrespective of their political, religious, and implemented.' Variouscampaigns were held, with efforts to combat illiteracy among women especially stepped up.Withother women's organizations, in particular the large nationalist women's organization Per- 2. Isteri Sedar was established in Bandung in 1930. It took an uncom- wari (Persatuan Wanita Republik Indonesia-Women's promising stand on the issue of polygamy, which it opposed. See Cora Vreede-De Stuers, The Indonesian Woman: Struggles and Achievements (The Hague: Mouton, 1960), p. 91. 3. Api Kartini, Oct. 1964, p. 13. This journal was the major publication 6. D. Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963 of Gerwani, intended to reach as wide an audience of women as possible. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), p. 204. Its range of articles included political analyses and recipes. It was 7. The following women were PKI members of the first parliament of banned after the 1965 coup. the Republic of Indonesia: Sundari Abdulrachrnan, Moedikdio, 4. A new marriage law has been one of the major and most controversial Ch. Salawati Daud, and Umi Sardjono. See Vreede-De Stuers, The demands of the Indonesian women's movement since its beginnings in Indonesian Woman, appendix H. Umi Sardjono was also the chairperson the early twentieth century. See Vreede-De Stuers, The Indonesian of Gerwani. See also Umi.Sardjono, Meluaskan Aksi-Aksi untuk Woman, for a discussion on the issue. memperkuat Tuntutan Hak2 Wanita-Anak dan Perdamaian, Laporan 5. Harian Rakyat, 7 June 1960. Harian Rakyat (The People's Daily), dalam Sidang Plena Gerwani kelll, djuni 16s/dI9, 1956 (Djakarta: was the newspaper associated with the PKI. It paid a great deal of DPP Gerwani. attention to women's issues, especially those related to Gerwani. It was 8. Wanita Tani, Seminar Nasional (Djakarta: Jajasan Pembaruan, banned after the 1965 coup. 1962), pp. 10-12. 18 === [PDF page 4] === President Sukarno (seen from behind) receiving a women's delegation on 8 March i963 or 64. Before i965 Sukarno used the comparatively radical women's group Gerwani to propagate his ideas among the masses of indonesian women. Although Gerwani did not support Sukarno 's policies automatically, it would convey those it agreed with to the masses since it wanted to prove that indonesian women were militant and brave and just as ready as men to support the indonesian revolution. in contrast, the conservative PKK women s group in its present form is a creation of the Suharto government and is used by it very directly to translate government policies into programs meant to ensure that women are obedient and fully support men and the government line. This photo is courtesy ofSaskia Wieringa and the Women s international Development Forum. Organization of the Republic of Indonesia), Gerwani fought hard Its mixture of nationalism, socialism, and feminism makes it one of for a more democratic marriage law: Gerwani helped individual the more radical books written in Indonesian on the "woman women in cases of rape, abduction, and arbitrary divorce. The question."" Gerwani wanted to prove that Indonesian women were organization risked clashes with men from the other mass organiza- just as ready as the men to support the Indonesian revolution and tions in the "left family" and with the PKI itself where they found the continuing struggle for a just and prosperous society. At the same that individual men had misbehaved. time Sukarno's continuing revolution afforded Gerwani the oppor- On the national level Gerwani supported most of the national tunity to put forward an image of Indonesian women as militant and campaigns that the PKI supported, such as the campaign to free Irian brave, as social activists in their own right rather than as docile wives Jaya from the Dutch, and Sukamo's campaign in the early sixties and mothers. Gerwani specifically resisted the idea that women were to destabilize the new state of Malaysia. They actively propagated only "appendages of their husbands." President Sukamo's radical nationalist rhetoric such as that contained in his speech on Independence Day in 1959. 10 Sukamo's book Sarinah was widely studied in the various cadre courses ofGerwani. 10. In this speech Sukarno exposed his ideas on socialism Indonesianstyle, guided democracy, and guided economy, based on the principles contained in the state philosophy of Pancasila (belief in God, 9. Vreede-De Stuers (The indonesian Woman, p. 122) mentions that nationalism, humanism, sovereignty of the people, and social justice). already at its second congress, in 1954, the demand for a new marriage This speech came to be known as Manipol-Usdek, an acronym comact was included in the Gerwani program. In 1956 Gerwani took the posed of "political manifest" and the first five letters of the elements of initiative to draw up a "charter on women's rights," which was drafted Pancasila. by Kowani and included a demand for matrimonial legislation (ibid., II. Colin Brown provides an interesting analysis of the mixture of ideas p. 138). See Kowani, Sedjarah Setengah Abad Pergerakan Wanita contained in Sarinah. See his "Sukarno on the role of Women in the Indonesia (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1978), for a discussion of the mar- Nationalist Movement," RIMA, Review of indonesian and Malayan riage law. Affairs, vol. IS, no. I (1981). 19 === [PDF page 5] === Voluntary Service Through Gerwani the anti-Malaysia campaign. The tactics Gerwani used by that time for its mass mobilization were of a more aggressive and In its nationalist fervor Gerwani trained women to be agitational nature than in the early years of its existence. It was volunteers, but they were not the only women's 'organization to not uncommon for trucks to be sent to pick up hundreds or even do so, especially in the anti-Malaysia campaign. The national thousands of members to transport them to one demonstration or atmosphere was such that virtually the whole population was another. mobilized, spurred on by Sukarno's considerable oratorical skills." But not every organization reacted with the same en- Follow the PKI Line? thusiasm. Leaders of Wanita Katolik (Catholic Women) and of Perwari told me that they also felt compelled to send some of The attention to issues of national political interest was not their younger members to the training camps, but that they did shared equally within Gerwani. From the beginning some of the so with great reluctance, whereas Gerwani members rushed leaders were closer to the political line of the PKJ, while others enthusiastically to the call of their organization to be trained. insisted that the needs and interests of peasant and urban working On the local level Gerwani branches cooperated actively women should guide Gerwani's activities. In the report of the with the local branches of especially the nationalist and Christian national council to its Third Congress in 1957, a critique was women's organizations on issues like flood relief, social work, voiced on the overemphasis of the leaders on political matters. and help to victims of forced prostitution. It was not uncommon It was stressed that beside political issues great attention should for women to hold a double membership, that is, they were be paid to "actions that directly concern the life of the women members of both Gerwani and of one of the other women's masses, for example the question of kampung (neighborhood) organizations. The cooperation between the various women's improvements, the problem of water, the problem of rice, etc. '>\3 organizations was coordinated by a local commission. In the program adopted at that congress demands were made for a democratic marriage law, laws guaranteeing the rights of working women, and price controls on everyday necessities. By 1960 the activities of Gerwani included credit groups, kindergartens, consumer cooperatives, literacy courses, assistance to women with marriage problems. handicraft courses, Provided PKK members do not question the campaigns to lower the prices of staple foodstuffs, and assistance government's wisdom, do not strive to transform the to the PKI and other leftist mass organizations. With these existing order, and do not rebel against the ideal of activities Gerwani hoped to appeal to all sectors of Indonesian wifehood that is propagated by the organization, women, both peasant and urban working class women, as well they may find something in the organization for as middle-class housewives." When the Fourth Congress was held in 1961, the organizathem. tion had grown to over a million members. By that time those who wanted to steer Gerwani closer to the PKI line had gained dominance: three of the four vice presidents elected in the new National Council were PKI members of parliament. One ofthese was Suharti Suwarto, a member of the PKI Central Committee. IS Nationall y the women's organizations were coordinated Efforts to support the national policy of the PKI were stepped through the Konges Wanita Indonesia (KWI)-Indonesian up. In all parts of the archipelago local committees were formed. Women's Congress. Gerwani was very active within the KWI. Small-scale cooperative and credit unions were set up; women It tried to involve the other women's organizations in attempts peasants and laborers were supported in their conflicts with the to promote its version of the Indonesian "continuous revolution" large landowners or with the owners of the factories. Melati by setting up a coordinating committee of progressi ve women's kindergartens (named after a fragrant flower) were set up, and organizations within the KWI. The KWI leadership resented this women were trained to become teachers in those schools. The attempt at what they saw as "infiltration," and the KWI became marital counseling bureaus continued their activities. polarized. The new coordinating committee (Gerakan Masa- Gerwani also addressed a group of women the PKI never Mass Movement) was dissolved. paid any attention to: housewives. In November 1964 a national Later the KWI moved to the left under its new chairwoman, Housewives' Seminar was held in which ways to involve Surustiati Subandrio. It joined the Front Persatuan Wanita (the housewives in public life were discussed." women's branch of the National Front), one of the progressive In 1965 the organization claimed to have 3 million memforces within the National Front that from the early sixties played bers." In the growing political and economic crisis Indonesia an increasingly active role in the national political scene. Gerwani actively supported, through its membership of the KWI, the main national issues of the time. On behalf of the National Front women were mobilized to participate in mass rallies, such as in 13. Hindley. The Communist Party. p. 207. 14. Ibid. 15. Hanan Rakyat, 18 Dec. 1961. 12. See Brian May, The Indonesian Tragedy (London: Routledge, 16. Api Kanini, Nov.-Dec. 1964. 1978), pp. 87 and 92-93; for an analysis of Sukarno's foreign policy 17. Rex Mortimer, Indonesian Communism under Sukarno: Ideology prior to 1965, see B. Kudeta Gunawan, Staatsgreep in Djakarta (Mep- and Politics, 1959-1965 (Ithaca, NY; and London: Cornell University pel: Boom, 1968), chap. 7. Press, 1974), p. 366. 20 === [PDF page 6] === was experiencing, both internal and external pressures on Ger- who appeared as kuntilanak (spirit of a woman who died in wani to affiliate itself officially with the PKI were mounting. It childbirth) before some army officers, with the purpose of exis very likely that at the congress that was to be held in December ecuting deeds of terrorism.'?" Subsequent reports claimed that 1965 such affiliation would have been established. In that case Aidit (the chairman of the PKI) had had hundreds of Gerwani probably Suharti Suwarto would have been elected as its new members trained to become prostitutes to service himself and chairperson instead of Umi Sardjono, who had held that post other male party leaders. In cartoons that appeared in the army since 1954. This affiliation would probably have resulted in a newspaper, Angkatan Bersenjata (Armed Forces), the PKI was greater emphasis on cooperation with the trade unions and the pictured as a devil, with Gerwani written on its body. Gerwani farmers' union to defend the interests of women laborers and members were accused of being "bad mothers" who left their peasants, and less attention to women's issues such as polygamy children alone, even killed them. This latter accusation refers to and divorce. the daughter of General Nasution, who was killed by soldiers who came to look for her father. The 30 September Coup These grotesque and totally unfounded accusations That congress was never held. The organization was complete- resulted in a climate of associating Gerwani members with ly surprised by the coup of 30 September 1965. The exact back- perverse sexuality. The rumors played on both the subconscious ground of this coup is the topic of much debate." Left -wing troops fears of bad spirits associated with the earlier animistic tradition abducted six generals and brought them to a field, Lubang Buaya in Indonesia and the concern with sexual purity of the santri (Crocodile Hole), where youth, volunteers mainly of Pemuda sections of the population." These false accusations played an Rakyat (People's Youth, the PKI youth organization) and of Ger- important part in the creation of an atmosphere in which warn, were trained for the anti-Malaysia campaign. There the hundreds of thousands of people were killed, most of them generals who had not died on the way were killed by the rebellious activists belonging to the PKI and its associated organizations, soldiers. The volunteer girls were forced to watch the killing before with the killing mostly done by Islamic youth groups with the they were allowed to escape. One of them told me: help of some divisions of the army. The army under General Suharto took an active part in spreading these false rumors and I was still asleep when the soldiers came to our camp. They woke us even suppressed medical reports indicating that there were no up and told us to come with them. They dragged some older men signs of slashes of knives and razor blades on the bodies of the with them, who we at first did not recognize, for it was still dark. I unfortunate generals." This image of Gerwani members as was terrified. They were shouting at the men and beating them with whores and perverted sexual beings has stuck in the minds of their rifles. When they were dead they threw them in a deep well. As soon as they let us go I ran out of the camp and walked all the way many Indonesians until the present day. to the Gerwani office in Jakarta.There nobody knew what was going on either. The leaders were very upset when they heard my story. Gerwani: Ideology and Practice Ibu Salawati took her bicycle and went to parliamentto find out what Because the gap between the popularly held image of was happening. She was stopped by the soldiers and sent back. Gerwani in present-day Indonesia and the ideas Gerwani mem- Later stories were circulated that the women at Lubang bers themselves had about their own organization differ so Buaya had engaged in "obscene dancing" and had "mutilated" vastly, it is interesting to examine Gerwani's ideology in some the generals, in particular cutting off their genitals and gouging more detail. Let us first listen to the characteristics of Gerwani's out their eyes." Other stories referred to Gerwani members cadres, as chairperson Umi Sardjono enumerated them in 1964: "dressed in veils, as if they were from Islamic organizations... "Gerwani works diligently to create cadres who are courageous, capable, possess culture and who possess the following three good character traits: they can work well, they study well and they have good morals.':" 18. See, for instance, Gunawan, Staatsgreep; May, The Indonesian In this article, due to space limitations, I will not be able Tragedy; Ben Andersonand Ruth McVey, A Preliminary Analysis ofthe to give more than an indication of Gerwani's ideas. Generally October 1, 1965, Coup in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, its ideology can be characterized as eclectic with a 1971); Ben Anderson, "How Did the Generals Die?" Indonesia, no. 43 preponderance of socialist ideas. Elements from Indonesian (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1987); W.P. Wertheim, history figured strongly in its teaching. An issue like the Indonesie, van Vorstenrijk tot neo-colonie (Meppel: Boom, ] 978); and introduction of women into wage labor, a Marxist panacea to W.E Wertheim, "Whose Plot? New Light on the ]965 Events," Journal end women's oppression, did not gain much prominence, of Contemporary Asia, vol. 9, no. 2 (1979). essentially because the issue was largely irrelevant for lower- 19. Angkatan Bersenjata (Armed Forces), the army newspaper, wrote class women, who were all earning some income. on 5 November 1965 that an interview was held with one of the girls who had been captured after having been at Lubang Buaya. This girl, Nj Djamilah, who was fifteen years old and had been a member of Pemuda Rakyat, told at her interrogation that she had been a member of a group called Srikandi of Lubang Buaya. On the night of the killing 20. Angkatan Bersenjata, II Oct. 1965. around 500 people had been present at Lubang Buaya, 100 of whom 21. Santri is that stream of the Indonesian population adhering to a were members of Gerwani, Djamilah was reported to have said that rather strict interpretation of Islam. These groups were mostly found small knives and razor blades had been divided among them: "We first among the landowners and shopkeepers. Thus they had been the major saw that the chairwoman of Gerwani Tanjung Priok first kicked and targets of the actions carried out by the PKI-affiliated mass organizaslashed at the genitals of the victims the victims were not yet dead, tions, such as the onesided actions of the Farmers' Union. and we were ordered to continue we all did so, stabbing at their genitals, and slicing their genitalsand their bodies with the razor blades 22. See Anderson,"How Did the Generals Die?" until they were dead." 23. Umi Sardjono, Meluaskan, p. 4. 21 === [PDF page 7] === Children in Solo, Java. In addition to its national role, Gerwani was responsive to the needs of its members-mostly uneducated peasants, poor working urban women, and middle-class housewives. Emphasis was put on women's roles as mothers and wives, and Gerwani saw itselfas having special responsibility for setting up child care. Nevertheless, the image of Gerwani members as whores and perverted sexual beings still persists due to rumors and false accusations about Gerwani involvement in the 1965 coup.. This photo is by and courtesy ofJim Mattimore. When socialism is discussed in the Indonesian case some nationalist ideology in those days. Its ideological background qualifying remarks must be made. In the Old Order government can be firmly located in the discourse of its time. of President Sukarno there is an interesting interplay between But Gerwani not only had a national role to play: it also rhetoric and practice. The nationalist Sukarno consistently catered to the needs of its membership. Both in Harian Rakyat stressed that Indonesia was in a process of continuous revolution and in Api Kartini emphasis was put on women's roles as mothers for ajust and prosperous society." However, the actual battlefield and wives. Recipes and articles on dressmaking and child care of that continuous revolution tended to be displaced to the regularly appeared. Gerwani saw itself as having special responinternational rather than the national reality. The PKI, on the sibility for child care, and they paid much attention to Children's other hand, was very much concerned with gaining legitimacy Day. Wifehood was seen to be important too, but women were and being recognized as a responsible national actor. Conse- never seen as mere appendages to their husbands, as they are quently party rhetoric contained many nationalist symbols." seen nowadays. Gerwani stressed the importance of Sukamo's ideas of a continuous revolution for Indonesian women. In its cadre cour- Militancy ses Sukamo's speeches were diligently studied, beside texts of Whatever emphasis the organization put on women's roles Engels, Zetkin, and Bebel. Therefore, although the organization as wives and mothers, however, it is my impression that Gerwani was banned in 1966 and Gerwani membership has since become was most active in promoting women's roles as social activists. a criminal offense, its socialism was a perfectly legitimate and To the great dismay of Islamic and Christian groups, Gerwani members were stimulated to fight for their own rights and to join demonstrations against landlords and the state (as in the antiprice rise demonstrations). Women were mobilized to support 24. See May, The Indonesian Tragedy; Mortimer, Indonesian Com- national policies that the leadership approved of and were given munism; and M.e. Ricklefs, A History of Modem Indonesia, c. 1300 to military training to join the Irian Jaya and anti-Malaysia camthe Present (London and Basingstoke: MacMillan, 1981). paigns. The key word that Gerwani consistently used in this 25. For a discussion on this topic, see Hindley, The Communist Party; respect is gegigihan (militancy). The militant role of Gerwani Mortimer, Indonesian Communism; and OBe Tornquist, Dilemmas of members in Indonesia's continuing revolution was stressed, both Third World Communism: The Destruction of the PKI in Indonesia in the sense of defending that revolution against its imperialist (London: Zed Books, 1984). enemies and in internal national struggles against landlords. 22 === [PDF page 8] === Gerwani members prided themselves on their dedication to such a feudal attitude were allowed to take up positions of authority their work and the problems of poor women: within the PKI, which should be considered as a revolutionary organization. We attributed this weakness of the PKI to take this We would work so hard, we sometimes walked for days barefoot issue seriously as their overinsistence on a mass line. Instead of through the mountains to reach isolated villages. There we would devoting their energies to creating conscious, disciplined cadres, gather the women around us and listen to their problems. We would they werejust trying to persuade as many people as possible to join tell them what we had done in other villages, and together with them the PKI. we would decide what we could do in theirvillage. We did not have any time for ourselves. I was married, but I hardly saw my husband. Gerwani had some success in its lobbying: it obtained support He also was always traveling for the union he belonged to. We were from the PKI on several of its major political struggles such as very poor, but that did not matter. Wherever we came people would the fight for a new marriage law and the struggle to accept elected share their food with us. woman village leaders. The relationship between Gerwani and the PIG is rather To conclude this section on Gerwani's ideology it has to be complex. On the whole the women's organization supported stressed that contrary to the present-day popular image of Germany policies of the PKI, especially in the international field. wani, the organization upheld the ideal of women living in The PKI "used" the Gerwani to extend its electorate among morally correct, heterosexual, monogamous families. The orwomen, and to strengthen the socialist "family" as a whole. ganization also stressed that the relationship between wife and Especially in the early sixties Gerwani members were mobilized husband should be characterized by mutual respect and equality, for mass rallies. On the local level Gerwani members not by subordination." All members of those families should demonstrated against arrests of peasant or labor leaders. But ideally be involved in progressive organizations, but in their own Gerwani never supported the PKI automatically. Gerwani right and according to the capacities and energies of each. In no leadership at times disapproved of the PKI line. On the whole way were wives ofPKI leaders automatically accepted as leaders they resented the fact that the PKI leadership hardly paid any of Gerwani. On the contrary, I met quite a few cases in which the attention to women's issues. Unlike many other communist wife had achieved a leadership position higher than that of her leaders, PKI chairman Aidit did not pay much attention explicitly husband. Women were seen as independent and socially active to the "woman question." The PKI saw women's public role persons, both in the economic and political fields. rather as an extension of their domestic tasks. To the PKI the A Gerwani Activist whole "woman question" would be solved when the colonial, imperialist, and feudal aspects of Indonesian society would have As an illustration of the aspirations of Gerwani members been removed. and the ambiguities they were faced with, I present here a case study of a member who became one of Gerwani's leaders at the regional level. To preserve her anonymity I have changed her name, the city where she lived, and some other details. Suwarno was born in Surakarta in 1928. Her father belonged to the princely court of the Manggunegaran. Soon after Whatever emphasis the organization put on Suwarno's birth her mother left the palace, embittered by the fact women's roles as wives and mothers, it is my im- that her husband had married some junior wives. During the pression that Gerwani was mostactive in promoting Japanese occupation Suwarno was forced to earn her living, and women's roles as social activists. To the great dis- she found work in a cotton plant. Although she was only fifteen may of Islamic and Christian groups, Gerwani years old, she married one of the factory workers who was much members were stimulated to fight for their own older than she was. After independence her husband became a rights and to join demonstrations against landlords trade union leader. and the state (as in the anti-price rise demonstra- As she loved acting she joined a drama group where she played a part in the story of Saijah and Adinda." Other plays the tions). drama group staged were "Laborers of Tanjung Priok," and "The Landlord," all of them written by members of Lekra." In I952 she established a branch of Gerwis. As a representative of this branch she attended the first congress of Gerwis in Surabaya in 1951. She did not agree with the decision made Gerwani was not so sure of that, and at any rate they wanted changes now. Women's double burden, which the PKI recognized as an issue to be resolved in a vague, distant future, impeded women now, so Gerwani leaders said, and therefore 26. In Api Kartini (November/December 1964), for instance, it was kindergarten had to be set up and men had to share in the stressed that in socialistfamiliesdomestic labor should be shared by the members of the household. domestic work. Also, the women's organization recognized that the struggle for a democratic marriage law should not wait any 27. The story of Saijah and Adinda is part of the Max Havelaar, the longer, but should be waged now, in the everyday life of the most famous anticolonial novel written in the nineteenth century by a Dutch person, Multatuli, pseudonym of Max Havelaar. The love of "socialist family." Male PKI members who wanted to marry a Saijah and Adinda, who belonged to poor peasant families, is doomed second wife were denounced as antirevolutionary. In one of our by the extreme exploitationof the Regent of their region. The story was discussions on this issue Bu S said: taken up by the PKI as an example of the cruelty of "feudal" landlords. Many times we discussed within Gerwani the fact that some PKI 28. A cultural association, most members of which were sympathetic leaders wantedto take second wives.We were angrythat people with to the PKI. It was banned after 1965. 23 === [PDF page 9] === at that congress to work mainly among women of the middle the implementation of the program:") At the moment all governclasses. Although she herself was born into the upper classes, her ment programs for women are channeled through the PKK, and mother's history and her own experiences as a factory worker it is organized in practically every village of the archipelago. The had convinced her that women's struggles in general and the minister of internal affairs carries the responsibility for PKK particular struggles of women laborers were linked. But she was programs, the minister's wife being the head of the PKK, while still young at the time, and did not feel confident enough to speak the program is coordinated via the Ministry of Women's Affairs. out. The wife of President Suharto is one of its advisors. At present However, she actively participated in Gerwis activities, the PKK is the only organization allowed to work at the village which at that time were concentrated on literacy campaigns. By grass-roots level. the time of the Second Congress thousands of members had The structure of the PKK is extremely hierarchical. At the joined, and all kinds of activities were carried out. Most women village level the wife of the headman is chair of the PKK, were active in women's issues, such as divorce cases, rights of whether she has the capabilities or interest to carry out the task children, and polygamy. Many creches were set up. Suwarno or not. At each higher level in the bureaucracy this pattern is participated in all these activities and was also politically active. repeated. The organization is under such strict government con- She joined a cadre course and participated in mass demonstra- trol that even the speeches of its leaders are written by the tions against price rises and the imperialist forces. Gerwani Ministry of Communication." members also staged demonstrations against pornographic films. To illustrate the sometimes strange situations this can give She became a member of the regional leadership and rise to, and the creativity Indonesian women and men have to decided to join the PIG. When she requested membership, she resort to to deal with the ambiguities the PKK presents to them, was asked to meet a certain person. When she came to the I will give three cases. The first concerns Ibu Sumarli (a pseudomeeting place she discovered it was her husband. Only then did nym), the much younger wife of a now retired high district she find out that he had been a member for years. They were very officer: happy, as they now realized that their hasty marriage had turned I was married very young and was not allowed to finish secondary into a solid friendship. The following day he had an accident and school. I was always very active, but because my husband was an died. As her political activities had alienated her from her family, important man I could not take a low-status job. So I was happy with she had to make a living for herself and her child. She became a the PKK, for I was of course the chairwoman at the district level. I member of the municipal council and a full-time activist within started to carry out all sorts of activities. At first the other members Gerwani. of the leadership resented this, for they were all much older and some Suwarno joined in 1958 when Governor Sumarno formed of them had more education than I. But I tried hard, and after a while units of volunteers for the confrontation with Malaysia. At the they accepted me. We organized many courses for our members, and same time she became more and more drawn into coordinating I think they liked it. But a few years ago my husband retired and so work, receiving foreign guests, and establishing contacts with I had to step down as chairwoman. So now I still advise them, but I cannot organize anything any more. Most activities of our PKK the labor and farmers' unions and with other women's organizabranch have now stopped. tions. She married again, to another labor union activist. This time her leadership position was higher than that of her husband. Bu Sosro (pseudonym) on the other hand, the wife of the At the time of the coup she was involved in preparations head of one of the districts in Surakarta, possessed no organizing for the next Gerwani congress and was active in various national capacities at all. As she was the chairwoman of the PKK branch committees of the women's organization. She was captured in at that level, she was always treated with respect at the monthly late 1965 and imprisoned until the beginning of the eighties. She meetings. She would sit in the middle, dressed in her finest kain now has a little food stall just outside of Jakarta, which she was and kebaya. J' She would open the meeting with a few words and able to set up with the help of the Protestant Church. would preside over the distribution of tea and snacks. It was clear that she was much better suited for that last occupation than for The PKK: the Women's Wing of the Government making speeches. That this PKK branch had any activities at all apart from the lotteries was entirely due to the secretary, a The PKK was originally set up in the midfifties as an schoolteacher. educational program for family welfare (pendidikan kesejah- In the matrilinear Minangkabau the PKK presents parteraan keluarga). In 1967 the wife of the governor of Central ticular problems. The head of a village near Bukittinggi, where Java started the use of the PKK as a part of regional development I carried out research in 1984, had to set up a PKK branch. He efforts. From the start wives of officials at the local level, at that did not see much in it, for the women in his village were doing time organized under the name of Pertiwi,'" were entrusted with quite well within their own circles of matrilineal relatives. Besides, his wife came from another village, and, as was usual among the Minangkabau, she remained living there with her maternal kin. She hardly knew the women of his village and 29. The Pertiwi of the seventies should not be confused with the present would certainly not be accepted as their leader. The solution Dharma Pertiwi. From the beginning of the eighties, when the reorganization of the various government-linked women's organizations was completed, Pertiwi became part of Dharma Wanita, the conglomerate of organizations of wives of civil servants. The wives of men 31. See Julia Suryakusuma, The Social Construction of Womanhood in working in the various branches of the military and the police were the Indonesian New Order (The Hague, Institute of Social Studies, united in the Dharma Pertiwi. Research Report, 1985), for a more detailed outline of PKK's history 30. Ms. Moenadi, Familv Welfare Education, Pendidikan Kesedjah- and structure. teraan Keluarga, PKK (Jakarta, 1971), p. 23. 32. Traditional dress for a Javanese woman. 24 === [PDF page 10] === found was ingenious. The wife of the village head was made Male Control chairwoman I, an entirely ceremonial position. A chairwoman II was selected from among the village women. None of the The PKK is emphatically being presented as "a movement, powerful leaders of the matriclans came forward, however. So not an organization with paid members and membership coneventually this position was filled by a young widow who lived tributions.?" Its programs are run by "roughly 5 million volunteers," who act "as advisors, facilitators and motivators.':" on her own. She was a schoolteacher, an active and capable woman. Although her widowhood made her slightly suspect However, although its volunteer cadres are women, and its target among the established leaders of the matriclans, this PKK is women, the theorists of the PKK programs are predominantly position made her somewhat more respectable. Besides, she male. The PKK is thus a strangely hybrid organization. It is supposed to be a "movement," yet it is strictly organized from liked organizing. However, only younger and poor women would participate. The only activities that had had any success the very top of the government. Secondly, it is supposed to be a so far were a sewing course and the cooking and distribution "women's movement," yet its programs are designed by men to of food for the men who were "voluntarily" repairing the support an authoritarian, in its own words "paternalist" state village mosque and the road (activities that the village head structure and to uphold male authority in the family." had organized). Beside the course on state ideology, the PKK volunteers are responsible for the following programs: gotong royong (mutual The Happy Indonesian Family self-help), food, clothing, housing and home economics, education and craft skill, health, including family planning, coopera- The present name of the PKK (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan tives, the protection and conservation of the environment and Keluarga, Guidance for Family Welfare) gives an indication of sound planning (that is of family income and expenditures)." In its character. It is one of the state machineries intended to "guide" practice PKK cadres, that is, the wives of civil servants, deterthe population to support government politics. The New Order mine which elements of the ten available programs are carried government sees rural development as the basis of national out. The Pancasila course is obligatory for the whole population, development, and the family as the smallest unit of society. so it is routinely carried out for those PKK members who have Therefore national development is regarded as being dependent not yet taken one. After that the cadres are freer to select elements upon the support individual families, especially in the rural areas, from the program, although in fact their choices are very much may give it. In this way power conflicts within family units are determined by activities defined by other government agencies downplayed. But what is more, in its rhetoric the Indonesian such as the departments of health, education, and agriculture. government sees the Indonesian nation as a whole, almost as a In the first period I carried out fieldwork in Central Java, family, with President Suharto as a superfather at its head." In in 1977-78, I participated in all PKK meetings of the Laweyan this authoritarian paternalistic structure the words of the presi- quarter in Solo. I found there was a big gap between the needs dent become policy for the state organizations. These policies of the women among whom I lived and the PKK programs are explained to the population in its compulsory courses on state carried out ostensibly on their behalf. Activities were either ideology, the Pancasila." The comprehension and practical ap- centered around national celebrations, or they had a recreational plication of Pancasila thus is the first basic program of the PKK. or cultural nature." If they were geared towards issues of health Besides stimulating the devotion to God and the perpetuation of and hygiene they were often impractical (for instance, the advice national cultural values, this program is also intended "to give to desperately poor women to give each family member at least precedence to common or national needs over personal interests, 100 grams of meat a day). These observations are supported by to practice cooperation and togetherness offamily principles and Sullivan's work in nearby Yogyakarta." She notes that these to obey the laws and regulations of Indonesia.'?' In its efforts to make PKK members support these government programs, the PKK is greatly helped by a number of factors such as these: "Following the advice of leaders as well as their examples is a 36. Ibid., p. 13. habit that has come down from precolonial times[, and it] is also 37. Kelompok Pelaksana PKK (Jakarta, 1971), p. 1. useful when introducing new concepts of development. "36 In 38. See William R. Liddle, "Soeharto's Indonesia: Personal Rule and spite of its having to follow government policies so closely, the Political Institutions," Pacific Affairs, vol, 58, no. 1 (Spring 1985), for PKK maintains that it is "explicitly designed to be nonpoliti- a discussion on party politics in the New Order. cal.?" What this means in the Indonesian context is that it is not 39. Roestam, Family Welfare Movement, p. 4. linked to any of the still existing political parties." 40. Ibid. 41. The following incident gives an indication of the way the government controls the PKK. In an interview I asked Lasyah Sutanto, the then 33. For an analysis of government rhetoric, see Michael van Langen- minister of women's affairs, about some problems within the PKK She berg, "Analysing Indonesia's New Order States: A Keywords Ap- became very angry and told me not to bother her with such questions but proach," RIMA, Review ofIndonesian and Malaysian Affairs (Summer to go to Bakin and ask them there. Bakin is the army intelligence service. 1986). 42. Roestam, Family Welfare Movement, pp. 5-8. 34. Ever since the Pancasila was formulated and became state ideology 43. See Saskia Wieringa, The Perfumed Nightmare (The Hague: ISS,- it has been the subject of critical changes. Sukarno's explanation of the 1985). Pancasila differs from that of General Suharto. Thus, what is being 44. Norma Sullivan, "Indonesian Women in Development: State studied is not so much the content of the Pancasila as such, but rather s Theory and Urban Kampung Practice," in Women Work and Women s the present interpretation of it. Roles; Economics and Everyday life in Indonesia, Malaysia and Sin- 35. Kardinah Soepardjo Roestam, Family Welfare Movement (PKK) in gapore, ed. Lenore Manderson (Canberra: Australian National Univer- Indonesia and Its Achievement (Jakarta, 1988), p. 5. sity, 1983), p. 159. 25 === [PDF page 11] === Meeting ofa branch ofthe PKK in Solo on Kartini Day, a day honoring the early feminist Kartini by celebrating both the freeing of women from traditional roles and the emancipation of both men and women through education. The PKK, however, is strictly organizedfrom the very top of government with programs designed by men to support an authoritarian paternalistic state structure and to uphold male authority in the family. The author found that activities of the Solo chapter in 1978-79 were typically centered around national celebrations or were ofa recreational or cultural nature rather than meeting the needs oflocal women. This photo and the next one are by and courtesy ofSaskia Wieringa and were taken in 1978-79. PKK activities "assume quantums of leisure time and surplus Contrary to the Indonesian socioeconomic situation, where poor funds not possessed by the average kampung women." women are sometimes major income earners," their economic role Thus PKK members engage in a multitude of activities that is largely denied. Women are essentially seen as appendages to their need not be directly relevant to their daily problems, such as husbands, while it is "the husband's function to bear responsibility beauty contests and flower arranging. On the other hand, they for and protect the family, act as a responsible leader, give examples also learn some practical skills, such as sewing or making of good behavior and earn a living for the family?" cookies to sell. The skills taught are usually an extension of their PKK Ideology and Practice A central paradox arises between the ideological and practical levels. On the one hand middle-class values for women are being PKK members are not fighting for women's rights, as the propagated: women should first of all be good wives and mothers, women's organizations before 1965 were, for according to official serving their husbands and dedicating themselves to their children. parlance women are already emancipated. Talking about women's On the other hand, especially for middle-class women, the state oppression thus means that one questions the wisdom ofthe govern-. demands an enormous amount of activities that fall outside the ment, which is a dangerous act, as it lays one open to accusations domestic domain. Wives of men who have important jobs in the of subversion. government are forced to carry out all sorts of social duties. This On the ideological level the PKK promotes the Panca Dharma Wanita (Five Duties ofWomen), which are: to be loyal companions of their husbands, procreate for the nation, educate and guide their children, regulate the households, and,lastly, be useful members of 45. There is a lot of literature on Indonesian women's economic consociety. All these tasks preferably have to be performed according tribution to the family income. My own research among women batik to the originally Hindu-Javanese kodrat wanita (woman's nature). laborers also indicated that women's income is a substantial part of the This kodrat entails that women are lemah lemhut (soft and weak), family income, and sometimes the only source of income. See Saskia don't speak loudly and certainly not in their own interests, don't Wieringa, "En overallaat zij bloedsporen achter; macht, sekse en klasse push their own interests against those of husbands and fathers, but in de batikindustrie van Midden Java," SocFemTeksten 5 (Amsterdam: are instead docile wives and mothers and dutiful daughters. Sara, 1981). Women's central role is seen to be located primarily in the family. 46. Moenadi, Family Welfare Education, p. 5. 26 === [PDF page 12] === Signs outside the house ofa village headman with the PKK's Panca Dharma Wanita (Five Duties o.fWomen) and ten points. The Five Duties of Women are to be loyal companions of their husbands, procreate for the nation, educate and guide their children, regulate their households, and be useful members of society. The demands on their time ofthe latter sometimes interfere with women's carrying out of their other duties, and courses are given to teach them how to handle their multiple functions as efficiently and effectively as possible. Women may not question these duties as that would be questioning the wisdom of the state. may keep them so busy that their duties as wives and mothers may number of skilled personnel; difficulties of communication due to suffer. For instance the wife of the mayor of Bukittinggi, and thus inadequate infrastructure facilities; geographic inaccessibility; inthe head ofthe PKK of that city, told us repeatedly that her priorities stability of some PKK structures and mechanisms; lack of integration were always in the home. She piously asserted that she never left in sectoral policies and rigid bureaucracies; shortage of time among PKK volunteers." the household without having cooked for her husband. However, she was never home at the times she said she was cooking; we could always find her in her office. The Actors in the Mediating Process The seriousness of this question has reached the highest level, and in fact a concern of the PKK is to teach women to Now that I have put Gerwani and the PKK in a historical fulfill their peran ganda (multiple functions) properly. This framework and introduced the relation between the ideology entails courses in how to behave at each social occasion, how to they have harbored and the activities they have carried out, it is organize one's household as efficiently as possible, how to cook interesting to take a more structural approach. If we see a meals that require a minimum of time but yield a maximum of women's movement as located at the crossroads between state pleasure to the husband, and to change uniforms as quickly as and government on the one hand and its women members on the possible-for each function different uniforms or clothes are other hand, we can refer to the interactive process between them required. as the mediation of interests of each cluster. Although the activities in ptinciple are carried out by To get more clarity on the central paradox analyzed in volunteer cadres, in practice many women find that they are this article, the apparent continuity in activities of the two virtually obliged to carry out their PKK duties: their husbands' organizations and the big gap between the ideology they have career will suffer considerably if they might refuse to be active espoused, I will now look at each actor involved in this in the PKK. The compulsory nature of the work involved, the mediating process. I will distinguish here three parties: the hierarchical structure of the organization, and the preordained organizations' leaders, the membership, and the government. set of activities give rise to many critical remarks. More than In the case of Gerwani an added distinction should be made once I heard PKK members being referred to as a "group of between the Old Order government of President Sukarno and ducks." Many of the shortcomings are noted by the organization the PIG. As I have already discussed the links between Geritself. On the practical level this has resulted in a great many wani and the PKI in some detail, I will concentrate here on improvements over the last decade. Yet the organization itself is Gerwani's links with the government. aware of more shortcomings. Soepardjo Roestam lists the following: low level of families' education; inadequate incomes of some families; traditional laws (adat) are sometimes obstacles; insufficient 47. Roestam, Family Welfare Movement, p. 13. 27 === [PDF page 13] === The Leaders opposite sex and also with the president himself. While the majority of women's organizations were struggling for a mar- Gerwani's leadership was mainly middle class as indeed is riage law in which polygamy would be prohibited, Sukarno's common among most mass-based organizations operating on the private life became filled with more and more wives. Unlike national level. The women acquired their leadership positions by Perwari, however," Gerwani decided not to attack the president their personal characteristics and hard work. Although many too harshly for this. Individual Gerwani members and leaders leaders had more or less close ties with male leaders of the PKI, swallowed their frustration." their position was never automatically derived from their family As well as leaning more and more on the PKI, Sukarno used ties. They were not a homogeneous group of women and some- Gerwani to propagate his ideas among the masses of Indonesian times had fierce debates among themselves. Historically a shift women. Especially after the installation of the National Front by in their allegiance can be noted: from the end of the fifties which both the army and the PKI were brought to the center of onwards they moved closer to the PKI. Diligence, eagerness to political power,'! Gerwani conveyed to large numbers of women learn, and "good morals" were characteristics that were praised. those policies of Sukarno's that its leaders supported. These leaders were mainly active on two fronts: women's issues and national politics. They conveyed their own feminism to the leaders of the PKI and the state while they attempted to make women in the countryside and in the urban kampung conscious of the factors underlying their oppression. On the national level they supported Sukarno's call for a continuous Women's double burden, which the PKI recognized revolution while conveying the views of Sukarno and other as an issue to be resolved in a vague, distantfuture, socialist writers to their members. The structure of Gerwani was impeded women now, so Gerwani leaders said, and democratic centralist, so that more decision-making power was therefore kindergartens had to be set up and men located with the top than with the common members. Yet the members did speak out, and their voices were heard. had to share in the domestic work. Also, the The leaders of the PKK are both upper-class and middle- women's organization recognized that the struggle class women and men. Although the women do the actual work, for a democratic marriage law should not wait any the men have important functions behind the scene: they are the longer. theorists and "guides." The women leaders have all acquired their positions by their being married to top-level men. Thus their leadership is assigned and is not necessarily related to any personal achievements, or even to an interest in the PKK. This situation, needless to say, leads to many cases of mismanage- Nevertheless, as I have argued, there was something in ment, frustration, passivity, and unconcern. it for Gerwani too. It allowed the women's organization to On the other hand capable women whose husbands are too break with the idea that women are submissive and docile, and low in the government hierarchy to "offer" their wives a high to stress the militancy ofIndonesian women. Also, as we have position in the PKK may also become frustrated: their capacities seen, Gerwani made PKI support two of its feminist concerns: are underutilized, and there is no place for their enthusiasm, the party supported the demands for a new marriage law and drive, and critical insights in the decision-making process. Disthe demand that women should be allowed to be elected as continuity in successful actions may occur when leaders have to village heads. Furthermore, Gerwani made use of mass withdraw because their husbands lose or step down from their demonstrations to support the concerns of housewives and influential positions. Leaders who accept this situation can find women peasants and workers. It is difficult to asess how an outlet for their energies in the PKK, and they can even try to successful Gerwani was in this matter. What is important here make use of the possibilities the PKK offers them to do some is to note that the stream of mediation went both ways, and meaningful work. The organization has no room for any aspirathat the Gerwani leaders were critical actors in this regard. tions of the leaders where these fall outside the program, which Even in the last years of its existence, when the political is ultimately designed by the top-level men in the government, situation had become extremely tense and Gerwani had been who are mainly military leaders. Support of the government is drawn rather closely to the PKI, which in its turn was doing the major topic of concern to the PKK leaders, not women's its utmost to support and influence Sukarno, Gerwani leaders oppression in Indonesian society. The structure is hierarchical and authoritarian. The Old Order Versus the New Order Government Gerwani grew in a process of nation building. Many Ger- 48. Harian Rakyat, 18 May 1960. wani leaders and members were active in the war and fully 49. Sujatin Kartowiyono describes Perwari's struggle against supported the struggle for a unified Indonesian republic. Sukarno polygamy in her booklet Perkembangan Pergerakan Wanita Indonesia himself always insisted on the participation of women in the (Growth of the women's movement in Indonesia) (Jakarta: 1975). nationalist struggle (in fact, the subtitle of his book Sarinah is: 50. Saskia Wieringa, "Aborted Feminism in Indonesia: a History of The Duty of Women in the Struggle for the Indonesian Republic. Indonesian Socialist Feminism," in Women s Struggles and Strategies, Later his interest in women's issues declined. In 1960 he is ed. Saskia Wieringa (London: Gower, 1988). quoted as saying: "We don't need a feminist struggle. That time 51. For more information on the National Front, see Ricklefs, A History has passed. It is not the opposite sex that causes the inequalities ofModem Indonesia; and Herbert Feith, The Decline of Constitutional in society.':" Gerwani, however, did find some fault with the Democracy in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1962). 28 === [PDF page 14] === Woman working as a street vendor in Solo around 1973. Although women in Indonesia are sometimes major income earners, their economic role is largely denied. It is considered the husband's job to earn the living, and women are seen mainly as appendages oftheir husbands. Women are to be soft and weak, docile wives and mothers and dutiful daughters. It appears that there is a need in Indonesia today for a women s organization that is genuinely by and for women the way Gerwani was in the past. The photo is by and courtesy of Jim Mattimore. did not automatically support everything Sukarno or the PKI middle-class housewives. Apart from concern with the issues did or said. of polygamy and divorce, women were probably drawn to the The line of command is much more direct between the organization largely because of Gerwani' s social work. Again, PKK and the New Order government, which came about when others simply joined because other members in their families General Suharto replaced President Sukarno. The PKK in its joined similar progressive mass organizations or because they present form is a creation of the Suharto government. As the wanted to avail themselves of the kindergartens Gerwani set army has gained almost absolute dominance over both politi- up and the courses they offered. Thus it is these common cal and civilian matters," the PKK essentially transmits army concerns, rather than the attraction of "communism," concerns to the masses oflndonesian women. The government whatever was meant by that statement by their interrogators, stimulates a capitalist path of development built on internal torturers, and murderers after the October 1965 coup, that stability and order. This stability and order in turn are ideologi- attracted the vast majority of Gerwani members to their orcally forged in an incessant campaign against the supposed ganization. However, once they had joined, they were stimuevils of communism." Ideologically, therefore, the PKK is set lated to express their concerns and to become active on behalf up to construct an image of womanhood that is virtually the of injustices felt. Also, they were urged to participate in mass opposite of the ideal of womanhood Gerwani tried to create. demonstrations and to become social actors in the political Not militancy but obedience is stressed. Women are called field by enlisting as volunteers for the various campaigns upon to sacrifice themselves in the interests of a male- President Sukarno waged. Gerwani members were proud of dominated household, which, as the "smallest unit of society" their outspokenness. One of them told me: "our interrogators is ultimately designed to support government politics. The full would often get angry with us. They would shout that we were weight of the state machinery is used to create docile wives not ordinary docile women, but that we were much too brazen, and submissive supporters of Jakarta's oligarchy. If individual and that we had answers to any questions they posed." PKK leaders disagree with either the extremely hierarchical line of command or with the content of the programs they are supposed to carry out, their concerns cannot be translated into open debates and dissent. Avoidance and passi vity are the most 52. For a discussion on the role of the army in Indonesia, see Harold common strategies used in such cases. Crouch, The Army and Politics in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University The Members Press, 1978); and David Jenkins, Suharto and His Generals: Indonesian Military Politics 1975-1983 (Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project The great mass of Gerwani members were uneducated Monograph Series, 1984). peasants, poor working urban women, and middle- and lower- 53. See note 33. 29 === [PDF page 15] === PKK members come from the same social strata as the former Gerwani members. PKK cadres come to their members with an already established program. Women's concerns that do not fall within that program will not be taken into account. If members do like some aspects of the program and happen to live in an area in which the leaders are active and capable, they are able to profit from the organization. Provided PKK members do not question the government's wisdom, do not strive to transform the existing order, and do not rebel against the ideal of wifehood that is propagated by the organization, they may find something in the organization for them. The PKK program does not take women's concerns or women's rights as its starting point; rather women's duties as obedient wives and loyal citizens are stressed. The PKK thus mainly mediates the interests of the government to its women members. It is not interested in making the women express their Yogyakarta own needs if these fall outside of the program, let alone stand up for themselves. beating and rape, issues the present-day women's organiza- Concluding Remarks tions are hardly concerned about. Thus there are great parallels between the two organiza- Gerwani fulfilled a two-way mediating role. It translated tions to be found in the range of their activities. Both started those national and PKI policies as its leadership saw fit into from the direct economic needs of their members, but they did programs and activities on the local level. In this process the so from a completely different perspective. In the case of the leadership had an active role, it did not carry out orders from PKK the way the organization tackles the daily problems of either the government or the PKI. This is demonstrated also women only serves to reinforce women's gender subordina- by tensions within the leadership about the course of the tion, whereas Gerwani, while to a large part concentrating on organization. On the other hand the organization also transthe same problems, managed to gradually project such a lated demands and problems of women on the local level to different image of women that right-wing groups were greatly the government. It did so by supporting women workers and antagonized. So antagonized were they, in fact, that when the peasants in their struggles for higher wages or against the grotesque accusations against Gerwani members described exploitation of landlords. It also molded women's concern above appeared some people found them an excuse to kill about the rising prices of basic commodities into anti-price Gerwani members. rise demonstrations. Lastly, it fought for women's issues like The two organizations have completely different world a change of the marriage law on the national level, for instance views. Gerwani fought for a transformation of society, and for in parliament and in the National Front. Although the process women to be active and vocal members of that society. On the of decision making was definitely vertical, in meetings and other hand, the PKK wants to "integrate" women into the congresses on the local, regional, provincial, and national present military bureaucratic state" without their questioning levels the common members had forums to criticize certain the nature of that state nor indeed the conditions under which policies and suggest improvements. women are already integrated. The PKK, on the other hand, is characterized by a one-way The greatest difference between the PKK and the Ger- line of mediation. The organization translates government wani, however, is to be found in the image each organization policies into programs meant to ensure that women fully support has/had of women. Both propagated an ideal of "ibuism," but the government line. what kind of ibus do/did they propose? Neither organization From one point of view those observers who point out challenges/challenged women's roles as wife and mother. the continuity of the activities of both organizations are right. However, the PKK's ibus are obedient and loyal, don't protest, However, the PKK's involvement has never constituted a and submit themselves to the authority of husbands and threat to the prevailing order. It has even strengthened fathers, and ultimately of Bapak Pembangunan (Father of women's subordination, while Gerwani can be seen to have Development), President Suharto, himself; whereas threatened the existing social order and gender subordination. Gerwani's women were more independent and stronger. They And although it may be true that Gerwani was not always able were not submissive, and they were often stimulated to follow to attack the existing sex-gender system in as systematic and the examples of strong warriorlike women like Srikandi (one consistent a way as our present-day feminist theories may of the characters in the national shadow puppet theater). dictate, it is also true that however flawed Gerwani's attack Gerwani women were also actually trained to become guerrilla against the various forms it identified as oppressing women fighters. Also, Gerwani members were in the forefront of the may have been, it was nonetheless so stinging that conservastruggle against sexual violence against women, such as wife tive, patriarchal forces were highly antagonized. We might even come to the conclusion that the viciousness of the attacks and the extent of the murders not only point to a failure of the organization to bring about meaningful change, but indeed 54. See Crouch, The Army and Politics. may be seen as the sad proof of the effectiveness of their rebellion against the forces oppressing women. * 30