The Persatuan Islam, Islamic Union (PhD thesis, McGill University, 1966)

=== [PDF page 1] === THE PEH5ENM ISLAM Ph.D Thesis.Howard M. Federspiel Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 2] === THE PEBSATUAN ISLAM (Ialamic DrdLon) Howard n, Fsderspiel A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies aud Besearch in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University Montreal. August 1966. Howard M Federspiel 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 3] === Foreword Several basic papers have been written by students at the Insti tute of Islamic Studies dealing with political-religious movements in Indonesia during the twentieth century. Timur Jaylani's study of the Sarekat Islam. cAbdul Muctl 'All's work on the Muhamadijah and Mochtar Naim's thesis on the Nahdlatul Ulsaa are all fine, basic studies of Muslim organizations attempting to adjust to contemporary conditions without abandoning the religious heritage of Islam. This study of the Persatuan Islam (abbreviated Persia) is not intended to take issue with these studies, but rather to supplement them and provide a fuller picture of Indonesian Islam in the twentieth century. The value of the Persatuan Islam as a topic for scholarly research lies not in its organization, for it was small and loosely knit, nor does it lie in its participation in Indonesian political life over the past forty years, for its activity was incidental and peripheral to the main stream of political developments. Although it& role in religious education has made some impact on Indonesian Muslims, it has been far less than that of several other organizations. In the same manner its press has been influential but has never attained the stature and readership among Indonesians accorded the publications of several other Muslim.organizations. Rather, the Persatuan Islam is important because it attempted to define for Indonesian society just what it was that constituted Islam, what its basic principles were, and what con- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 4] === stituted proper religious behavior for Muslims. In this presentation the Persatuan Islam avoided vague concepts and generalizations— some what unusual in Indonesia— and dealt with the details and substance of religious behavior in Indonesia. Its members have propounded very definite views toward traditional Indonesian culture, toward develop ments of the twentieth century, toward “Western11 culture and toward traditional Muslim religious thought and practices. This study will devote its major attention to outlining the religious concepts of its principal leaders, and show how those beliefs molded their viewpoint toward the chief problems of Indonesian religious, national and social development over the past forty years. While a historical study is not necessarily intrinsic to the study, there were in the activities of the Persatuan Islam three, or possibly four, separate periods, each marked by its own problems, emphases, and responses. This study consists of two main parts: the first part dealing with the views and problems of the organization prior to World War n, i.e., the Colonial Period; and the second part dealing with the development of the organization after the granting of Indo nesian independence in 1950. A short chapter, largely for the sake of continuity, is included between these two sections, dealing with the organization's curtailed activities in the period of the Japanese occupation of Indonesia (1942-1945) and during the revolutionary years (1945-1950). Terminology is, of course, basic to any study of Indonesian Islam. Many terms commonly used to describe particular groups of Indonesian Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 5] === iUi) Musiims— abangan. santri« kaum muda. Van™ tua— are discussed at con siderable length at appropriate points in the text of the essay. While such terms as "orthodox,1*?conservative," and "progressive" have not been used to describe Muslim groups because of vagueness, three terms commonly in use among Western writers have been used. The term "traditionalist"(kaum tua) is used in this essay to describe the religious outlook of those Indonesian Muslims who believe that religious truth is contained in the writings of past Muslim scholars, particu larly several noted jurists and theologians. The term "modernist" or "kaum muda11 refers to those Indonesian Muslims who favor new inves tigation and interpretation (i.jtihSd) of religious fundamentals instead of relying on the tradition of past interpreters. "Fundamentalist11 is nearly synonymous with "modernist," but lays particular stress on the importance of Qiu^Sn and Sunnah as sources for religious investi gation. The chapter on "Modernist Muslims and Traditionalist Muslima" will make the distinction more clear. A glossary of foreign terms used in the text i3 attached to the essay to provide a brief definition for the reader, and several terms are treated more extensively in the text or in footnotes. The Indonesian spelling of personal names and the use of many terms with an Arabic root is often confusing, owing to differences in transliteration from Arabic. While some Indonesians use the system common to Dutch scholars, others employ a system generally consis tent with Bahasa Indonesia sounds and letters, and still others have developed their own transliteration systems. Consequently names and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 6] === terms often are spelled with minor modifications at different times. In this essay personal names are rendered according to the most common usage without regard for the Arabic derivation of those names. Place names are spelled according to the system employed by the 0. S. Board of Geographic Names, which follows current spellings in Indonesian government regulations and decrees. Terms in common use in Indonesia are rendered in that form, while technical religious terms and terminology derived from Arabic are rendered according to the transliteration system employed by the Institute of Islamic Studies. Beyond this, footnotes and parenthetical notes are used whenever spedlal problems arise or further clarification seems necessary. Indonesian language materials, largely pamphlets, books and periodi cals written by members of the Persatuan Islam were the chief source of material for this essay. These works can be found scattered among several Indonesian libraries, and partly in United States and Canadian libraries. Early in its existence the Persatuan Islam established a publishing house and issued a large number of works by it3 own members outlining the beliefs and viewpoints of the Persatuan Islam on a variety of subjects. Of special note among these works is Pembela I~slam, a periodical which provided a great variety of miscellany bearing on political and religious issues during the Colonial Period, and Sual-D.lawab. a collection of fatwas issued by Persia members. Unfor tunately no exhaustive history of the Persatuan Islam or any full scale biography of any of its leading members has yet been completed, although two studies— both biographies of Persatuan Islam leader Ahmad .„ui.ji ...ov.'jif Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 7] === Hassan— are currently being -written and may be published soon. Un doubtedly these studies would have been of considerable value in preparing this essay; fortunately the authors, Abdulkadir Hassan and Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, both were helpful in providing materials, insights and observations concerning the Persatuan Islam and its activities. The Persatuan Islam has been treated in two scholarly essays. Dr. Muhammad Basjidi briefly described and assessed the society in his dissertation on Indonesian Islam for the University of Paris. Deliar Noer made a somewhat fuller account of the Persatuan Islam in his dissertation for Cornell University describing the modernist Muslim movement in Indonesia prior to World War II. Both studies dealt with the Persatuan Islam only as part of surveys of Indonesian Islam, and they did not undertake a thorough investigation of the society. This essay employs source materials and reviews facets of the Persatuan Islam not undertaken in the other two studies, and it presents new material not heretofore brought together in one essay. So far as is known, no other study of the Persatuan Islam has been published. Materials used in this essay for comparison and background are almost equally divided among Dutch, Indonesian and English language works. Of particular value are Snouck Hurgronje's The Achehnese. and various articles by Petrus Blumberger appearing in the Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-Indift. Deliar Noer, The Rise and Development of the Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 8] === Colonial Period (1900-1942). Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Has.iim dan karangan tersiar (Biography of K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim and his essays) and ‘Abdul Mu^I ‘All, The Muhammadi.lah Movement: A Bibliographical Introduction are useful for the general information they contain concerning Indonesian Islam* Dr. Hadji Muhammad Rasjidi, the first Indonesian Minister for Religious Affairs and later Indonesian ambassador to several Middle Eastern nations, originally suggested the Persatuan Islam as a thesis topic. Over the period of eight years we have been acquainted— while at the Institute of Islamic Studies, and during qy short visit to Indonesia in the summer of 1963— Dr. Rasjidi has been unstinting in his time and knowledge in acquainting me with Indonesian Islam. In Indonesia I am indebted to Ustadz Abdulkadir Hassan, Abdullah Musa and their many associates at the Pesantren Persatuan Islam in Bangil, East Java; to Muhammad Sofwanhadi, onetime publisher of the Suara Rakjat in Surabaja; to Ustadz E. Abdurrahman, the chairman of the Persatuan Islam and his assistant Junus Anis at Bandung; and to Dr. Deliar Noer at the University of North Sumatra in Medan. Ustadz Abdurrahman provided me with out-of-print materials on the Persatuan Islam from his own personal collection, for which I am very grateful. Timur Jaylani, currently with the Indonesian Department of Religious Affairs, aided me in making contacts with several leaders in the Indonesian Muslim community. The Islamic Library at DJogjakarta and the Museum Library at Djakarta gave me access to considerable material on the Persatuan Islam and on Indonesians in general. Dr. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 9] === Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah (Hamka) generously supplied informa tion concerning certain religious terms and textbooks in use in the Persatuan Islam's educational system* Dr. Hamka's son-in-law Zainal Arifin located out-of-print material that filled several gaps in research late in the writing of this essay. In the United States the Library of Congress, the Wason Library at Cornell University, the U. S. Department of State Library, the Library of the Islamic Center in Washington and the Ahmadiyya Move ment in Islam (Washington Center) all provided material that was of value in the preparation of this essay. In Canada I would like to express my thanks to Professor Wilfred Cantwell Smith, former director of the Institute of Islamic Studies, and to Dr. Charles Adams, the present director, both of whom took a deep interest in qy graduate studies and provided me with fellowships necessary for undertaking graduate work. William Watson, Librarian of the Institute of Islamic Studies was always cooperative in securing materials for my use. Ify special thanks to Dr. John A. Williams who acted as adviser on this essay and on my Master's thesis. Finally my gratitude to my wife Johanna who encouraged me to undertake graduate studies and put aside material considerations for several years so that this might be done. Howard M. Federspiel Arlington August 1966 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 10] === Table of Contents page Foreword Table of Contents........................ Chapter 1 Chapter 2 The Persatuan Islam prior to World War H....... 17 Chapter 3 The Basic Beliefs of Ahmad Hassan.............. 41 Chapter 4 Modernist Muslims and Traditionalist Muslims 70 Chapter 5 The Viewpoint toward Indonesian Values...........103 Chapter 6 Religion and the Nationalist Movement....... 125 Chapter 7 Polemic against the Abmadlyah Qadiyan and 148 Curtailed Activity under the Japanese and 167 Chapter 8 Chapter 9 Organization after World War II... Chapter 10 Adjustment to Contemporary Scientific, Economic 203 Chapter 11 Politics in the Constitutional Period.......... 229 Chapter 12 Conclusions 280 Glossary of Terms viii ...........181 300 Bibliography I — The PersatuanI s l a m...................... 314 Bibliography II — 337 viii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 11] === Chapter 1 Introduction The dominant religious pattern at the tine Islam entered the Indoneeian Archipelago—-between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries— was a mixture of pagan aninisn and a mysticism superimposed on it during the Buddhist and Hindu periods.^ Aninisn found expression primarily in spirit worship which acknowledged the existence of spirits in living persons, in the dead, and in inanimate objects* During the ascendency of Hinduism and Buddhism in the archipelago between the ninth and thir teenth centuries, this animistic belief survived in a subdued farm and exercised some considerable influence on these new religions. Hinduistic practices, notably those of the Shalvistlc sect, and Mahayana Buddhism, entering the archipelago through Indian and Malay trade exchange, succeeded in large part because they incorporated and adapted to these indigenous religious beliefs* The traditional waorana shows and the gaaelan orchestras, which developed their strong ties with mystical practices and Hindu myth ology during this period, continued to reflect Javanese values and to mirror the Javanese outlook on life* The great Borobudur monument near Djogjakarta also shows considerable concern for ancestor worship and r animism in its bas reliefs and ornamentation, despite its many stupas and ita claim to be a Buddhist shrine.3 Islam was acceptable to the Indonesians only in so far as it was able to accept the old religious patterns and associate itself with existing Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 12] === practices and beliefs. In this respeet Islam was fortunate, for it was introduced into the Malay area by traders from Gujerat, on the Vest coast of India, where Islam had been subject to Hindu and Isnaci3l Sflcah influ ences and consequently also gave considerable stress to nystical form. This Gnjeratl version of Islam struck a responsive chord among the Indo nesians, and it "was easy Tor the Indonesians to understand it, appreciate it, and use it."^ Many indigenous religious practices continued after Islam's arrival, some openly, but most under the guise of being part of Islam itself. Ven eration of saints and heroes continued, with the addition of new personal ities associated with Islam. The belief that certain numbers and names have magical and mystical qualities took on an Islamic appearance by including the names of "the first four caliphs, the four Arabic letters that spelled the name of the Prophet and of Allah, the twelve signs of the sodiac, the twelve imams of the Shiahs, and others."'* Exorcism was held in high regard, and Islamic prescriptions and references were intro duced into the practice. Indonesian charms took on an Islamic look, by attaching to them the confession of faith and citations from the Our3an.^ Taking over where Buddhism had left off, Islamic mrstlcism(tasawwuf) was able to make considerable impact on the Indonesians, and in the early period the Muslim ^stic(ft5fl) was highly regarded and honored. In north Sumatra in the last half of the sixteenth century the aosthighly respected religious scholars were all mystics,^ and on Java the nine walls who. according to Javanese history wers responsible for the spread of Islam on that island, were also mystics. The theologians and jurists, so Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 13] === influential in the Middle Eastern Tariety of Islam, took seeond place to the sufls in the early period, and even until the twentieth century Indo nesian fulana* noted for legal or theological knowledge were also sufls. That Islam compromised with existing religious patterns when it was introduced into the archipelago is not surprising, since Muslins, from the time of the Prophet Mohamad, hare been content with nominal Ialanisation of the inhabitants in any new area. This was the pattern in the first great expansion of Islam in the first century A. H., when Syria, Egypt and Persia cane into the Muslim sphere of influence through warfare, and in the succeeding centuries the population was induced to accept Islam for political and economic reasons. So for as faith in concerned, Muslims traditionally accept the confession of faith as sufficient for considering a person a fellow Muslim* So for as Muslim society is con cerned, however, this tolerance, while extended during proselytisation, does not imply eternal acceptance or permanent compromise with practices regarded by the culana* as contrary to Islamic teachings, buttrather only a temporary truce. The establishment of schools,contact with other Muslim areas, and the guidance of Muslim rulers are intended to deepen religious belief and practice with each succeeding generation. This development is still taking place in Indonesia, and over the post four hundred years Islam in Indonesia has slowly altered its form; the heterodox religious trends of the early period have slowed in momentum, and more orthodox Islamic practices and patterns have slowly gained in importance. This trend is clearly discernible when the areas longest under the influence of Islam— Atjeh and north Sumatra— are compared with Java, where Islam Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 14] === entered considerably later. In Atjeh and Horth Suaatra religion assumes a significant role in community affairs and in the private lives of individuals, and Islam is recognised as equal to, and semetines takes precedence over, custom. Among the Javanese, idlere professed Muslims generally are only nominal M b slims, adat or custom, has clear precedence over Islam.^ In all areas, however, the trend over the past few hundred years has been for orthodox Muslim values to assume greater importance as Indonesians learned more about orthoprax Islam and became more interested in its teachings. The process, however, is long in terms of time, and slow in making perceptible gains, and in Indonesia it has had to contend with several factors that have complicated its development. The arrival of the Europeans in Southeast Asia and the establishment of Portuguese, Dutch and British colonial rule in that area shortly after the initial contact of Islam, had a severe impact on the new religion. When the Europeans first arrived Islan was already associated with the royal courts but had not yet attained mass appeal. The conversion of the population from nominal Buddhism and to nominal Islam because of the royalty's conversion was considerably accelerated bT the threat posed by European traders and soldiers following a religion opposed to Islam,10 Islam clearlywas associated with Indonesian interests and served as a rallying point against the "infidel" invader, an association that was to continue through the various revolts and uprisings of the Dutch period until independence was achieved in 1950. The establishment of Dutch rule over the Indonesian Archipelago, while initially speeding the conversion to Islam, impeded— sometimes in- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 15] === tentioo&lly and at other tines inevitably— the develop— nt of tMi lywrfrni acceptance of Islan into a nore serious regard for Islanie belief and practice* European econonic doarination, with its nereantilistie practices of nonopoly and close regulation of trade, inadvertently curtailed the influence of the foreign Muslin trader on the Indonesian believer* The Motherlands becane Indonesia's prinary trading partner, and trade with India and the Kiddle East was severely curtailed.11 Moreover, foreign trade was alnost conpletely controlled by the Dutch thus elves thereby further reducing the need for contact between the foreign Mulin trader and the Indonesian Muslin. Within Indonesia the local trader con tinued to play an inportaot religious role, but after the arrival of the Dutch, foreign Muslin traders dropped appreciably in cumbers and conse quently in influence. Indonesian continued, however, to have sons contact with the outside tfaslin world through the large nunber of Indonesian Muslins par ticipating in the ha.1.l(pilgrimage to Kakkah required of all Muslins), and by a snail nunber of students who studied at the Dir al-cPlun in Kakkah, at il-iahar in Cairo, and at other centers of learning in the Hear and 12 Middle East. At the sane tins a United mnber of Muslin scholars fron other areas, particularly fron the Arab world, also travelled to Indonesia to teach at the courts and at various religious schools.1^ These contacts seen to have had a considerable Inpact on Indonesian Islan, and they were responsible for the introduction of nany new religious ideas into the archipelago. Sonetines, as in the early nineteenth century when Tfahhabisn. brought in by returning pilgrlxs, produced the Padri wars,1^ the ideas Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 16] === reflected Militant trends that sought to spread particular beliefs through force. At other tines, as In the late nineteenth century when Afcaacffyah beliefs were introduced by students returning from India, the ideas were contrary to generally accepted SunbI Muslin belief Generally, however, as Snouck Burgronje noted in his report to the Netherlands Indies Admin istration on this problem, the contact with the outside Muslin world pro vided by the pilgrimage and students served to strengthen Sushi Muslin religious patterns and worked against heterodoxy. speculated as to how much greater the pressure for refom toward ortho praxy would have been had the various Indonesian kingdoms not cone under Dutch colonial zwle. The Dutch destruction of the several Indonesian trading fleets and a reorientation of trade away froe the rest of Asia certainly destroyed a most significant means for the passage of religious Ideas. The loss of this form of contact, so important throughout Muslin history, must be regarded as having slowed the naturing process in Indo nesian Islan. The Dutch colonial administration also United the deepening of religious belief by rigidly naintaining a political and economic system that limited the role of the local rulers, and inadvertently prevented the adoption of social and political refarns that, fron a religious view point, would have intensified Islan among the general population. The traditional village unit was maintained wherein the rights of the individ ual were subordinated to village connunity obligations, both in everyday practice and according to Muslim law. The importance of the individual believer, the priority of Islamic religious law, the spiritual responsi- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 17] === bility to a source outside the cansmnity, were all contradictory to the concept of the all-eneosspassing, closed community. In accepting Islanic religions dogma, therefore, the average peasant found it difficult to adopt Islamic social principles as well, or to abandon the eastern and practices common to the comnity, even though they were often contrary 17 to Ialaade practices. Within this adat system Islan was only acceptable in so far as it was able to exist alongside castoat and to provide religious sanction for n&ny non-Ialaaic practices, for example, the celebration of MaaludCmawlid or nawlud in Arabio— the birthday celebration for the Prophet Muhammad) was regarded as not conflicting with adat and in many places was observed with feasts and celebration that had a distinct animistic flavor. Kendnris and slanetans, both seals celebrating animistic occasions,were given sanction by the inclusion of Muslim prayers and readings from religious texts. The pitrah. or rice tax, roughly corresponding to salat, early became very popular since its distribution to the poor enabled then to take part in the general feasting marking Bari Baja(cid al-fitr). Marriage, circum cision, funerals and several other ceremonies were sanctioned by religion, but meh of the content of these rites was adat coos&on to these ceremonies before Islam arrived in the archipelago. On the other hand Islam encoun tered considerable resistance in the execution of its legal prescriptions, which were more often than not at variance with established adat. Land laws and inheritance were the most troublesome areas, and Islam made very little progress in displacing adat on these matters.*® Two groups of persons were responsible for developing orthodox Sunni Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 18] === religious thought in Indonesia: the religions officials in the schools and mosques, and the merchants. The religions schools taught a very rudimentary form of Islam. In the lower classes instruction consisted primarily of memorising passages from the Qur3an in Arabic, with little regard for the students' comprehension or understanding of the subject matter. At the higher levels in the pondoks and pesantrens it consisted of more memory work in various religious sciences, but primarily in fiqh and tasawwuf(nrsticlam) with little interpretative work or application of religious principles and practices to Indonesia.The religious schools ultimately produced persons who viewed religion as more important than custom, and must be regarded as haring made a distinct contribution to the development of Indonesian Islam. This group of religiously oriented persons came to be known as santri. while those who were nnatnatty Muslim 20 but dung to custom and animistic practices were known as abangan. Islam made its best progress among the merchant class which consisted for the most part of persons who had broken sway from the dosed eoamnity for economic reasons and were not bound fay the customs and laws of usage that impeded Islam's progress in the village. Freed from the narrow con cepts of village custom, the merchant dass sougit ideas and concepts that 21 fit with their own more diverse experiences and found them in Islam. As middle-dass merchants they had wealth that could be expended on the education of their children and on fulfilling their religious obligation to undertake the pilgrimage, which consequently brought them into doser contact with religion. Significantly, it had been merchants who had been responsible for the initid spread of Islam throughout Indonesia, and it Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 19] === was perhaps natural that their successors should also be interested in furthering religious devdopment. The Indonesian nobility, on the other hand, while adopting Islam as a religion and semetines acting as patrons for religious scholars, was generally more concerned with prijaji(court ritual) forms of behavior which took emphasis away from strict religious behavior. A final factor affecting the development of Islam in Indonesia mas the immigration of a considerable nunber of QafranI Arabs to Indonesia throughout the Dutch period, and particularly during the latter half of the nineteenth century* These Arabs brought with them a brand of Dunnl Islamic belief and practice that, while marked by some heterodox practices, had some positive influence on the development of orthopraxy in.Indonesia. A significant nunber of these Arabs became religious teachers, and a large number of that became traders, thus fortifying the two groups al ready concerned with deepening Ialaade belief in Indonesia* This advantage was dearly offset, however, by the Arab tendency to stress their racial association with the Prophet Mohamad (and frequently to use it to attain status among Indonesian Muslims), a factor that frequently detracted from their effectiveness as reformers of Indonesian Islam.^ In the latter half of the nineteenth century the work of the Dutch scholars Tan Tdlenhoven and Snouck Hurgronje on the role of religion and custom in the lives of Indonesians resulted in the adoption of an official policy designed to encourage some aspects of religious activity, but gave custom dear precedence over religion* The ha.1.1 and social and educational activities were encouraged, since they were considered to increase Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 20] === orthodox religions belief and lessen the chances of adopting fanatical religions beliefs inimical to Dutch role. At the seae tine the government was to suppress sternly those new ideas and activities among that 25 could threaten Dutch control over the Indonesians. This new policy also set aside religions law that had cone into United use in several courts of law during the Dutch colonial period, on grounds that adninistration of Justice should rest on the mores and customs of the various areas. This new policy confined Dutch preference for limited, controlled contact between Indonesian Muslims and Muslins outside Indonesia, and for the closed cosaunity regulated by custom that United Islan's hold in the villages.26 Such was the religious situation in Indonesia at the turn of the present century when new religious ideas were once again introduced into the archi pelago by returning pilgrims and students. These new ideas, propounded by such men as Jamil al-Dln al-Afgfclhl and Mhframri cAbduh, maintained that religious reform would revitalise Islam, and called for Muslins to unite 27 in a single cosmmityCuasah). The Dutch, and indeed most colonial nations, saw these modernist Muslim principles as antithetical to their own interests and attempted to keep such influence from penetrating Indonesia. Books and pamphlets advocating these ideas were banned for sons time, even though Dutch control over their entry was far from successful, and the ideas continued to arrive through returning pilgrims and students. Modernist Muslin thought arrived in Indonesia primarily through the influence of several Indonesian Muslin teachers in Kakkah who laid par ticular stress on the importance of usul al-fiqh in studying the Qur^an Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 21] === and sunnah. Afrnad &l-£hatTb, from the Minangcabau area of Sumatra, was perhaps the most Influential, and through hie own writing# and through the activity of several of his students, particularly Hadji Easul and Ahaad Taher, his ideas gained considerable following.2^ These modernists on Sumatra played down the pan-Islaaic content of the modernist Muslim viewpoint and concentrated their efforts on internal religious reform, a factor which probably led to Dutch willingness to allow them to continue their activities. The aodernists attacked those aspects of mysticism which they regarded as excessive and non-lslaadc, certain practices in ritual worship they believed to be accretions, and the aadhhabs(achools of jurisprudence) as the final authority in natters of Muslim behavior.^ This modernist activity was not only suspect by the Dutch, and consequently closely observed by the authorities, but by the traditional culanP as well, who regarded the modernists as emasculating Xslaaic teachings by deea> phasliing the interpretations of classical and medieval theologians and jurists. The traditionalists’ response— never well articulated— stated that the subservient political and social position of the Muslims through out the world was caused by Muslim failure to follow the prescriptions of 31 Islan as laid down by the four aadhhabs. The dispute between the aodernists and traditionalists had no early resolution; and as aodernists ideas gradually spread throughout Indonesia during the first quarter of the twentieth century, the struggle between the two groups continued in every region. The appearance of modernist Islam in Indonesia corresponded with the rise of nationalist feeling among the Indonesians and contributed to the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 22] === growth of that feeling into the nationalist movement of the 1920's and 1930's. The Sarekat Islan. forned in 1912, generally subscribed to modernist Muslim principles and was the primary vehicle of Indonesian nationalist political aspirations until the early 1920's. The downfall of the Sarekat Islam was caused hr its failure to resolve the differences between religion on the one hand and nationalism and Comsunism on the other. These differences led to a fragmentation of the Sarekat Islan in 1925, and consequently marked the beginning of secular nationalism and Muslin nationalism along completely separate lines.Like the kaum tua-kaua ■uda^tradltlonalista-nodarnlBt Muslims) split this development also had serious implications for the development of Islam in Indonesia and has been a focal point of Muslin interest until the present. The remainder of this essay is given to the study of the Persatuan Islam which was clearly comitted to a modernist view of Islam. This organisation played an important role in the debate between the tradition alist and modernist viewpoints in the religious field, and a significant role in the struggle between secular nationalists and Muslim nationalists in the political field. This essay will outline thePbreisvisw toward the various problems confronting Islam in Indonesia during the twentieth century, indicate how these views differed from those of other Indonesian Muslims, and examine the affect of these views in its educational activity, its political viewpoint and its relations with other Muslim and non-Muslim groups. The value of such a study lies in the insight it affords into the development of Indonesian Islam in this century, and should reveal whether the trend toward orthoprax Islam that has been evident in Indonesian bis- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 23] === -13o tory it eontimiag, hit beta arrettod, or hat taktn toss divert# eevrtt. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 24] === -14Footnotes for Chapter 1 1 Kenneth P. London, Southeast Asia: Crossroads of Religions. Chicago, University of Chieago, 1949, pp. 138-139. 2 Daniel George Eduard Hall, 4 History of Southeast Asia. London. Mac millan, 1955, pp. 9, 67. “ 3 Ibid.. 48,53. A stops, in architecture is a specific type of Buddhist religious building, consisting of a solid mass of nasonry built above a receptacle containing a sacred relic. Encyclopedia Brltannica. 4 Landon, Southeast Asia, p. 139. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 G. V. J. Drewes, "Indonesia: Mysticism and Activism" in Gustav E. von Grunebaua, Unity and Variety in Muslin CjTiligatlon. Chieago, Univer sity of Chicago, 1955, pp. 287-290. 8 C. C* Berg, "The Islamiution of Java", Stadia Islaaica. IV (1950), pp. 111-142. 9 Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnaas (translated by B. J. Vilkinson). London, Lusac and Leyden, S. J. Brill, 1906, I, p. 72. 10 See, for example, Bernhard H. M. Vlekke, fasantara. A History of Indo nesia. The Hague and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1943, pp. 97-98. Hall, A History of Southeast Asia, p. 312; Bertran Johannes Otto Schrieke, "The Seventeenth Century: The Downfall of Javanese Trade" in Indonesian Sociological Studies. Bandung and the Hague, Van Hoeve, 1957, Q, PP. 49-79. 12 Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the nineteenth Century (trans lated by J. H. Monahan). London, Lusac, 1931, p. 291. 13 Schrieke, "Ruler and Real* in Early Java". Indonesian Sociological Studies, n, pp. 239-240. 14 The Padri wars occurred in the Mlnangkabau area of Sumatra between the years 1785 and 1838. The cause of these wars, which resulted in the extension of Dutch political control over Vest Sumatra, was the atteapt of an Islamic grouping, influenced by Wahhabi ideals brought back from the pilgrimage, to convert the local population to its own brand of Islam. The Padri movement was particularly opposed to customary law (adat). and sought to establish a severe form of the sharTcah. See Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 25] === -15o Ph. S. Van Ronkel, Da Roman n n M r Hamsa(The legend of Aair Hamzah). Leiden, University of Lolden, 1895* &od; S. A. Kern. "Padri**, Sicyclopodla of Islam. 15 AbmadTyah belief* were introduced into Indonesia by Indonesian stu dents studying in India at the Abmadjyah school there. See below pp. HS-153. 16 Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, "Het MnhaiwmdaTH «»» (WnhammUiH «■), Verspreide Geschriften. Bonn and Leipzig, Kurt Schroeder, 19231927, 71, ii, pp. 219-220. 17 Harry J. Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun. The Hague and Bandung, Tan Hoeve, 195$, P* 357 IS Landon, Southeast Asia, pp. 159-163. 19 R. A. Kern, "Pasantren", Bicyclopedia of Islam. 20 For a full explanation of these two teras see Clifford Geerts, Modiokuto: Religion in Java. Boston, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 195$, pp. 219-228. 21 Ibid.. 217, 231. 22 Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 14; Berend ter Haar, Adat Law in Indonesia {translated by A. Arthur Schiller and E. Adamson Hoebel). Hew Iork, Institute of Pacific Relations, 194$, pp. 74-77. 23 For a study of Arabs in the Indonesian archipelago, see Justus X. van dor Kroef, Indonesia in the Modem World. Bandung, Maaa Baru, 1954, I, pp. 253-255. 24 For a brief surrey of these scholars' influence on Dutch policy in Indonesia see Vlekke, Musantara. pp. 323-328. 25 Snouck Hurgronje, "Het Mohammedanisme", Tarspreide Geschriften. 71, pp. 219-220. See also Georges Henri Bousquet. A French Tiew of the Netherlands Indies (translated by Philip E. LilleuthaiJ. Hew IcirEJ Institute "of Pacific Relations, 1939, pp. 6-21. 26 See H. Vestra, "Customs and Law in the Netherlands East Indies", Transactions of the Grotius Society. 1X7(1939), pp. 151-167. 27 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in Modern History. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1957, pp. 54-5$; 62-63 (references are to Hentor Book edition, 1950). 28 Oemar Amin Hoesin, "Sedjarah perkembangan politik modem di Indonesia", Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 26] === (History of modern polities! development in Indonesia), Hikaah. Yin, Ho* 20/21 (May 21, 1955), pp. 2^-26. 29 Hanka (Hadji Abdnlaallk Karin iarullah), A.1ahka (j^jr Father), Djakarta, Widjaya, 1958, pp. 46-47, 76-79. 30 Ibid.. 79-82. 31 Ibid.. 62-84 32 Fred A. Ton der Xehden, Religion and Hationallan in Southeast Asia. Madison, University of Wisconsin, 1963, pp. 74-76. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 27] === Chapter 2 The Persatuan Islam prior to World War n Beginning. Hie Persatuan Islam was founded formally on September 12, 1923 in Bandung by a group of Muslims interested in religions study and activity.^" The founding of a religious organization at this time was not armimei since numerous other organizations, movements and clubs had been organized for religious, social, educational, economic and political purposes in Indonesia during the first quarter of the century. The Budi Otono (High Endeavor), founded in 1908 for the advancement of native education, the Sarekat Ialaa.^ organised in 1912 for Muslim trade and political advanceL ment, and the HnhiwmirilJah. founded in 1912 for Muslim social welfare and educational activity, were perhaps the most important of the early movements. Several hundred more dubs were organized in the period be tween 1920 and 1935, most with little appeal beyond their own limited circles, and consequently few survived more than a few years. The most prominent of these local organisations were the study groups formed in the major cities in the 1920'e, particularly at Bandung, Djakarta and Surabaja, which came together in 1930 and formed the Partai Haalonal Indonesia.^ The Jong Ielamieten Bond^ was probably the most well known among the religious groups organised during that period, and the Persatuam Islam was in that tradition. The founding of the Persatuan Islam was an effort by several Muslims to enlarge discussions on religious topics that had been undertaken on an -17- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 28] === informal basis for several Booths. The Muslims involved in these dis cussions all belonged to the merchant class, and caste froa three fasdly groups that two generations earlier had immigrated, for reasons of trade, froa the Faleabang region on Suaatra to the West Java area where they had come to regard themselves as Soudanese, the dominant ethnic group in the West tiara region* The two leading figures in these discussions were Hadji Zaaxam and Hadji Mohamad Junu*. Hadji Zumaa had spent three and a half years studying at the Par al-cUlun in Makkah and then had been a teacher at the Parol Muta'alHmin religious school in Bandung about 1910. He was acquainted with Abaad al-3urkati, the founder of the Al-Irsjad and an early adrocate of fundamentalist Islamic thought in Indonesia. Mnhawssd Junos, while priaarily a trader by occupation, was ' Interested in religious natters and had collected a library of works on Islam*^ The discussions that led to the founding of the Persatuan Islam centered not so aueh on actual religious teachings as on the new reformist ideas that were then enjoying considerable popularity on Suaatra and with some following on Java, and on the conflict of these new ideas with the established religious system. They discussed the contents of al-Manar, the modernist Muslim publication printed in Cairo, and al-Manir. a periodical of similar bent published in Singapore and snuggled into Indonesia* They also followed the debate between Al-Irsjad and the DianUat Chair (also al-DJaaiyat al-Chairiya). the principle organisations for Arabs resident in Indonesia, concerning status of Arabs among nonArab Muslims. The issue of Comaunism, communist infiltration of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 29] === Sarakat Islam. and Muslim effort* to remove eoHsunist influence froa that Muslim political movement also ease under discussion.10 Initial membership in the Persatuan Islam was lesa than twenty per sona, and in the earlj years actirity centered about Friday eamnlty prayer when the members case together, and on courses of religious lnstrueship during this early period was an Interest in religion, and Muslims representing both the Icaua auda and kaun tua factions originally were listed aaong its Bashers. Prior to 1926 Persis did not espouse Modernist principles as an organisation, but in keeping with its sized membership been an inclination on the part of Hadji Zaosaa and others to prosote fundaoentalist ideas, and there was resentment by those members favoring a traditionalist viewpoint about the development of the Persatuan Islam in the modernist direction. ihnad Hassan, who joined the movement in 1924, was the maaber whose viewpoint gave real format and individuality to the Persatuan Islam and dearly placed it in the modernist Muslim camp.1^ Ahmad Hassan was born in 1687 in Singapore, the son of a Tamil scholar and a Javanese mother. He received a Classical religious education from his father, who placed emphasis on language, and consequently Ahmad learned Malay, faglish, Arabic and Tamil as well as the usual religious subjects* After completing his schooling, he taught at several religious schools in Singapore and Johore and later wrote daily articles for the Otusan Melayu newspaper of Singapore. Sometime in the early 1920's he visited Surabaja in connection Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 30] === —20— with the family's batik business and while there had discussions with an Indonesian religious scholar on the issues of difference between the kaam muda and kaaa tua. His father had been inclined toward many modernist Islamic viewpoints, and these discussions in Surabaja apparently struck a responsive chord in Ahmad, so that he subsequently developed a viewpoint that was in basic conformity with the kaua auda. He then noved to Bandung, entered the Persatuan Islaa, and centered his life increasingly on religion and what he considered to be the defence of Islaa. Ahead Hassan1s religious system emphasised that nan's relationship with God depended vitally on the correct interpretation and inpleaentation of religious law. Boebaie Wdjaja, writing at a later date, succinctly suanarlsed Ahmad Hassan's religious belief in a biographical sketch. The life of a Muslin according to the view of A. Hassan is not separated fron the lavs of Islaa (and) as a consequence mankind nust value the Islamic life. The-individual Muslin must... worship Allehr purified Aron the elsnents of dis belief coning fron outside Islaa or fron traditions which Islaa did not ccnsand. ... the fanous culemas and great iinms of Islaa.., were only considered "teachers" whose views should not be accepted unquestioningly.. For this reason A. Hassan does not follow aqy of the aadhhabs of the four great ochodls.... however, the opinions of the four great schools are (not) wrong, so long as their viewpoints on a question are not in conflict with the sources of Islaaic law (i.e., Qur3ih and sunnah). Life in general, according to A. Hassan, depends on the will (taqdlr) of Allah. "If people want to place than elves in a particular place that placing is because of taqdlr: if they do not want to be in a particular place that attitude is because of taqdlr.11' This orientation came to be generally accepted by a large segment of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 31] === -21- Persatuan Islaa, but alienated. thoss members vho held the aadhhahs to be the chief golds for religious life. By 1926 the differences between the two trends within the Persatuan Islaa were sufficiently great for a split to occar. The secessionist group, composed of the kaaa tua. founded a rival organisation known as the Permoefakatan Islsadslsaic Association), while the rump group retained the naae Persatuan Islaa and declared itself to be a aodernist Islaaic movement.^ The statutes of the Persatuan Islaa adopted after this split called for "furthering Islaa on the basis of QurJan and stumah" and for "the propagation and instruction of Islaa. Anong Persatuan Islaa leaders "furthering Islaa" generally cane to aeon scholarly research in religious studies, particularly proper religious ritual and the regulations surround ing such ritual, followed by instruction to the general Muslim public, through fatwas and courses of instruction, about the results of that research. Its leaders pictured themselves as a new brand of culam D whose fatwia would cleanse religion of unauthorised innotation(bidcah) and adapt religious principles to contemporary conditions. The major rdigious-oriented organisations existing in the pre-war period were sot fitted for the role the Persatuan Islaa chose for itself. Al-Irsjad. which had a similar purpose, limited its endeavors to the Arab population of the Indies, and was plagued for years by internal dissension in the Arab commnity over the question of Arab prerogatives in the Muslim com munity in Indonesia,The Hahswaadijah espoused aodernist Muslim prin ciples but during the first twenty years concentrated on educational and social welfare activities, and it was not until 1935 that attention was Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 32] === -22u girea to Improving the religious belief and behavior of its members.^* The garekat Ielaa was almost always sore concerned with political activi ties and gave only secondary attention to the purely religious aspects of the Ialamie movement.^ There was in Persia little enphasis on expanding its membership, and prior to World War II it remained a relatively snail, loose-knit organisa tion. Deliar Boer in his dissertation on modernist Muslim movements in Indonesia stated that the membership of the Persatuan Islam never rose above 300 at Bandung, but that it was popular in that city and by 1942 controlled six mosques in the city, each serving over 500 Muslims. A number of branches was established by sympathizers in various cities and towns, mostly in Vest and Central Java, and according to Dollar Boer the 21 membership of the larger organisation was less than a thousand persons. The popularity enjoyed by the Persatuan Islam appears to have centered on the religious education the Persatuan Islam offered, on its clear position regarding controversial issues, and on the social contact and entertain ment offered by the many meetings, lectures and debates organised by the Persatuan Islam. The reputation of the Persatuan Islam, however, lay less with its organisational accomplishments than with the achievements of its Individual leaders. Ahmad Hassan, Hadji Moehawnad Moenavar Chalil and Hadji Hahmoed 'Axis were known for their many fatws on all facets of Muslim behavior. Sabirin and Fachroeddin al-Kahiri edited the contro versial Pcabela Islam, a periodical that attacked and castigated groups 22 holding views contrary to those of the Persatuan Islam. Moehamaad Bate often writing under the pseudonym A. Ifachlis, expressed a viewpoint that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 33] === -23- Banka (Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah), noted after Indonesian indepen dence was attained for hie exposition of Islam as a social force, mas associated with Persia in this early period.2^ Muhammad Hasbi JLsh-Shiddiqy, who von some reknown for his fatva stating that blood transfusion was permitted by Islamic law, also belonged to the Persatuan Islam during this period.2^ It oast be noted that many persons belonging to the Persatuan Islam daring this period were influential members of other religions, political and social organizations as well* Sabirin was a prominent member of the Sarekat Islam. Hadji Moenavar Chalil was a leading menber of the 27 MnhanmadlJah in Smarang, and Moehammad Hatsir belonged to the Jong 28 Islamieten Bond. This dual membership by many members perhaps indicates that the members regarded Persia as a religious study and educational group, and that other groups could be used to attain other goals* The similarity of the religious viewpoints of these mesbers, and particularly the consensus on political matters, seems to indicate that these members took the Persia outlook with them to other organisations, and/or that it was that outlook which attracted them to Persis in the first place* The composition of Persia membership also shows a peculiar develop* sent in Indonesian Islam, i.e., the greater ease vith which non-Javanese Muslims accepted a santri orientation while Javanese usually remained only nominal MaslimsCabangan). The organisation was founded by Sumatrans; and as it developed, it found its greatest support among the Sundanese. This is not to say, however, that there were no Javanese ambers of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 34] === -24Persatuan Islam, for there were— such as Hadji Koenamr Chalil— but only that, as in other santrl movements, non-Javanese elements played the leading role.2^ Stress on edncation. Fron the very beginning instruction in Islam and its sciences m s offered at the meeting place of the Persatuan Islam in Bandung, bat the courses and classes were operated by indiridnals or groups of individuals rather than by the organisation itself.^0 This m s an extension of the tine-hallowed pesantren system in which religions teachers attached them selves to a mosque and taught voluntarily, depending on gifts from the students, and on a rice field or trade for their livelihood. In this traditional system the student was free to choose his own subjects, and teachers and students would often travel from one center to another to study special subjects or hear renowned lecturers. In the case of the Persatuan Islam Hadji Zamsaa first alone, and then after 1924 in conjunction with Ahmad Hassan, gave lectures and talks to adult classes concerning Islamic belief and proper observance of religious ritual.3s In 1927, and possibly before, classes were also operated for Muslim students studying at Dutch schools; for a law of 1915 allowed optional religious instruction to be given as part of the public educa tional system.^ In 1930 the Pendldikan Ielam(Islamic Education} was founded by Persis member A. A. Banaama, who used Persis facilities to conduct his first elementary school classes. Ibis educational organisa tion, whieh came under Hoehaanad Hatsir's leadership in 1932, established a MDL0(Keer Ditgebreid Lager Onderwi.1■— More Extended Lower Instruction} Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 35] === -25high school and a teachers' training school in Bandung, and by 1938 had started schools in five other locations on Java.3^ Persis facilities were also used by other teachers to give religions instruction, and sons of these cane under attack after the split in the organisation in 1926, and were charged with giving "opiniated teachings and the viewpoint of In March 1936 the educational system of the Persatuan lalan underwent a reorganisation to sake the education uniform and to regulate the form and standardizethe content of the teachers' lectures. A. brochure, issued by the school at a later date, stated that "the purpose of the founding of the 'Pesantren' was to produce propagandists(wabtllighlon) capable of spreading, teaching and defending and maintaining Islam, wherever they 36 ware."J The subject natter taught after the reorganisation probably changed only slightly from what it had been prior to the reorganisation, but Persis leaders were assurred that the modernist Islamic viewpoint would be presented in all ccwrses of instruction. Some general subjects and basic science courses were added at this time, but stress remained over whelmingly on religious subjects.^ Ahmad Hassan became the director and principal teacher of the new school, and Koehasmad Hatsir, who had com pleted a teachers' training course sponsored by the Dutch Administration, served as adviser and teacher. At the time of the establishment of the new school, which was named the Pesantren Persatuan Islam, there were forty students, mostly from Java, but with a few from other parts of Indonesia as well.^* During the same reorganization an afternoon class was established for Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 36] === «26» elementary school children, both boys and girls, who attended secular schools in the aorning.^ The director and principal teacher of the afternoon class, which cane to be called the Pesantren Ket.1il(Snall Pesantren). was Ustads Hasan Eaaid, who had formerly been a teacher at the Al-Irajad school in Djakarta, and E. ibdurrahaan was a teacher in the afternoon classes. The initial enrollnent was about 100 pupils. In Mftreh 1940 the seminary section of the Pesantren relocated to Bangil in East Java, and the Pesantren letjil reneined in Bandung. The ■ore was apparently pranpted by fenily considerations on the part of ihnad Hassan who had relatives living in the Surabaja area. A group of twenty five graduated students accompanied Absad Hassan and served as a cadre for the new school. Although the Pesantren was reestablished in Bangil and a new section for girls was added in February 1941, the Japanese Occupation, beginning in early 1942, forced the school to dose.*® The course work given in Persatuan Islaa schools is discussed in the chapter concerning activities of the organization after World War n. Publications. The first regular periodical published by the Persatuan Islaa,entitled Peabela *slaa(Defenaa of Islaa), first appeared in 1929. had a circulation of about 2,000, and was properly licensed by the authorities.^ It was intended to be a bi-eosthly aagasine, and during the six years it was published a total of 71 umbers was issued. Articles appearing in Pssfeela Islaa were written either by the nsabers of the organisation or by other proainent Muslims. reflecting a viewpoint similar to that of the Persatuan Islaa. The priaary aephasis in Pestoela Islaa was on proper observance of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 37] === religious behavior and ritual in. the lives of Muslims, on the role of religion In the politics of the nationalist movement and in international affairs. The magazine was proscribed by the Dtteh Administration in 1935 for allegedly slandering the Christian writers of Belanda A. I. D. in an article attacking Christianity.^ In 1931 the magazine Al-Fatwaa was undertaken in addition to Penbela Islam. Ai-Fatwaa consisted largely of reprints of articles from Pcabela Islam, transliterated in djawl script(Malay written in an adapted Arable script), which was used among Malays of Singapore and Malaya and fay some groups in Indonesia. Twenty combers of this monthly magasine were issued before it ceased publication in 1933* It had a readership of approximately 1000 and was distributed on Suaatra, Kalimantan, and throughout Java. After 1935, with the closing of Penbela Islam, the Persatuan Islaa issued a new periodical named Al-Lisan(The Tongue). The preface of the opening issue in December 1935 stated that the new magasine was to be a continuation of Pembela Islam and Al-Fatwaa. but would attempt to develop new materials as well, but in practice it differed little from its proJLO decessar. The periodical continued to appear until the beginning of 19A2 when the Japanese Occupation began. Biginnlng in 1937 and continuing through 1941 the Persatuan Islam at the Bandung branch published a periodical entitled At-Taqwa. a Soudanese language publication. This was largely a collection of articles from Penbela Islam and Al-lisan. but laid special stress on removing Hindu and pagan observances from religion.^ At-Taqwa bad a circulation of 1000 and was edited by E» Abdurrahman and Qamaruddin, Also in 1937 lasjkar Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 38] === Islam(Islamic Defender) v u published, consisting of a collection of lead ing article* fron Penbela Islam. and two years later a sisilar collection of articles from Al-Lisan was issaed under the title Al-Hik*a(KLsdon). in important part of all these periodicals was the sual-djawab(queation-ansver) section in which one member of the editorial staff, usually ihnad Hassan, but soostimes Hadji Hahmoed 'Axis or Moehsr— d Koencwar Chalil, answered the questions of readers on natters of religiousimpor tance, ranging fron ritual worship to social and political behavior. They were really observing the old practice of issuing a religious decision, or fatwa. sinco religious sources wers used as the basis for the decision.^ The format of the decisions was quite staple. The question was stated, then all of the religious sources employed were written out, first in Arabic and then, after the interjection of the word artinja(»its weaning") translated into Indonesian. Finally, the opinion of the writer was ex pressed. Quotation fron religious sources was intended to encourage the reader to study the original if he was able, and to indicate the original reference, free of translation difficulties. This sual-diawab section was not a unique development since siailar column appeared in several other lfaslin periodicals of that period. The Persatuan Islam probably developed this form of writing more fully than other groups did, however, and increasing emphasis was placed on these fatwas as tins passed, even to the detriment of other forms of writing. Readers' letters to Peabola Islam indicate that the sual-diawab section was well read, and apparently in response to a demand for such decisions, a collection of those fatwaa appearing in Persis publications was published in several volumes through- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 39] === -29out the 1930's under the eollectlTe title of Sual-Djawab.^ In addition to periodical publications the Persatuan Islam published pamphlets and short monographs by its ova neebers and other Muslin groups and individuals reflecting the philosophy and viewpoint of the organlxaLB tion. Pengadjaran Shalat(Teachings of Worship}4' and At-Tauhlad, both subsequently reprinted several tines, contained a complete outline of all orthodox Muslin beliefs, annotated with numerous references to Qur’an and Badith. Several other works, such as litab Zakat(Book on Zakat).^ 50 and Bisalah D.1o«t|ah(Bo6k on Friday Worship) were intended to outline a Muslin's religious obligations and describe proper religious behavior. A series of books, notably Keaopanan Tinggl(High Civilisation)^ and Al-Mochtar.*2 outlined Islamic history and glorified the history of Islam, apparently with the purpose of convincing Indonesian Muslims of past Muslin glories and of countering the secular nationalists, who looked to the Hindn past of Java as the golden age of Indonesia. Several books were written to urge reforms in contemporary religious practice Persis members regarded as wrong, such practices as those described in Kitah Taiqjen orang wet(Book of Talqin according to lsw)^ which contained an outline of accepted burial practices and was aimed at refuting certain practices condoned fay the kaan tua. The Persatuan Islan had little to say on economics, but did publish two booksJitab Bibaa(Bodk on Usury) end Bisalah Pandjawab debatan T. Soelalnan Thojlb... terhadap Kitab Ribaa(Book of reply to the debate of T. Soelalnan Thojlb... concerning 54 Kitab Bibaa) to explain fully its own position regarding the question of interest and usury which came under considerable discussion among Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 40] === -30- Wnaiiwa in the 1930’s because of the introduction of banks, savings accounts, and insurance policies. Qaaoes Al-Baja(Dictlonary of Tens), a short dictionary of irabic tens in use in Malay, and Al-Furqan^ a aaity Toluaed cooneutazy on the Qur^an in both Mislay and Amdanese, were the first of several dictionaries and religious eooBentaries prepared by the Persatuan Islaa. Several works, such as a pamphlet written by Sabirin entitled Poeasa. aangandoeng penrildlkan hygiana(kesehatan toeboeh) physlekCtabi’at). aoreele disciplina(boedl pakertl), psychologic(ruh) (Fasting, containing the lessons of hygiene, nature, aoral discipline and 57 psychology) reflected the concern of Persis aanbers for reconciling religion with contemporary scientific knowledge. To facilitate the understanding of religious teraa ihaad Hassan developed a transliteration system, by vhich untranslated irabic religious teras could be assigned Indonesian letters that would aid the reader in pronunciation. The transliteration systea, although probably not widely used beyond the asabers of the Persatuan Islaa, did correspond in aany laportanb respects with a aore widely accepted transliteration systea developed by A. M. A. Teavang, and, indeed, aay have had a considerable influence on Teavang1s systea.^ Persatuan Islaa publications filled a need for basic books on religion written in the vernacular. For several centuries works on Muslim law, theology, and qysticisa had been written in Malay, but these works were so interspaced with Arabic religious teras— and even entire sections written in Arabic— that they were read only by scholars. The Persatuan Islaa leaders sought to widen the readership of religious works by developo Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 41] === ing a new kind of religious text— one which would be entirely cosprehensible to a person who knew only Bahasa Indonesia, Notable in almost all books pablished by the Persatuan Islaa was the search for brevity and clarity* In the preface to At-Tauhied. for example, Ihaad Hassan stated that he would employ the sual-djawab method throughout the book "in order that the reader not became bored.” "... the reader will be able to understand,.. * and if... not.. • he will not be so bored as not to read it once or twice. Clarity was achieved by simple sentences, by defining all religious teras used in the discussion, and hr avoiding time-consuming lateral problem. The result was usually a clear explana tion of basic religious doctrine, comprehensible to the uninformed layman and student for whoa Persatuan Islaa publications were intended* Persatuan Islaa efforts to write about religion eaas during a period when there was a great wave of literary activity among Indonesians. Several literary groups appeared during this period, and a rash of news papers, periodicals and books were published by the various political, social and religious clubs, organizations and movements. The Persatuan Islam's efforts were a part of this greater activity, and while it pro duced no outstanding literary works, Persis developed a simplicity of style in its textbooks that facilitated the study of religion in schools and by persons interested in religion. Moreover, the writing of Indonesian religious textbooks had some impact on the development of Bahasa Indonesia. by defining and using religious terms in Indonesian language works. Defence of Islam. A final aspect of the Persatuan Islam's activity was the effort by its Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 42] === members to defend Islaa froa what they regarded as threats to the exis tence or purity of Islam. Consequently they publicly challenged any individual or group who they believed misunderstood, misinterpreted or distorted proper religious belief and practice. The secular national ists, led by Sukarno, were challenged for refusing to recognise the political role of Islam and for rejecting religious lsw as national lav in an independent Indonesia. The Hahdtatul was attacked for adher ing to classical jurisprudence, and for maintaining traditional views on some matters of ritual, particularly regarding the burial ceremony. 1119 ^hfrriTjah Qadiyan mas challenged for its stand in that a prophet existed after Xohao&ad. Christianity, as has already been mentioned, was bitterly attacked for its belief that Jesus was divine and a sessiah, instead of a prophet as Mas!1ms believed.^ The Persatuan Islam also debated other modernist groups when ever their interpretation of particular religious principles differed from its own. ibdulkarim Amrullah, the leading religious reformer on 62 Suaatra was attacked for a particular fatwa regarding woman's attire, and Hanks's novels Dibawsh IAngdunaan ta'bahCln the Shadow of the Ia3abah and Tonggslsrnnla Kapal van der WvckfSlnking of the ship Van der Ifyck)^ were called indecent because they dealt lightly with religious subjects. Penbela Islam and Al-Iisan were, of course, the prime vehicles far conducting polemic, and Persia members, writing under the initials H. S. 65 hit at their adversaries in short, pointed articles. For exangle, on the subject of nationalist attitudes toward religion one particular article in Penbela Islam stated: "(Previously) the nationalists did not ever men; O Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 43] === tion Islam, its movements or even its shortcomings... bat now there is frequent ass of.. • Islamic setters.... Ye hope Islam will no longer be need as an instrument for gaining freedom, bat rather that freedom will 66 be attained for Islam." Similarly, in another article appearing In Penbela Islam the following opinion was expressed regarding the straggle between the kanm mnda and the kanm tua: "If we combat innovation(bidcah) which is clearly forbidden by Allah and the Prophet and clearly causes the destruction of Islam, sereral Maslim leaders make accusations and propaganda charging that we are splitting the uneah.... If splitting of this type is wrong, then the Prophet Mohamad was the greatest splitter of all I"67 In addition to these short, rigorous notes signed with the initials M* S., letters were often printed challenging opponents to public debate which were polemic in themselres. This sort of polemic was wall illustra ted in the letter from the Islaaic Committee of Surabaja eh»n«w^wg Pastor ten Barge to public debate because he printed an article contain ing uncomplimentary remarks about the Prophet Muframmad. "Froa these words it is clear that you hare a confused viewpoint concerning our rever ence of the Prophet Hufram a ri..., or, otherwise you obviously intend deliberately to apeak slander and hatred toward our Religion. The Persatuan Islam also used the public debate to make its opposition known toward viewpoints it regarded as wrong. In the ten years preceding World War H persis had debates with the Mahdlatul Plana and the Ittihadllatul Plana on the subjects of taqlid and talqln. with the Abmad&ah — 69 OadLran on prophethood and MabS cfsa. with the Seventh Day Adventists Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 44] === ob Christianity, and with a nationalist leader on secular theories of lav and government.^ Large andiencea attended these debates, probably be cause they were vail publicised by the Persatuan Islaa, and because the debates centered on controversial Issues then drawing considerable pub lic attention* Ahmad Hassan usually represented the Persatuan Islaa in these debates, and proved effective since he was able to formulate argu ments using both religious texts and reason to refute the positions taken by Persis opponents* These debates, while of narginal value in reconciling the differences between the debating factions, did give the Persatuan Islaa a forum in which to propound its viewpoint, and Persis— and Ahnad Hassan in particular--gained a reputation for forsalating lucid and cogent arguments in defense of aodernist Maallm principles. The minutes of these debates were usually printed in Peshela Islaa and Al-Lisan. and several also appeared as separate publications* Finally, to pronote similar activity among other groups in Indonesia holding a viewpoint similar to that held by the Persatuan Islaa, editorials appearing in Pambsla Islam urged that "Penbela Islaa" condttees be set 71 up throughout Indonesia to counter "threats to Islaa*"' Persia leader ship apparently conceived these ecsadtteea as being local clubs promoting the study of religion and defending modernist Muslim principles* Numerous "Penbela Islam” coiaittees vere apparently founded, but none survived for any great length of time or rose to any position of importance, perhaps because they had no central organisation to offer guidance and coordinate a definite program* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 45] === - 35- Pootnotes for Chapter 2 1 The Netherlands* Department ran Kolonien, "Kohansedaansche Eeredienst"(Muslim religious natters), Indieche 7srslag. 1930, pp. 310-311. 2 See for example: "Budi Oetomo", Encrlopaedib Tan Nederlandseh OoatIndi§; L. N. Sitorus, Sedjarah Pergerakan Kehangsaan Indonesia {His tory of the Indonesian Nationalist Movement). Djakarta, Pustaka Rakjat, 1947, pp. 9-10; S. Suryaningrat, Het herdenkingfeeat vaahet 10-jarig bestaan den verenlging "Budi 0etoaow7~1908-Hei 20^19l3~(The Commemoration celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the "Budi Utomo" Kay 20, 1908 to 1918). Amsterdam, Oud en Nieuw, 1918. 3 Timur Jaylaxd, The Sarekat Islam: its contribution to Indonesian nationalism. Montreal, McGill University thesis, 1959; C. C. Berg, "Sarekat Islam", Sxcyclopedia of Islam. 4 See cAbdh-l Muctl cAlI, The Muhammadijah: A Bibliographical Intro duction. Montreal, McGill Unirersity thesis, 1957; Georges-Hecri Bousquet, "Kahanmadlya", Shorter Bacydopedia of Islam. 5 See Sitorus, Sedjarah Pergerakan Kehangsaan Indonesia, p. 44; J. Th. Petrus Bluaberger, Do Matlonallstiache Beweging in NederlandschIndie (The Nationalist Movement in the Netherlands Indies). Haarlem, H. D. Tjeenk Millink & Zoon, 1931. 6 See J. Th. Petrus Bluaberger, "Jeudbeweging— Inlandsche"(Youth move ment— native), Bncy&opaedlt van Nederlandseh Oost-Indil. 7 Deliar Noer, The Rise and Development of the Modernist tfasHm Horement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial PerlodTTl91Q-19/t2TI Ithaca, Cornell University thesis, 1963, pp. 132-134. 8 Charles Clarence Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt. London, Oxford University Press, 1933, pp. 180-187. 9 Hamka, AJahku. pp. 73, 86. 10 cAli, The Muhaaaadijah Movement, p. 49, 11 Noer, The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement, p. 134, 12 "Kohaamedaansche Eeredienst, Indische Verslag (1930), p.311, 13 Short studies of Ahmad Hassan include: N&vawi Dusky, "A. Hassan: Kenang-Kenangan kita terachir dengan ulama besar ini"(Ahmad Hassan: Our final memories of this great4dim), Hikmah, Tahun H, No. 32 (November 1958), pp. 13-15; Boebaie Widjaya, "Biografia— A. Hassan: Pengarang, kritikus dan debat Islam" (Biography— Ahmad Hassan: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 46] === "36“ Islamic writer, critic and debater), Hudjdjatul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 35-41 and Itoku Kita. II, No. 5 (May 1956), pp. 195-199; Hadji Tamar Djaja, "Tokoh kita A. Hassan’1 (Our promin ent figure— Ahmad Hassan), Daulah Islamyah. I, No. 8 (August 1957), pp. 6-14; and H. Jasin, "A. Hassan: Dokumentator surat-surat Islam dari Endeh" (Ahmad Hassan: Documentator of the Islamic letters from Endeh), Gema Islam. 17, No. 74 (May 15, 1965), pp. 12-14, 26. 14 Widjaya, "Biografia— A. Hassan," Hud.1d.jatu! Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 36. 15 "Mbhammedaansche Eeredienst," Indische Verslag (1930), p. 3U« Usual references on Muslim organizations existing at that time reveal no further information about the Permoefakatan Islam. It is likely that the organization either passed out of existence, or was absorbed into the Nahdlatul Plama. founded in 1926 by several kaum tua leaders in Central Java. 16 Ibid. 17 Van der Kroef, "The Arab Minority," Indonesia in the Modern World. I, p. 257. 18 Muharamadijah, Panitia Pusat Perajaan 40 Tahun Berdirinja Perserikatan, Kitab 40 Tahun Muharnmadi.lah (Yearbook for the Fortieth Anniversary of the MuhammadijahJI Djakarta, 1952, p. 32. 19 Cf. Jaylani, Sarekat Islam. 20 Noer, The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement, p. 134. 21 Ibid. Branches were established at Bogor, Djakarta, Leles, Bandjarmasin, Surabaja, Malang, Bangil, Sibclga, Kotaradja and Gorontalo. 22 Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Pidup K. H. M. Wahid Hasjim dan karangan tersiar (Biography of K, H. m T Wahid Hasjim and his essays). Djakarta, Panitya, 1957, p. 221. There is little biographical mater ial on Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, Fachroeddirral-Kahiri and Sabirin. 23 Mbehammad Natsir's basic education was in the secular schools established by the Dutch, supplemented with some religion courses. He under took intensive training in religious subjects from Ahmad Hassan. This blend of religious and secular training probably accounts for writings defending basic Islamic values against the impact of "Western" influences in terms capable of being understood by Indonesians educated in secular schools. His most important articles, including many of those written under the pseudonym A. Michlis and appearing in Pandji Islam, appear in Moehammad Natsir, Capita Selecta (edited by D. P. Sati Alimin). Djakarta, The Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954 and 1957, 2 vols. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 47] === - 37- A presentation of Natsir's political outlook appears in Deliar Noer, Kaajuad: Its Organisation. Ideology and Political Role in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University thesis, I960, pp. 150-152; 171-180. Other biographical descriptions are found in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidap Wahid Hasjin. pp. 217-221; and Parlaongan, Haail Rakjat niarlllh Tokohtokah Parlenen (Results of the people electing the members of Parlia ment)”. Djakarta, C. V. Gita, 1956, pp. 175-176; Sutan Rais Alansjah, 10 Orang ftdonesia Terbesar Sekarang (The Ten Leading Indonesians of Today). Bukittingi and Djakarta, Mutiara, 1952, pp. 83-102. 24 Hamka's major works were written after World War II and attempted to ■•rpia-in Islam in a sociological framework rather than the legalistic outlook of the Persatuan Islam. Peladjaran Agaaa Islam (Teachings on Islam). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1956 contains his major teachings, which reflect the influence on Banka of the Egyptian Muslim modernist al-Hanfalutl. A list of Banka's major religious works appears in John K. Echols, Preliminary Checklist of Indonesian Imprints(19451949) with Cornell University Holdings. Ithaca, Cornell University, 1965, pp. 7-8. In his formative years prior to the war he wrote several novels(See-belpw^Jp. 32 and Junus Anis Hamzah, Hamka sebagai Pengarang Roman: sebuah studio sastra(Hanka as a writer of novels: a study of literature). Djakarta, Mega Bookstore, 1964) and various works on religious subjects. "Kemenangan"(Victory), Peabela Islam. No. 46 (May 1932), pp. 16-23 expressed basic fundamentalist Muslim beliefs, and "Persatuan" (Unity), Penbela Islam. No. 34 (September 1931)) PP» 2-7 advocated Pan-Islamism. Both articles reflected a viewpoint in conformity with the Persatuan Islam. Some biographical material may be found in his autobiographical work PribadlOfr Life). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1949. 25 Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy is perhaps better known for his work on translating and compiling a collection of hadlth into Bahasa Indonesia. 2002 Mutiara Hadiets(2002 treasured hadlth). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1954, 6 vols. His major works are listed in the bibliography attached to this essay* 26 Peabela Islam. No. 34 (September 1931), frontespiece. 27 cAll, HttbamaadjJah Movement, p. 80. 28 Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup Wahid Hasjim. p. 80. 29 Robert R. Jay, Religion and Politics in Rural Central Java. New Haven, lale University Press, I9S3, p 30 "Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam" (Development of the Persatuan Islam Pesantren), Risalah. Tahun I, No. 1 (June 1962), P. 10. 31 R. A. Kern, "Pesantren", Encyclopedia of Islam. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 48] === 32 Noer, The Hlse of the Modernist Mnslin Movement. p. 140. 33 Ibid; Amry Vandenboseh, Bie Doteh Eut Indies. Berkeley end Los Angeles, University of California, 1942, p. 47* 34 Hoer, The Rise of the Modernist- Marii-a Movement. p. 141; Peabela Islaa. Ho* 45 (April 1932), inside cover— front and back. 35 Risalah. Tahun I, No. 1 (May 1963), p. 10. 36 Persatuan Islaa, Jajasan Pesantren di Bangil, Pesantren: Bagian Patera dan Pateri (Pesantren; Sections for boys and girls). Bangil, Persatuan Islaa, I960, p. 2. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid.. 2-3. 39 A., "Pesantren Persis di Bangil"(Pesantren Persatuan Islaa in Bangil), Danis Madrasah. No. 5 (January 5, 1955)* P* 17. 40 J. Th. Petrus Hlunbergsr, "Moehaamadljah", Encyclopaedia van Hederlandseh Oost-Indil. 41 "Moehanaedaansche Eeredienst", Indlsche Versing (1930), p. 310. All circulation figures for this and following periodicals are as given in Noer, The Rise of the Modernist Maslin Movement. pp. 142-145* 42 Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup Wahid Hasjim. p. 221. 43 Al-Liaan. No. 1 (December 44 Conversation with Junns Anis, Chairaan of thePeaada Persatuan Islam. at Bandung on July 21, 1963* 45 See below pp. 72-74 lor the Persatuan Islam's view on what qualifi cations and training wers considered necessary for issuing fntwas. 46 Sual-Djawmb (Questifvn-Answer). Bandoeng, Pcrsatoean Islam, 19311940, 15 vols. 47 Afanad Hassan, 3hslat (Teachings on ritual worship). Ban doeng, Persatoean Islam, 1935*1937, 4 vols. 48 Ahaad Hassan, At-Ikuhied (at-Tawfald). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1937 (published in both the Roman and dlawi script). 49 Ahaad Hassan, Sabirin and Faehroeddin al-Kahiri, on Zskat). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1934* KitabZskat(Bode Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 49] === - 39- 50 Persatoean Islam, Risalah D.loan'ah (Book on Friday Prayer). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1931. 51 Ahmad Hassan, Keeopanan TinggL (High Civilisation). Bandoeng, Per satoean Islam, 1930. Translated into Soudanese under the title Kitab Kasopanan Islam. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1931. 52 Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Mahnoed >Asiz, Al-Mochtar. Bandoeng, Persa toean Islam, 1931| 2 rols. 53 Ahmad Hassan, Kltab Talqien orang wet (Book of law concerning burial practices). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1931. 54 Ahmad Hassan, Kitab Ribaa (Book on usury). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1932* Originally published in two parts in Penbela Islam. Nos. 51 (October 1932) and 52 (November 1932); Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Penilamab Debatan T. Soelalnan Tho.lib... terhadap Kitab Ribaa (Book of the answering debate of T. Soelalnan Thojib... toward Kitab Ribaa). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1936. 55 Ahmad Hassan, Qanoes al-Baja* (Dictionary of clarification). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 19217 56 Ahmad Hassan, Al-Furqan (Commentary on the Qur’an). Bandoeng, Per satoean Islam, 1931. 57 Sabirin, Poeasa. aangandoeng pendidikan hygiene (kesahatan toeboeh). physlek (tabi'at). mareele diaciplineTboedi pekerti). psychologie (ruh). (Fasting, containing the lessons of hygiene, nature, moral discipline and psychology). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 193A. 58 Roebaie Widjaja discusses this transliteration system briefly in his biography of Ahmad Hassan in HudL1d.1atul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 39* This transliteration system is outlined in Ahaad Hassan, Edjaan (Orthography). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, (date unknown). See also A, M. A. Tamrang, Beladjar Huruf Al-Quran (Learning the letters of the Qur’an). Djakarta, N. 1, Verslulys, (date unknown). 59 Ahmad Hassan, At-Taahied. pp. I-H. 60 See for example, Anthony H. Johns, "Genesis of a Modern Literature" in Ruth T. McVey(editor), Indonesia (Surrey of World Cultures). New Haren, Tale HRAF Press, 1963, pp. 410-437• 61 These differences with other organisations are dealt with more fully in later chapters. 62 Hamka, Ajahku. p. 167. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 50] === -40- 63 Haaka, Dibawah Idndungan Kabah (In the Shadow of the Ka-’abah). Dja karta, Balal Pustaka, 1956 (6th ed.). 64 Boebale KLdjaja, "Biografia A. Hassan", Hadjdjatul Islam. I, No, 1 (August 1956), p. 38. In general the members of the Persatuan Islam were suspicious of novels, which they may have seen as frivolous. They did, however, recognize Moehaom&d Dimyatie's Anak Jatia (Orphan). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islaa, 1935, as a good novel, possibly because it dealt with the issue of independence and had been banned by the Dutch; Hasfca, Tenggelamnja Kapal van der Wyck (Sinking of the ship "Van der Nyck"). Djakarta, Balai Pustaka, 1961 (6th ed.). See also, Junas Anie Hamzah, Tenggelaanja kapal Van der lfrck dalaa polemlk deng&n bantuan H. B. Jaain (The SinHng of the Ship "Van der Wyck" in the poleoie with the followers of H. R. Jasin). Djakarta, Mega Bookstore, 1963. 65 Maiy of these short items were collected into a two volume publica tion. M. S. Kitab Pepetah (Proverbs). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islaa, (date unknown}! 66 Penbela Islam. No. 56 67 Penbela Islam. No. 29 (July 1931), p. 9. 68 Peabela Islam. 32 69 Penbela Islam. 57 70 Noer, The Rise of Modernist Muslim Movement, pp. 143*144; Djaja lists a debate between Ahaad Hassan and the Christian scholars Diernhuis, KLsink and Schoeaaker, and makes reference to debates with "atheists" in Djakarta and Malang. Djaja, "Tokoh kita A. Hassan", Daulah Islamyah. I, No. 8 (August 1957), p. 12. 71 Peabela Islam. No. 31 (August 1931), p. 40. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 51] === Chapter 3 The Basle Beliefs of Ahmad Hassaa Ahmart Bassan was the chief figure in the Persatuan Iala* and was responsible for its particular orientation on Islamic questions• Writings of other Persia leaders indicate a basic agreement with his stated beliefs although no one else in the organisation expressed himself as fully as lhaad Bassan did* There is value, therefore, in outlining lhaad Bassan1s religious beliefs and philosophy, for such an outline aids in under standing the criteria that he, and vith him the Persatuan Islam, employed in regard to politics, social life and worship* The foranlation of lhaad Bassan's doctrine and religious belief was not gathered into one work, but was scattered throughout a nonber of im portant books, each written for a particular purpose* It-Tsahied explained his belief concerning God and nan's relationship with Bin, and was intended to refute the Christian concept of the Trinity, the warship of saints, and certain anialstie practices prevalent on Java* In-Bubuwwah(Prophethood) outlined his conception of the Prophet to deaonstrate to the secular nationalists and to Christians that Mnhansad— and by iaplication Islam— was progressive and in conformity with scientific thought. Islaa dan Kebangaaan(Islam and Bationalisa) explained his view of sen's obligation to God and his fellow man, and was intended to show Muslims the proper role of Islam in public life* In drawing these works together one risks the da ger of emphasising what is not intended to be emphasised. let s, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 52] === -**understanding the Persatuan Islam's particular views. The first section of lhaad Hassan's basic religious beliefs is con cerned vith defining the concepts “God", "prophet" and "holy scripture," examining the attributes and purpose of each, and finally presenting evidence for the genuineness of each in the Muslim context* There is m speculation concerning these fundamental beliefs, and his understand ing is within the Sunni Muslim tradition and conforms closely vith the exposition of basic beliefs nade by Mjihamaart clbdah and Rashid Rida. Ahmad Hassan nade no attempt to probe into the nature of religion or speculate upon any facet of belief, but accepted those beliefs as genuine and as a necessary part of a Muslim's religious life* God and his attributes. lhaad Bassan approached the study of the nature of God vith great reverence* In the introduction to At-Tenhied. his major work on tho nature of God and man's relationship vith Him, he stated that "if the science of religion is viewed as holy beeause it contains the lavs of Allah, then the science of tawhid (God's nature) is more holy (and indeed there is no real comparison) for its contents concern the attributes of God Mho reveals that religion."'*’ A proper understanding of the nature of God is valuable to all Muslims, he maintained, so that they may attain a proper relationship vith God* By acquainting himself vith the know ledge of God's nature the informed Muslim becomes aware of His greatness, and of the folly of fearing any creature other than God,3 while improper understanding of God's nature causes man to err and transgress His eomL vends* The worship of saints by Christians and boom Muslins, and the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 53] === *43' Javanese practice of consulting sorcerers^ for performing miraculous feats vert cited by Ahmad Hassan as examples of an improper casprehension of the nature of God because such acts disregarded God's power, and were contrary to His commands. He concluded that for their own spiritual well-being and eternal reward, Mauling should study and try to comprehend God's nature.^ Ahnad Hassan began is discussion on the nature of God vith a clear definition of God; a definition acceptable te both nodernist and tradition alist elsnents of the Indonesian Hulls coaoinity. A, Clarify for so who Allah is? B. Allah is God Who creates, sustains and grants sustenance to everything that we see and do not see, that ws know and do not knew, in heaven, in the air, on the face of tho earth, in the earth, in the water and everywhere, A. Are we able to see Allah with our eyes or experience His existence with the other senses? B* We are not able to know the essence of Allah with our five senses, and it is only necessary for us to believe on Him through the knowledge of His attributes alone.' A, What do we believe about Allah?., *, B. We believe that there is no other God than His, and that He possesses all the attributes of divinity and perfection, as wall as great holiness. Regarding His attributes He is not needy, not weak, not submissive and nothing is like A. Why are we obliged to believe this? B, Co— on sense leads us to believe this, as well as (the words and statements) of Allah and His prophet, since these godly attributes are mentioned in the Qur^an and in the hadlthe. Concerning God's existence and His attributes, Ahmad Hassan put forth a proof long expounded among Sunni Muslim theologians. The very existence Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 54] === of things, he stated, indicates the existence of a God to the reason of ■an* Men knows, for example, that the plain objects he views in every day life, such as "a pen, a book, a table" do not exist by thesselves, but are the product of the artisan who created them." In the same oanner aan reasons that there mist also be a creator for man, for animals and for all plantlife on the earth.^ Continuing with this argument, i.e., that all things must have a beginning, Ahmad Hassan concluded that "our comon sense is not able to accept the fact that any object could exist without a creator. For example, plants grow from seeds, and seeds cose from plants, but at soao point there mat have been a plant that did not cone from a seed. Likewise, in the case of man, Ahaad Hassan queried, "who nade the first mother and father, if it was not Allah?" Carrying the argument to its logical conclusion, Ahmad Hassan stated that after having traced creation to its beginnings any continued speculation leads only to a dead end. The only possible solution is that God is a being, able to create, Who has not been created Himself, and that beyond such a conclusion nan's reason is unable to go. Having established to his own satisfaction that God exists, Ahaad Hassan examined each attribute necessary to life, and maintained that all such attributes must also belong to God since not to have then would make God less than perfect. "It is unthinkable that God is not powerful, because one who is not powerful is weak* One who is weak could not be Allah*" In the same way God mast bo alive, for to be dead is to lack power which is impossible in God*^ For the same reason it is unthinkable that Allah could be plural or mltiple, for in a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 55] === ~k5situation where two gods exist ons of them would certainly be weak, or their very equality would liait the power of each.^ In making rational assumptions on the nature of God, At-Taahied warned the reader not to fall into a trap of comparing human attributes with divine attributes. The nature of God, i.e., His attributes, such as hearing, seeing, living, stated Ahmad Hassan, is similar to that of man; yet, at the same time, the divine and human forms are not identical, and God remains unique and distinct from His creation. The difference is one of degree since man's life is limited, while God is eternal. Man has certain powers, but they are limited in comparison with the power of God that is capable of producing whatever He desires. In the sane way, man is an individual, but has an equal in other men, while God's individuality cannot be paralleled. Therefore, despite the similarity of attributes, concluded At-Taahied. "our attributes are not like the attributes of Allah and Allah is not like us."^ Concerning the age old problem of reconciling God's power with man's independent will, Ahmad Hassan stated that "we all believe that the world 18 and all its contents was formed and created by God." The problem, as he saw it, was whether God knew when he created the world that "we would 19 perform this and that, and whether this and that would happen to us.” 7 He rejected the notion that events could occur without God's wining them, since all creation had been willed by God, and therefore, by definition, the will of nan as well. Ahmad Hassan rejected the argument that God had created man but is not actively involved in what man does, for if He were not involved, it would mean that God's power was limited, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 56] === “46an attribute impossible in God. Bather, Ahmad Hassan accepted the reason ing that events cannot occur without God willing them, ill events, he stated in the fatwa "Bulb"(Fate), "occur with the will of God.... 20 This is called taqdlr." In support of this conclusion he cited aL-Misi* 78, which states: "Say that everything comes from Allah", and al-Hadld 22, stating: "Naught of disaster befalleth in the earth or in yourselves but it is in a Book before We bring it into being. Ahmad Hassan recognised that to accept this particular view of taqdlr raised many problems in regard to the purpose of religion and of life it self. "If all these matters occur with the will of God, then why did God send a message, establish Religion and give laws to mankind, whereas creatures perform those eoaaands and prohibitions according to the will 22 of God Himself?" He also admitted that there were a number of other difficult problems, such as "sorrow and happiness, heaven and hell" that also appear contradictory to men. Despite this belief that all things are determined by God, Ahmad Hassan gives the impression throughout his works that Muslins are not to allow this belief in God’s cosplete con trol over ereation to lead to resignation and a blind acceptance of fate. He constantly reiterated his belief that man should strive and use his 23 reason to do those things he knew to be right and correct. In At-Taahied. for example, he stated that if an evil man(sSlln) does wrong against a Muslim by attempting to steal his rights, it is necessary to "respond with... strength sufficient for achieving the return of our rights." In the same manner when one is unarmed and meets a tiger he runs, but when the tiger is in the village and endangers its members "it is certain Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 57] === we will respond by building a trap, preparing a snare. He concluded that "we nay net continuously ran from the sillm or the wild beast", but mst respond, and that response "nay not be with the bare hands, but rather it is necessary that we respond seriously (with thought), strongly. Vhile this description appears only ■iriMHwntany concerned with the prob lem of tagdir, it illustrates Ahmad Hassan1s thinking regarding man's ability to shape his environment, and how his own efforts affect his own fate in some way. However, when called upon to reconcile complete deter minism with his belief in man's ability to change things through effort, Ahmad Hassan would always fall back on his answer that God is always involved; and that when people desire to do something, that desire is willed by God; and when they decide not to do something, that attitude is also willed by God.^ Ahmad Hassan's presentation of qadar is certainly a weak point in his theological exposition. Unlike many modernist Moslim thinkers, such 26 as Mahansad Abdnh who devoted considerable attention to this problem, Ahmad Hassan nade almost no effort to explain this thorny problem to his readers. He touched on it only in relation to the power of God, unlike his contemporary Agus Salim who dealt with it in several works and attempted to clarify the problem by examining the problem from the view point of nan, nature and society as well as from the viewpoint of God's 29 power. In many respects Ahmad Hassan's approach is more like that of the conservative Haslim calana:) in Indonesia who place emphasis on the predetermination of all things without attempting to reconcile such a viewpoint with the problems it creates.^ Throughout Ahmad Hassan's Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 58] === -4*works, however, there is the underlying emphasis on action and individual choice— as in the example of the tiger in the Tillage— both narks of the modernist Muslim, and in sereral works he implies that eternal reaards and punishments are a result of nan's own free choice, Prophethood. The pamphlet Benarkah Muhammad itu Basal? (Has Mnframid truly a Prop hetif2 oses written to point out "that the Prophet Hnfraanad is truly a Messenger eoasdssioned by Allah to guide human beings in natters temporal 33 and spiritual." Ahmad Hassan stated in the preface that he had derived his evidence and proofs from the Qur^in and sahib badith. asd that the arguments he presents were not only acceptable by faith, but were "actual proofs that stand the test of reason and investigation," In a later revision of his work on Mohamad, titled An-Hnbuwwah (Prophethood)^ Ahmad Hassan described first the general attributes and characteristics of prophethood in the trAdition of Sunni Islam and then proceeded to outline Mohammad's life as the fulfillment of these conditions. An-Hubnwwmh is a highly idealized study of Mohammad, and deliberately so, for it was conceived as a reply to criticism from many secular nationalists, and from some Christians, that Islam was decadent and hide-bound, preserv36 ing a way of life set down by a seventh century desert ruler. To refute arguments of this type, Ahmad Hassan emphasised those aspects and actions of Mohammad's life that were unusual for Mohammad's age but in conformity with current knowledge and reasoning, and cited such instances as evidence of Islam's capability to adapt to, and prosper, in the twentieth century. While adapted to his own style and format, Ahmad Hassan's study followed Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 59] === mch the same basic argument pot forward by Hnhaamari cibduh, and later by Bashld Bidl.^ In Biealah al-Mads-hab (Study on the schools of Muslim Jurisprudence) lhaad Hassan stated that aan is unable to knew, by his own aental capa bilities Just what God's purpose was in placing aanlrinfl upon the earth. To give nan an infallible guide God has sent numerous prophets with holy books to explain the divine purpose and outline mankind's duties, both in relation to God and toward other creatures.^ lhaad Hassan explained further in An-Habowwah that the Qur^an lists twenty five prophets— although he recognised that this was not an exclusive list and that there had been many more— who were sent to 39 in the past. Each prophet was sent to a particular coaaunityfrgaffih). but the Prophet Hnhaamad, as the final emissary who carried the complete sassage sufficient to guide man to the end of time, had been nade a messenger to all mankind.^ Ahead Hassan emphasised, undoubtedly as a refutation of the IfrmartTyah Qadlyan!sIbelief that their founder was a prophet, that there had been no other prophets— 41 nor would there ever be— after Hhfraiad. Concerning prophecy Ahmad Hassan noted that it was a condition unable to be inherited, or earned through pious life, and was not to be con fused with magic or fortune-telling, which could be learned.^ Revelation^in its highest form is generally confined to males, but on occasion it has been given in limited form to women as well*^ The message entrusted to the prophets through revelation, lhaad Hassan stated, was always con cerned with natters of law and worship* The message informed mankind Just what God regarded as good and as evil so that he could give proper Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 60] === - 50mankind from coaritting error, Allah protected the Prophet Tftiftvmniini-and indeed, all prophets before him— from maiHwg any wrong actions or statements in matter involving religious affairs. In matters of earthly affaire, and in jjtlhad. prophets were subject to forgetfulness or able to do wrong, but Allah did not allow this wrong to stand and admonished them through inspiration or the reminder of other man* this were not so, it would hare been possible for then to hare introduced mistakes into religion or even for then to hare concealed or distorted The second section of An-Habowwah narrowed the range of the topic froa prophethood in general to a specific discussion of the Prophet Mriftammad* A highly idealised picture of the Prophet emerged* Short chapters indi vidually described his many virtues and elaborated anecdotes designed to depict his generosity, good will, hospitality, steadfastness, self-control, forgiveness, bravery and trustworthiness*^ The theme that emerged in An-Kabuwwah was that throughout his life the behavior of the Prophet was impeccable. His actions differed radically from the customs of the people of his day, for he never "worshipped idols, fornicated, drank alcbhol or gambled" from childhood until he died* Ahmad Hassan concluded that this abstention, despite a lack of education and living among people who considered such actions normal, could not have been a coincidence and was more likely due to his having been a chosen instrument of God, protected from intentional and unintentional sin and given a character containing 52 only the noblest of qualities* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 61] === In a parallel argoaent lhaad Hassan stressed that Wnhaianari vas illit erate in the aosnlng that he could not read or write, and therefore had no access to the scriptures of other religions. He stated farther that Ttihaiaart vas never known to have associated vith persons of other religions, and vas never charged by his enemies aaong the Quraysh vith having derived his teachings froa those of the Christians and Jews# Indeed, the aessage Mnhamart revealed vas different froa that of the Christians and Jews, criticised the other two religions on aany points, and for those reasons could hardly have been an attempt on Mohamad's part to appeal to those religious groups for political reasons as sons Western writers hare aaintalned. Bather the aessage aust have genuinely cone froa God. 53 In a third argument Ahmad Hassan stated that "in Islaa there are several natters that are perfectly ordered, such as worship, culture, society, aarriage, trade, personal care, care of orphans, aanageasnt of education, household affairs, national life, etc., which are necessary for orderly huaan living."^ The orerwhelning success of this system, so different frcn the practices of the Arab tribes of that day, certainly not established by any other religion, and achieved only through the Prophet's efforts,could hardly have occurred by accident, and aust be viewed as another proof of i&rfrassart*s extraordinary guidance from God.^ As further proof of Mohamad's genuineness as a prophet Ahnad Hassan noted that, like other prophets before him, Mnftand bad access to certain secret natters, and was able to perfom niracles. For example, Huham ad prophesied the success of Islaa and the peace it would bring to Arabia, 56 forecast that aany of his toraenters would embrace Islaa and become its Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 62] === 52stanch defenders," and foresaw plots against his own life. miracles ascribed to hin were eases of healing, Among the destruction of idols, and feeding of multitudes.^ The nest spectacular miracle vas the isra> and aicra.1. in which Allah took Mnfrarwnad, both his body and spirit, into 62 heaven and conversed with him. On this point Ahmad Hassan differed froa most other modernist Muslin writers outside of Indonesia who generally did not emphasize the claim of the Prophet to predict events and to per form miracles. According to An-Hubuwwah. the genuineness of the Prophet's mission is also shown hy the great difference between the language of the Qur^Sn and the arrangement of badlth. both of which came to mankind through the same voice. Ahmad Hassan argued that if the Qur'an were not froa God, but only a creation of Muframmad, it would not be so essentially different froa the style and fora of badltha as it actually is. "We know, according to the Muslim faith, that the Qur'an, its words, its arrangements, its composition, its compilation, its contents, its meaning, is froa God. As for badlths which are related to this religion, then their content and meaning is froa God, but the compilation, composition and words are froa the Prophet Hnfeaonad himself. Qur'an and badlth. Qur'an and hadith were of great importance to Ahmad Hassan and the Persatuan Islam for the fundamentalist Muslim viewpoint stressed that these sources presented Islaa in its pristine fora and in that form could be adapted to conditions and concepts prevailing in the modern world.^ Like Rashid Rida Ahmad Hassan charged the traditionalist culaaa* with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 63] === having neglected these two sources, and wrongly stressing the inter pretations of legalists and theologians.^ The Persatuan Islaa, perhaps more than any other modernist Knella group in Indonesia, drew heavily on Qur3an and hadith to provide evidence for the correctness of its position on religious, social, econonic and political issues. It is not surprising then that considerable space was given in An-Hnbuwwah— and in 66 several other works as well-- to prove that Qur*an and hadith were genuine, to show that they both were God-inspired, and that they both were suitable to be used as the mainsprings of Islaa. The Oar*an is unique, Ahmad Hassan maintained, in that it is dif ferent froa any other writing, and mankind has been unable to produce anything similar or equal to it in either style or content. The Qnr^an itself contains the challenge, made originally to the Arabs— but to all mankind as well— to create a chapter like one of the chapters of the Qurjan. Ait until the present age "there has been none who can take that challenge. And the (to*an specified that they cannot and will not be able to do so."^ A second indication of the holiness of the Qur^an is its appeal to mankind, maintained Ahmad Hassan, for the beauty of its style has an attraction for mankind unlike the poetry or writings of mortal man. In Benarkah Muhammad ltu Rasul? he asked: "Is there any other book which is read and listened to by its followers with such delight and respect?" Beyond the claim of having an inimitable style, Ahmad Hassan saw two other proofs that bore witness to the Qar^Sn^ authenticity as a holy book, i.e., the fulfilled prophecies it forecast and its conformity with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 64] === modern scientific thought, Ahmad Hassen maintained that the Qar’an foretold certain events that were to occur during the lifetime of the Prophet and subsequently did. In al-Fath. for example, it was foretold that Mnfrwwmari would enter Makkah in peace, even though at the time the prophecy was revealed Mnfranwad was residing in Madinah, and there was warfare with the Quraysh.69 7 In several other places there are forecasts 70 citing ttibasmad's eventual victory over the Quraysh and the Jews, and in al-Rua. an ayah accurately forecast a later Homan victory over the Persians.^ Ahmad Hassan concluded that since Huhaamad was a human he had no way of accurately forecasting such events and that the uncanny accuracy of the forecasts was proof that the Qur^Sn was the product of divine inspiration. 72 Another proof put forth by Ahmad Hassan for the authenticity of the Qur*an was the claim that it conformed with reason, and particularly with modern scientific thought. He cited an ayah in al-Hur stating "and Allah has created every creeping animal from water" as a reference to modern 73 scientific thinking that all life originated from water. He pointed to Qur^inic references to the movement of the earth and heavenly bodies, and stated that such passages were consistent with modern astronomical theory, even though these theories were completely unknown to mankind when the Qur^Sh was revealed. Similarly, the Qar*an mentions wind as the carrier of pollen and as aiding in the reproduction of plantlife, a remarkable observation since this was not yet realised by humans at the time of the Prophet.Finally, the Qur3an speaks of smallpox, or the pest— in symbolic terms to be sure, but nevertheless with an understand- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 65] === log comprehensible to modern scientific thinking. Since the Prophet Mnfrnmmftri n t an ignorant nan, stated Ahmad Hassan, and lived in an age before scientific enlightenment, he could hare only received this knowledge that is so in harmony vith modern thinking through divine inspira tion.^ Ahmad Hassan described smash as "the speech of the Prophet, behavior of the Prophet and behavior of other persons which was permitted by 77 him." In matters of religious affairs, such as worship, prayer, etc., the Prophet's words and actions were regulated by revelation from God and laid down the proper manner in which these religious duties are to be performed,^ Besides these matters of religious ritual, that is, in matters of personal behavior and in secular affaris, the Prophet mas not guided by revelation but regulated his performance by iitibad. or mental exertion, which was considered correct so long as revelation was net sent to change that interpretation. Ahmad Hassan noted that Muslims accepted all the actions and behavior of the Prophet— whether sent by revelation 79 or derived through ljtlhad— as part of their religion. Man's relationship with God. The second part of Ahmad Hassan's religious belief was directly con cerned with man's relationship with God and with his fellow man. Ahmad Hassan's belief concerning God, prophets and sacred scriptures generally conformed vith Sunni Muslim tradition, and it is not surprising, there fore, that his beliefs concerning man's relationship with God and his fellow nan emphasised the legal obligations of Islam. In the view of Ahmad Hassan man's relationship to God, to his fellow Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 66] === “56creaturea, and to the world about his la all regulated by lav. Ahmad Hassan stated that lav la not a single, all-embracing system, bat is actually several different systems, each regulating a portion of man's life. Sharlcah lav regulates his relationship vith God, commanding him to perform certain actions and abstain from others, gikum vadci. or created lav, shapes the relationship and interrelationship of man vith other men, and regulates the progress and status of his society. The lava of nature regulate the working of natural phenomena and determine 80 many of man's actions and behavior. Ahmad Hassan believed that it is important for man to perceive the difference between these various lav systems so that man not confuse them in his thinking and behavior, and so that he know what he is able and not able to do in each aspect of his life.81 The Sharicah. regulating man's relationship with God, is, of course, the most important of the legal systems regulating mankind, according to Ahmad Hassan. "To worship Allah" he stated in At-Taahied, "is to bumble oneself in order to perform a task in the manner ordered and desired by 82 Allah," The purpose of the Sharlcah is to outline the cownands and desires of God so that mankind is able to execute them, for vithout the Shari1ah man has no real way of knowing Just what God desires men to do. For this reason God has given man this divine lav, in the form of the Qur’an and hadith, as a guide and a directive. The Sharicah. Ahmad Hassan explained, divides all human action into five parts. There are those acts that mist be performed and constitute a sin if they are not. There are those acts which are commended vith Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 67] === reward by Allah if performed, bat which do not constitute a sin if they are not. There are acts which are neutral, that is, they are neither worthy of praisefibr in any way reprehensible. Then there are those acts not pleasing to God, but if performed do not constitute a sin, and finally, there are acts forbidden by God, and if performed constitute a sin. Beyond this general classification of all human actions the Shari6ah is concerned with worship, temporal affairs and personal behavior, according to Ahmad Hassan. Regarding these, he explained in Peaerintahan Tjara Islam (Government according to Islam), that so far as worship is concerned the 3haricah regulates most ritual and order of worship, such as "prayer, fasting, the pilgrimage, burial rites, vows and sacrificial offerings." 7 These matters of worship in fact make up the larger part of the Sharlcah because they are concerned with rules and regulations that cannot be derived by human reasoning, but only through the revelation from God to man. The temporal aspects of Sharicah law were broken by Ahmad Hassan into two parts. The first part is concerned with matters that pertain to Muslims alone— marriage, the tax for charitable purposes, inheritance, dietary laws, jihad, and everything else relating to these matters — and are not binding on non-Muslims living in a Muslim area. The second part are laws binding on Muslims, and on all non-Muslims living in Muslim areas," such as matters of trade, labor relations, contracts, peace accords, wages, associations, legal representation, guarantees, securities, bankruptcy and other legal affairs generally regarded as civic matters."**? Finally, Ahmad Hassan stated, the Sharicah furnishes criminal law for Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 68] === -58all mankind, by listing the manner and amount of punishment for such crimes as “wounding, murder, swindle, recrimination, drunkenness and 88 fornication." He noted that beyond such legalistic aspects of the Sharicah each Muslim has the additional responsibility, transcending all phases of Sharicah lav, to "promote the good and banish evil"(nahl anna al-mnkar wa amar al-macruf). This, as a personal function, is one in 89 which every Muslim must be given the widest authority. 7 Ahmad Hassan concluded that the proper observance of the Sharicah is important since it marks the believer from the unbeliever(kaflr), sinner(fasiq) and 90 hypocrite(munaflq). Ahmad Hassan explained that beyond the Sharicah man is also regulated by certain laws of nature, which he divided into two parts, i.e., lav — 91 acceptable to reaaon(bukum caqli ). and law accepted by custom(bakum 92 cadi). According to hukum caqll. for example, "a father must be older than his son” and contrariwise, it is Impossible that "a child is older 93 than his father." Hukum cidi is similar to that perceived by reason, and is derived by man "after witnessing a particular occurence repeatedly, such aa 'fire burns' or a 'knife cuts'.These two Classifications are concerned with man's observance of natural phenomena and since Ahmad Hassan gave no criterion for dealing with such law, he presumably meant only to show that it cannot but be observed, and is generally beyond man's ability to control. Finally, Ahmad Hassan noted that there is hukum wadcI. which is created law, a type of law used by nations, societies, organisations and households and includes customary or cIdat law. It is a type of lav created according to need, and binding on all members of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 69] === group holding the lor to be valid. 95 Unlike Sharlcatic law, matters of cadat nay be changed, added to, or lessened according to the deeires of mankind. After haring perceived the differences among these various types of law, Ahmad Hassan stated that nan is better able to realise the difference between what cannot be changed, what can be changed bat should not for religions reasons, and what can be changed depending on current social and political nores. Kan mat then be aware of the dangers of change, or innovation(bidcah) only in so far as it affects the Sharicah. In natters of cib5dit. i.e., ritual worship, there could be no deviation, addition er onission of the precise order and content of worship as prescribed by Qur^in and suxmah. In a fatwi on the subject Ahmad Hassan clarified this point by stating that "God has stated that He has perfected our Religion. • • and there is no innovation(bid^ah) in cibidit. except that it is wrong." In secular natters regulated by the Sharjah. Ahaad Hassan stated that there is rooa for sons change in the execution of particular laws, but the law itself is not subject to change. In a second fatwa on this subject he attempted to show just how free nan is to amend procedure con nected with the Sharicah. Now religion has coonanded us to learn, to aid people and fight. Then the eeoaanding of the order to learn, give aid, and the comand to fight are called comanrts of fcibSdSt. but its performance is the way of cidat. that is, its way may be changed according to time and_necessity, in accordance with the knowledge then on earth.9* Thus, while man is generally free to change hokum wadcl. i.e., social and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 70] === political mores, with impunity, Ahmad Hassan cautioned lest such lavs con flict vith the Sharlcah which lays down mini■ « regulations for the proper conduct of human affairs* In Islam dan Kebangsaan(Islam and Rationalism) Ahmad Hassan dealt vith the possible conflict between these two types of law and warned that vhoerer does not giro proper place to thelavs of God (Sharicah) "on earth and in the Hereafter is a kafir. a sillmand a fasiq."^ According to Ahmad Hassan, such a person is an unbeliever(Ittfir) if he holds that a lav exists better than the lav of God, a wrongdoer(lalln) if he makes an unsuitable lav, i.e*, one contrary to the Sharicah. or makes a Judgment not based on the Sharlcah when one should be made,and a transgrasaor(fialq) if "he knows of the existence of the lav of God in a particu lar matter, but somehow, either deliberately or by necessity, Judges with 99 lavs that were not revealed fay God*" Ahmad Hassan recognised, however, that the Sharlcah and hukum wad0! were sometimes closely related, that it was difficult to perceive the difference on occasion, and that confusion sometimes resulted among sincere Muslins* On being a tfaslim A question of importance throughout Muslim history, and one of equal importance in Indonesia where a considerable portion of the population is only nominally Muslim, is who is actually a believer and who is not. On this question Ahmad Hassan was lenient. In reply to the question "how does an unbeliever( become a believer(su'min)?*, he stated: "(He is a believer) if he believes on Allah, on the angels, on Allah's bodes of religion, on the prophets, on the day of Judgment, and on good end bad 100 fortune." He added, however, that it is necessary only for a person Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 71] === to recite the confession of faith(shahidah), that there is no God hat Allah and tehamad is the prophet of God, to be considered a Muslim by other Ifaslims.101 The reasoning for this argument, according to Ahmad Hassan, is that "lain means faith, and faith is in the heart, therefore vs are not able to know the heart of anyone. This situation is surrendered to 102 God." lhaad Hassan pointed out that such practice vas in accordance vith the practice of Mifcaanad— as recorded in hadith— who accepted con verts to Islaa on the basis of reciting the creed alone. lhaad Hassan recognised that there are four regaining obligations for Muslims beyond recitation of the creed, namely, prayer, alosCsaknt). fasting daring Ramadan and the ha.1.1. He also recognised that these four are "important obligations that w s t be performed by people who have 101 already recited the confession." Bat even though they are required of all Muslins, not to have performed them does not indicate that a person is not a Muslim; for if such were the ease, a person who had cot per formed the bajj or given salat, even though he possessed no wealth, would 105 not be considered a Muslim. Aftsad Hassan concluded that the signifi cance of these four pillars is not like confession in narking the believer off from the unbeliever. In the same vein Ahmad Hassan maintained that a person could net be judged an unbeliever unless he undertook some vary specific and signifi cant act by which he clearly denied Islaa. Considering a person a kafir is not a snail matter. 1 per son who confesses Islam nay not be considered a kafir unless he continuously and clearly denies the Qur*an. the Prophet, azy one of the lavs of T«ia« mentioned in religion, (such as) clearly (and unmistakenly) worshipping idols, paying homage to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 72] === -62— spirits^gr other natters that clearly constitute disbelief Is for the believer mho holds Mistaken ideas on religions questions— even if the question is one of belief— he may sot be considered a kafir. is proof of this stand Ahmad Hassan stated that seventy three persons were mentioned in badlths as committing errors in religions Butters, and that the Prophet— although reprimanding then for their mistakes— regarded them 107 still as members of his community(ummah) and not as kafirs. He also quoted several other badlths stating that falsely to accuse a person of disbelief(kufr) is to make a kafir out of the person making the false 109 accusation^ and concluded his argument on the note that Judging a person's religious faith is a matter for God and not for man. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 73] === - 65- Footnotes for Chapter 3 1 Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhled. p. I. For two studies of this subject by con temporaries of Ahmad Hassan, see Hadji Ague Salim, "Tauhid (De belijdenis Tan de Enige God)"(Tavhid— The belief in God the Only One), in D.ledjak Larakah Hadji A. Salimfoorks of Hadji A. Salim), edited by Moebaanad Rum and others. Djakarta, Bulan Bint&ng, 1954> pp. 245256; Hadji Abdnl Karim Amrullah, "Hanja Allah"(Only God) in Haaka, Ajahku. pp. 263-277* See also Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt. pp. 144-146. 2 Ahmad Hassan, At-Taahied. p. I. 3 Ibid.. 48. 4 Ibid.. 58-59* 5 Ibid.. 50-51. 6 Ibid.. 49. 7 Ibid.. 3. 8 Ibid.. 4. 9 Ibid.. 10 Ibid.. 5. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid.. 6. 14 Ibid.. 11. 15 Ibid.. 13. 16 Ibid.. 10. 17 Ibid.. 8. 18 (Ahmad Hassan), ”Hasib"(Fate), Sual-Diawab. No* 12, p. 84. See also Ahmad Hassan, Pengadiaran Shalat. II, p. 3I« 19 (Ahmad Hassan), "Nasib", Sual-Diawab. No. 12, p. 85* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 74] === 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. See also his references to reasonand ijtihid below, pp. 73; also Mochtar Nairn, The Nahdlatul Ulana Party(l952-1955). Montreal, McGill University thesis, I960,p. 145* 24 Ahmad 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid;cf. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, p. 153* Roebaie Midjaja, "Biografie A. Hassan", Hudjdjatul Islam.I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 36. 28 Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 29 Hadji Agus Salim, Gods laaste boodschap. De universalegodsdienst (God's last message. The universal religionTI Djakarta, Somber Hmu, 1937* Reprinted in part in Pjedjak Langkah Hadji A. Salim, pp. 257288. See also Huhamad Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy. Al-Islam: Togas hidup seorang Muslim (Islam: Duties of the individual Muslim). Medan, Islamyah, 1952, I, pp. 81-83; Hamka, Peladjaran Agama Islam, pp. 83-66* Hassan, At-Taahied. p. 48. 152-155* 30 Cf. Goertz, Modjokuto, pp. 262-272; Naim, The Nahdlatul Ulana Party. p. 145* Cf. the official Sarekat Islam view in "Tafsir Program asas •Partai Sjarikat Islam Indonesia”(Explanation of the Basic Program of the Sarekat Islam Party), (1931) in Amels, H. 0. S. TjokroamLnote. hidup dan perdjuangannja(H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto, his~life and struggle). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1952, n, p. 19* 31 See, for example, Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. p. 27* 32 Ahmad Hassan, Benarkah Mihammad itu Rasul? (Is Muhammad really a prophet?). Bangil, Persatuan fslam, (n.d,). 33 Ahmad Hassan, Is Mnhamad a True Prophet? (translation into English by K. A. Abdul Mahid of Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul?). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1951, p. 3* 34 Ibid. 35 Ahmad Hassan, Aa-Nubowuah(Prophecy)• Bangil, Persatoean Islam, 1941* 36 H. A. R. Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam. Chicago, University of Chicago, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 75] === 1947, pp. 74“75; Ameer All, The Spirit of Islam. London, Christo phers, 1922, is perhaps the best effort of a modernist Muslim to present the Prophet's actions as compatible with modern Tallies* 37 See, for example, the presentations in Adam, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 155-161, 201-202. The most complete study of the Prophet in Indonesian by a contemporary of Ahmad Hassan was Zalnal 'Arifin Abbas, Peri Hidnp Mnhsmmart Basul«n*hr s/ a. w. (The Life of Muhammad the Apostle of God).Kedan, Islaayah, 1952, 3 volsj Cf. also Hamka, Peladjaran Agama Islam, pp. 147-201. 38 Ahmad Hassan, Blsalah al-Hads-hab (Book on the schools of Muslim jur isprudence). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1956, p. 1. dbb, Modern Trends in Islam, p. 87 consents briefly on this argument presented by most modernist Muslim thinkers. 39 Ahmad Hassan, An-Mubuwwah. p. 21. 40 Ibid.. 16. 41 ,ed to good dreams 42 Ibid.. 18. 43 Ibid.. 7. 44 Ibid.. 25. 45 "Matar", Shorter Encyclopedia of-Islam. Waby. and not ilham(inspira tion) is the term used Dy Ahmad bassan in both instances. 46 Hamely to the mothers of Musi and c£sa. Ahmad Hassan, An-lfabuwwah. 47 Ibid.. 19. ". •. what is viewed as good by one group of men is not necessarily viewed as good by another group. The same is true of 48 Ibid.. 11, 167. 49 Ibid. 50 Ibid.. 10. 51 Ibid.. 42, 52 Ibid.. 39. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 76] === 53 Ibid.. 44-46. 54 Ibid.. 40. 55 Ibid.. 39-40. 56 Ibid.. 197. 57 Ibid., 199. 5* Ibid.. 203. 59 Ibid.. 222. 60 Ibid.. 225. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid.. 233-234* The lari3 and nlcrij has bean a popular subject for Indonesian M bs!in writers. See, for example, X. H. ffrihitrl Meanamr CbalU, Perlstiwa Iara* dan Miradj (The Erents of the lari* and mtfrgj). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1961} Ahmad Bassan, Sodiarah Isra1 dan "f Mlradi (Story of the lari? and micrXiO. BangU, Peraatuan Islam, 1949} Hadji Agoa Salim, "Tjeritera Iara dan KLradj Habi Hnhawad plm* (Story of the isra3 and micrSi of the Prophet Mohamad). Djakarta, Sober D m, 1935, also found in Diedjak Laiwkah Hadji A. Salim. pp. 207-244. 63 Ahmad Bassan, An-Sobcwwah. pp. 166-167. 64 See below pp. 203-213. 65 Adana, Ialam and Modarniam in Egypt, p. ISO. 66 Hadji Hoenawar Chalil, Al-Qur'an darl maaa ke maaa (The Qar?ah from age to age). Djakarta and Groningen, J. B.Tfelters, 1954} See also the comments on these two sources by Hadji Abdnlkarim Amrallah In Pengantar UsulFiqh (Introduction to Pgul al-Piqh). Djakarta, Djajamoml, 1961, pp. 31-63} The official -view of the Sarekat Islam la cited in Amels, H. 0. S, Tjbkroaartnoto. II, pp. 17-19. 67 Ahmad Hassan, Is Mnhaiimad a True Prophet?, p. 52. See also pp. 35-37* 60 Ibid.. 52. 69 Ibid.. 37. 70 Ibid.. 37-30. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 77] === 71 Ibid.. 38. 72 Ibid.. 52. 73 Ibid.. 43. 74 Ibid., 44-45* 75 Ibid.* 45. 76 Ibid.. 54. Cf. Gibb, Modern Trend* in Islam. p. 72. 77 Ahmad Hassan, An-Hubwnrah. p. 32. 78 Ibid.. 16. 79 Ibid. 60 Ahmad Hassan, At-Taahled. p. 60. 81 Ibid., 67-66. This particular analytic ia also praaanted in Abdnlkadlr Hasaan, U-Shnl-Fialh (Principles of Muslim Jurisprudence— Paul al-Piqh). Surabaja, Al-Musllsan, 1956, pp. 20-21. 62 Ahmad Haasan, At-Tauhled. p. 70. 63 Ibid: A good analysis of the Sharlcah. its general makeup and its role in Muslin society is found in Joseph Schaebt, "The Lam* in Gustar Ton Grunebanm, Unity and Variety in Muslim CiTillsation. pp. 65-86. Saa also Majid Kbaddnri and Herbert J. Liebesny, Lam in the Middle Hast. Washington, Middle Hast Institute, 1955, oap. pp.”55-112; and Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam, pp. 85-105. 64 Ahmad Hassan, At-Taahied. p. 60. 85 Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam (GoTsrnmant according to Islam). Malang and Bangil, Toko Timoer, 1946, p. 6. 86 Ibid.. 8. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid.. 8-9. 89 Ibid.. 15. 90 Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaaw (Islam and nationalism). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1941, p. 1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 78] === 91 Ahead Hassan, At-Taahlod. pp. 61-62; 66-67* 92 Ibid.. 62-64; 66-67. 93 Ibid.. 61-62. 94 Ibid.. 63* Ahmad Hassan noted that there m sons variance in hutaut cad^. for "generally fire mist born, but it can occur that it does not burn," and "there are knives that do not cut.” 95 Ibid.. 64-65. See Shaaoon T. Lokhandwalla and Jan Prins, "cIda", Encyclopedia of Ialam(Kew Edition). 96 Ahnad Hassan, "Has-alah aeobagi bid'ah kepada bahagiann(The question of dividing bidcah into five types). Sual-Djawab. No. 7, p. 37. See also a later appraisal of this problem in Mahantnad Hasbi AshShiddieqy, "Bid'ah lebih berbahaja dari Ma’shiat" (Innovation is more dangerous than disobedience). Hud.1d.1atu! Islan. I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 26-29. 97 Ahnad Hassan, "Memegang ubun-ubun lepas salats" (Touching the forelock in greeting), Sual-Djawab. No. 3, pp. 23-24; For a general discussion of the relationship between Sharlc«h and customary laws see Beuben Levy, The Social Structure of Islaa. Cambridge, University Press, 1957, pp. 260-262. 98 Ahnad Hassan, Islan dan Kebangsaan. p. 5* 99 Ibid.. 5-6. 100 *hmad Hassan, "Darihal meng-qadla senbahjang"(Concerning the fulfill ing of worship), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, p. 43* 101 Ibid. 102 Ibid. 103 Ibid.. 44. 104 Ibid. 105 Ibid. 106 Ahnad Hassan, "Meng-kafirkan"(To consider a person a kaflr). SualDjawsb. No. 3, p. 30. See also Ahnad Hassan, At-Tauhied. pp. 46-48 for a listing of actions which constitute shirkTnolrtheisn). 107 Ahnad Hassan, "Heng-kafirican”, Sual-Djswab. No. 3, p. 31. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 79] === Reproduced with permission o f,he copyright o w n er Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 80] === Chapter 4 Modernist Muslims and Traditionalist Muslins Habers of the Persataan Islam belonged almost exclusively to the modernist school of Islamic thinking, and generally followed the religious thinking of Muframmad cAbduh as developed by the al-Manar school.^ cAbduh's teaching called for a revival of Islam, by emphasizing the Qnr^in and badlth as the prime sources of religious law without the accompanying com pendia of interpretation that had grown up around them over the centuries. Taqlld, or unquestioning obedience to the interpretation and teachings of religious law expounded by the four classical schools of Muslim jurispru dence and their systems, was regarded as the prime cause for stagnation of Muslim religious life and consequently the cause for the loss of Muslim political power in their own lands to the Europeans. In Indonesia the followers of this modernist religious thought became known as the kaum auda. or "young group," because they advocated radical changes in religious thought and practice then existing in the Archipelago. Opposing the changes advocated by the kaum nada and defending the established religious system in Indonesia, was the kaum tua. er "old group." The kaum tua believed that the truth expressed in the teachings of the groat Islamic scholars of classical and medieval Islam-such as dhazall, Hituridl, and al- Ashcarl in theology, and the imams of the great marihhabs in jurisprudence— did not change. That truth, the kaum tua argued, did not ever need to be brought to trial since it was not ever altered by change in tine and conditions, and was as valid in the -70- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 81] === -71twentieth century as when it was fermlated. A renrawfnation of Qur3Ih and badlth was not only unnecessary, but also dangerous since it could lead to aisinterpretation and error.^ Beginning with the efforts of Ahead Taher and Hadji Basal at the turn of the century, the kaua auda undertook vigorous polemic against the ksua tua for defending certain religious practices that the kaua auda found objectionable. These objectionable practices included the eaphasis on mysticism, adherence to the madhhabe. the perforaance ef "unauthorised" ritual, and prayers intended to pass aerit to the spirits of recently deceased Muslins. The kaua auda narshalled considerable evidence from religious sources, priaarily Qur>in and badlth. supported it with the arguments of the modernist Musilaw of the Middle East, and argued it with force and reason to prove the validity of their own viewpoint and te dis pute the stand of their adversaries. There were few leaders of the kaua tua in the early period intellec tually prepared to refute either the kaua auda's arguments or approach, and it was seldom that the kaua tua responded with well reasoned argu ments. To the conservative Muslin, religious knowledge, learned almost entirely by rote in the pondok school, was a natter of faith, was Infallible, and not necessarily meant to be subject to the scrutiny of reason. Any attack on any part of the religious system was consequently regarded by the kaua tua as denying religion itself, and they responded by charging that the kaua auda were unbelievers (kafirs) and blasphemers. The depth of feeling among the kaua tua is apparent in an emotional attack leveled against Ahmad Dachlan, the founder of the Mahaianadi.1ah. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 82] === -72' in which Dachlan m i described as a "Wahhabi, who had deviated from the path of the ahl al-smmah wa al-jaaacah, rejected the accepted schools of thought (aadhhabs). ruined the religion, a Mactazili. a Kharijl... nay a kafir. whose tongue, when he died, would come out two asters from his mouth."^ The modernist Muslims were also given to irrational reply and unsub stantiated fact in countering these emotional outbursts, and charged that the traditionalist Mna1ins were net only ignorant in religious matters, but were unwilling to change their outlook because of vested political, social and economic interests. The kaua mada pointed to the many "con servative" rul»aia who held positions of responsibility in the Dutch colonial administrative structure,^ and to their positions of influence and status in the rural villages, and charged that the kaua tua feared less of these positions and status if they altered their religious views. A terse article appearing in Paabela Islam in 1930 followed this line of attack against the kaum tua. Do not trouble your hearts colleagues about those who err... (in religious matters) for thay collide with the laws of God and the Prophet like the dumb and blind because of their taqlld. because they want money, because they want fame, because of selfishness. One of the fundamental issues between the kaum mada and the kaum tua revolved about the use of reason in religious matters. The traditionalist Muslims believed that the human mind was generally incapable of grasping the patterns and intricacies of God's commands without a reliable guide. They maintained that the founders of the great maflhhaba— who had examined, compiled, explained and interpreted these patterns and intricacies when Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 83] === Islam was still young— had provided such a reliable guide, which needed no alteration* In their system reason was, in general, United to the application of the madhhabs* teachings in the special problems of life in any particular period of tine. The kaun mida. on the other hand, believed that only the fundamental truths had been set down in the for3an and hadlth and that in every age these truths had to be applied anew to current conditions* The kaun nodu. held that this could best be accomplished through ijtihld. which they defined as exaaii ng the Qur’an and badlth to discover the legal prescrip tions and moral teachings contained therein, and through reason, applying then to the contemporary situation* The kaun anda recognised that there was considerable danger in the use of reason, and stressed that reason was only a tool for religious analysis, and not a source of religious know9 ledge in itself. To lessen the dangers of error most modernist Muslim groups insisted that i.ltihad should be undertaken only by those trained in this science of religious investigation* "1 mjtahid" stated Ahmad Hassan, "must know Arabic and its sciences (gilm al-tafslr. 11m al-ugul. cilm al-auatalah al-badlth) sufficient for... understanding the meaning and intention of Qur^an and badlth. The Muhaanadi.1ah considered it necessary to establish a council on Muslim law known as the Madilis Tardjih which was instructed to "examine the problems of religious law whose solu tion is necessary to eliminate confusion in the community,"^-i.e., to prevent its members from adopting unorthodox views because of lack of rational insight or misguided reason. To the kaum tua the term iltihad denoted an unbridled use of reason Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 84] === which they could not accept, and their frequent charge that the kaum muda were Mu tazili was a reflection of their belief that, like the rationalist movement in early Islamic history, the kaum muda subordinated religion to reason. 12 The kaum tua maintained that ijtihad, although a legitimate device employed by the founders of the Muslim schools of jurisprudence, could no longer be used, and insisted that taqlid was the proper method for determining religious truth. In 1935, however, K. H..Machfoed Shiddieq, a leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama. adopted a slightly different tactic and announced that ijtihad was a legitimate practice in researching religious problems. In his speeches on the subject and in a pamphlet issued at this time, Machfoed revealed, however, that his concept of ijtihad differed considerably from that held by the kaum muda and cer13 tainly by the Persatuan Islam, Citing the study of the traditionalist ShaflcT scholar al-Maqahadus SadXd, Shiddieq noted that every Muslim was expected fully to employ his capability to determine religious truth, and that some had the capability of becoming mujtahids, while others reached lower levels of competence such as asbab al-wujbb, ahl al-tardjlh and kiai.~^ At the mujtahld level, however, Machfoed differentiated between mujtahid mustaqil and mujtahid muntagib and maintained that it was impossible for Muslims to become mujtahid mustaqil. as this class, which has direct access to religious sources, was limited to the first great im&ms who first began the systemization of the Sharlcah. He stated that Muslims were capable of becoming only mujtahid muntagib. i.e., those who accepted the principles already formulated by those first great imSms. and applied those principles to more practical problems,^ This approach was rejected by the kaum muda Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 85] === ■75on the basis that it attempted to equate lltihad to taglid by denying Muslims direct access to the Qnr*ah and hadlth and insisted on the valid ity of interpretation set down by previous and this the kaun muda would not completely accept.^ The kaum muda's stress on direct access to basic religious sources did not mean a total rejection of religious decisions made in the classi cal or medieval periods, and they frequently stated that such decisions should be used as an aid in deriving new religious decisions. For example, the btatutes of the tfahaiaaadijah1s Madjlis Tardllih stated that all of its legal decisions were to be based on Out an and hadlth. but that every precaution was to be taken so that rational interpretation not take precedence over the traditional.^ The Persatuan Islam, like the Muhammadl.lah. reviewed the important decisions of past culama*— classical. medieval and modern— before rendering a decision on any subject. Fatwas issued by members of the Persatuan Islam, although stressing Qur^an and hadlth, frequently reviewed previous fatwas on subject being examined, noted the differences in interpretation among the cu 1s m *. and listed 18 their own preference given current conditions. This regard for the teachings of past Muslima tended to inhibit any radical departues from past Muslim practices and kept the kaum muda essentially conservative despite their emphasis on i.ltihad. This difference of attitude between the kaum mada and the kaum tua was also carried over into their respective attitudes toward the role of the unlearned in religious affairs. The kaum tua insisted that the religious teacher is the only qualified interpreter of the teachings on religious Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 86] === lav and doctrine, and that the unlearned are obliged to accept those 19 interpretations without question and without further proof* The modern ist Muslims, on the other hand, held that while only the learned are capable of authoritative interpretation of religious sources, the unlearned also have a duty to exercise mental effort. The Persatuan Islam believed that those not trained to undertake i.ltihid night undertake ittibac. whereby a lay Muslim made a religious decision on the basis of the fatwas of several mu.jtahlds. The Persatuan Islam stated that the lay Muslim undertaking lttibac should secure several fatwas from anjtahide who listed specific references (Qur*an. badlth. iimac and qiyas) used as the basis for their decisions, and, after comparing such fatwis. make 20 his own decision as to which one he would follow* Persia writers stressed that the responsibility for the correctness of the decision lay with the giver of the original fatwa and the receiver did net sin if the 21 decision was in error* Machfoed Shiddieq charged that lttiba*- gave the Muslim little opportunity to look into religious sources, and was certainly 22 below the level of the klal. In replying to Shiddieq*s argument the Persatuan Islam stated that while ittlbac was not a very learned type of religious research it did promote individual investigation and discourage total reliance on a single religious scholar. The kaum tua employed a process known as taqlld to determine proper religious behavior for particular situations. Taqlld consisted of research in the accepted lav texts of a recognized madhhab, and following the decision 23 cited therein. The kaum tua recognized the existence of four lav schools, i.e., Shaft 1. Maliki. Banafl and Sanbali. although the Shaflci madhhab Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 87] === was by far the most widely accepted among Indonesian Maslisa. For example, the Hahdlatnl Ulama statutes allowed HU members to follow any one of the four, while the statutes of the Pergerakan Tarbljah IelawfParti) nentions only the SbaflcI madhhab. ^ The hahdlatul Ulama stressed, however, that a Muslim had to adhere to the prescriptions of a single madhhab— although he was free to choose the particular one he wanted to follow— and could not exercise talfiq. i.e., following prescriptions from different madhhabs 26 on different occasions usually in order to find the easiest way. The Persatuan Islam, believing that selection among several choices encouraged research by the individual believer, attacked the Hahdlatnl Ulama for - 27 refusing to allow talfiq. This stand was consistent with the Persis belief that the madhhabs1 decisions were useful for comparison and guidance in exercising ijtihad. and so naturally wanted access to all viewpoints instead of just one. The kaum mada saw taqlld as blind obedience to outmoded legal pres criptions, and generally centered their attacks against the kaun tua on its use. The Persatuan Islam, using the general arguments put forth by other kaun muda organizations, attacked the use of taqlld on three dif ferent bases— by citing Qur*In and badlth as forbidding it, by refuting the kaum tua1a arguments defending taqlld. and through historical inter pretation of Misllm jurisprudence. The Persatuan Islam's challenge to the Hahdlatul Ulama in 1935 to meet and debate the validity of taqlld succinctly summarized the basic Persis arguments on the subject and 28 illustrated how interlocked were the three bases of the attack. The statement of challenge to debate claimed that several ayit from Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 88] === -78the Qur^an. particularly Baal IsracIl. ayah 36, "clearly forbid ua to employ taglTd toward anyone."^ It aleo maintained that several hadlth of the Prophet state that accepting the teachings of religious teachers without question is forbidden. The stateaant claimed that the Companions of the Prophet did not employ taqlld toward each other, and nif they wanted to know a law, they asked (one another) 'What was (Qur^an) and His Prophet (the hadlth) in this instance?'" the law of Allah 70 The statement also noted that the four great imams. whose teachings the members of the aadhhabs supposedly follow, "forbid and condemn people who employed taqlld."31 The Persatuan Islan's historical interpretation maintained that the aadhhabs had their beginnings about the end of the first century A. H., and that they only arose because ofthe circumstances prevailing in that period. 32 During the lifetime of the Prophet, and throughout the first century Muslims fulfilled their legal requirements, in both "matters of worship and behavior" by referring to the Qur^an and sunnah ef the Prophet. At the beginning of the second century the most knowledgeable group con cerning Islam, the Companions, were all dead, and the few Followers (first generation after Muhammad) who remained were spread throughout the Islamic world. Thus the situation arose whereby Muslims came to accept the decisions of the followers of the followers (tabia* al-tabacIn) on matters of religious action. Such fatwas were always based on Qur'an and on hadlth as had been related to the tabac al-€abiacIn by the previous genera tions. The imams of the great aadhhabs— Abu Janlfah, Malik ibn Anas, ShaficI and Ibn FJanbal— were all within this tradition, as were numerous Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 89] === others whose decisions hare not been historically important because they were not recorded* These *ulama* operated under a great handicap since the scattering of the Companions and the Followers dnring the quests also scattered the complete record of Mufeammad's sunnah. con "It is clear," stated Ahmad Hassan in Hisalah al-Mada-hab. "that no one of the four Imams received the complete sunnah. and also that they did not receive the same (material)...."33 Therefore, according to Ahmad Hassan, the incomplete sunnah. combined with the natural tendency by the great imams to err occasionally, account for the differences in the several madhhabs* This "historical interpretation" was at odds with the traditionalist Muslim assumption that the entire sunnah had been available to all the madhhabs1 founders. The traditionalist Muslims, when indeed they thought about this problem, saw a line of authority between Muframaad and the madhhabs. There is no record of kaum tua response to the Persis "interpretation" as such, but it can reasonably be assumed that conservative Muslims, relying as they did on the line of authority of the madhhabs. would reject a viewpoint that suggested that the madhhabs* founders did not have the complete message. Based on its "historical interpretation” the Persatuan Islam ques tioned the need for the madhhabs when the first three generations of Mus lims did not have them to rely on, but had direct access to Qur*in and sunnah for solving their problems.^ The Persatuan Islam argued that the great Imams did not mean for others to follow their interpretations blindly, without checking their correctness according to the Qur^aa and 36 sunnah. but that their followers had ignored these admonitions and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 90] === accepted their decisions as the basis of their own decisions. Increasingly therefore, explained Persis writers, the learned concentrated on studying the teaching of their own particular madhhab. and the source of religious law passed from the Qur^an and sunnah to the pronouncements of the c«i of the various schools. The Persatuan Islan maintained that there was no clear reference in the Qur'an or in badlth that ordered the use of taqlld. and cited certain references in those two sources to indicate that taqlld was, in fact, forbidden. Ban! Isracil, ayah 36, stating "Do not follow that which you do not know" was cited by Ahmad Bassan as a dear admonition by Allah for Muslins not to use taqlld. At-Tawbah 30, and several badlths judged as genuine by Thabaranl and Malik ibn Alias, were also put forth as similar 38 evidence. One particular badith reported the Prophet as stating that if one was comnanded to do a wrong act (i.e*, follow a madhhab) he should refrain from performing it, that he should follow only those who compand with the Our*an. and that if there was a dispute ever any matter, that matter was to be referred to God (Outran) and the Prophet (badlth).^ Another badlth recorded by Malik ibn Arils was also used to substantiate the Persatuan Islam's viewpoint. There remain with you two matters which will not lead you astray so long as you keep held ef them, that is, the Book of God and the sunnah of the Prophet.*'0 On the basis of these references and others like them, the Persatuan Islam concluded that only Qur^an and sunnah had any value in wniHnj. religious decisions, "and nothing else, not the sunnah of the TabacIn. the sunnah of the mujtahidln. not the sunnah of Hariafi, or the a»nnah of 3hafici. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 91] === The Persatuan Islam also countered arguments put forward by kaum tua to defend taqlld. For example, Persis writers published a pamphlet in 1935 that outlined twenty one arguments for taqlld and the refutations for each argument. For example, the pamphlet took issue with the kaum tua1s interpretation of Al-Nisa* 59, which admonishes Muslims to obey those in authority over them. The kaum tua argued that those in authority in cluded the fn~ioinV, and that to refuse to accept their teachings, or to question the correctness of those teachings constituted disobedience. The Persatuan Islam retorted that the Al-Nisa* ayah was concerned with secular affairs and was limited in scope to ruler, like "khalifa, radjas. governors and amirs" and that culama3 were not included. The pamphlet also noted the kaum tua insistence that Al-Nabl 43, stating "ask the followers of the Remembrance if ye know not" was a clear reference to the importance of the calim and his teaching in religious matters, and hence, by analogy, a justification for taqlld. In its response the Persatuan Islam recognized that the ayah did cite the importance of the religious teacher, but noted as well that the ayah did not command the Muslims to accept whatever teachings an *1111111 put forth* The reference, according to the Persatuan Islam, indicated that the *111111 was to give an answer based on the Qur^an and not on his own, or someone elses, speculation and belief.^ Another justification for taqlld not in the 1935 pamphlet, was presented in 1936 by Machfoed Shiddieq at a lecture summarizing the Indian Muslim thinker Shah tfaliyullah's al-Insaf fi Sebab al-ikhtilaf (Resolution of the matters of difference)^ which pointed out the value of the Companions of the Prophet as sources of interpretation Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 92] === Shiddieq cited this work as a clear Justifica tion for the use of taqlld and the indispensible role of the religious teacher* In response to Shiddieq the Persatuan Islam pointed out that the book made no mention of the culan5> as interpreters of religion, but referred only to the Companions1 importance as transmitters of the s«nn*h. an importance all kaum auda readily recognised. 46 The Persatuan Islam* s argument with the kaum tua was concerned not only with the taqlld-ijtihad dispute, but centered also on certain religious practices condoned by traditionalist c ulama* but considered by the Per satuan Islam and many other kaum muda as innovation (bidcah) * The Persa tuan Islam believed that bldcah in matters of cibadat was not permissible, even if the change was seemingly good, since all matters of religious worship had been ordained by God Himself, and man was unable to improve on that system of worship* Persis writers cited the niyah. the reciting of creeds and litanies (tahiTi and talqTn) during and after burial cere monies, and the use of Arabic in the khutbah and the story of the Prophet's birth (mawlud) as examples of innovation in religious matters, and charged that traditionalist culama* perpetuated bid ah when they defended these practices. The khutbah. talqin and rjyah disputes are outlined here because they have represented major focal points of difference be tween the kaum tua and kaum muda from approximately 1910 until the present. A fourth point, the 3tatus of the Arabs among the Indonesian Muslims, was a special point of argument between the kaum mada and traditionalist Arab e ulama* residing in Indonesia. While this last point was actually a revolt by Malay Muslims against the status and prerogatives of Arab Mu.qUmn Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 93] === in the Malay world, the dispate took place within the framework of the taqlld-ijtihad dispute. Khutbah. Among the distinct disagreements between the kaum tua and the kaun mada was the language of the khutbah. i.e., the sermon given during the Friday community worship.^ The standard practice in the Netherlands Indies had always been to read, or recite, the khutbah in Arabic} and, if queried, cnlfta5> would presumably have answered that as part of the ritual of worship it must necessarily be in Arabic. The modernist Muslims, however, maintain that since the purpose of the khutbah is to inform Muslins con cerning proper religious and moral behavior that it should be given in a language understood by the listeners. Many mosques under the influence of the kaumnhda consequently allowed the khutbah to be given in the vernacular, claiming that there was no prohibition against it. Ahmad Hassan reflected the thinking of the modernist Muslims on this subject in two fatwas concerning the recitation of the khutbah. In "Bahasa Chut-bahn (The Language of the Khutbah) he again explained the important difference between <ibadat and cadat. c Ibadat. as ritual established by God, must be performed as the Prophet set it down, and since formal worship utilized Arabic, Arabic had to be used. "Al-Fatibah. cfrfa* iftitab. tasblh. rukuS tasbib suiud" are all included in this cate gory, but other parts of worship, such as individual prayer and naaihah (advice) were not fixed by the Prophet, had no exact form, and the language could, therefore, vary for the convenience of the worshipper.^ In "Chntbah Bahasa Melayu" (Khutbah in the Malayan Language) Ahmad Hassan Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 94] === took a rational, rather than a legal, approach and stated that the Qur^an and badlth commanded Muslims to "think and understand" and "revile those who do not think and know" when they read religious texts.^ He stated that the purpose of the khutbah was to offer advice and allow religious reflection, a state that could only be attained if the khutbah was under stood by those listening to it. The Prophet Muhammad delivered the khutbah in Arabic, "because he was an Arab in an Arab land and the people he faced all understood Arabic," stated Ahmad Hassan, and added that there were no references in the Qur^an or badlth conmanding that the khutbah had to be given in Arabic to the exclusion of other languages.*’® Ahmad Hassan concluded that the entire argument concerning the language of the khutbah was really conditional on the status of Arabic as the official language of the Muslims. He maintained that if it could be argued that the khutbah must be delivered only in Arabic because the Prophet delivered his khutbahs in Arabic, then it could also be argued that Muslims must speak only Arabic and no other language, since the Prophet spoke only Arabic.^* Ahmad Hassan acknowledged that while know ledge of Arabic is necessary for study of religious sources, it is not required for everyday usage in Indonesia. He speculated that if a single Muslim ummah existed, Arabic would undoubtedly be its official language, and the recitation of the khutbah in Arabic would then be logical. an allusion to the fractionalised situation in the Muslim world and the great obstacles to Muslim unity, he concluded that "in this time, here (in Indonesia) if a person teaches only in Arabic, he will not succeed." ^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 95] === T&lqln. A second specific point of disagreement between the kaua muda and the kaum tua concerned burial procedure. Muslim belief on death— greatly developed and defined by medieval Muslim theologians— held that immediately after the completion of the burial ceremony the deceased was visited by the angels Nakir and Munkar. who asked the deceased questions to determine his real belief, and exacted painful retribution if the answers were wrong. While Muslim theologians maintained that the questions posed by the angels could be answered properly only if the deceased had lived a pious life, the practice grew up in Islam of giving one last prompting to the deceased during the burial ceremony by reciting the confession of faith. The practice, known in technical religious terms as talqin. was sanctioned by seme culama* of the Shafi 1 madhhab and formed an integral part of the Indonesian burial custom, ^ The religious official perform ing the ceremony read or recited the funeral speech in Arabic, and some times in Bahasa Indonesia or in the vernacular. ^ The kaum anda generally disapproved of this practice, arguing that it was not commanded in the Qur*an. badlth or in the sunnah of the Companions, and charged that it was an accretion, taken into religious practice over the centuries, and hence was an innovation, unacceptable in matters of religious worship. ^ The Persatuan Islam believed that talqin was a meaningless ritual that Muslims would do well to cast aside. During the early 1930's Peabela Islam and Al-Fatwaa frequently printed fatwas and other articles critical of the kaum tua's position on this subject which consequently drew heavy criticism from the kaum tua. particularly the Ba cAlawi. the Ittihadijatul Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 96] === Pltna and the Hahdlatnl Plana, Islan leaders net with Hahdlatnl Plana leaders te rdebate the validity of talqin as a proper Islamic ceremony. In a fatwa entitled "Talkienkan orang sndah nati" (Performing talqin for the dead) Ahmad Hassan stated that "talqin... does not exist in the Our*ah. is not confiraed by badlth. was not ever performed by the Companions, and was not mentioned as a valid ceremony by any of the four 1m£ms.n ^ He stated that all badlth introduced by the kaun tua as evidence of the correctness of their position, were considered to be weak by the science of badlth examination generally followed by Sunni culana? and therefore should not be taken as the basis for religious practice. In "Xengadjar orang nati” (Teaching the dead), Ahnad Hassan more fully outlined the stand of the Persatuan Islan on the subject of talqin. ... We stand on the correctness of what was written in Penbela Islan on December 1929." The Qur^an clarifies that people who are dead cannot be taught anything. The lannw of the ahl al-badTth state that there is not a single firm narrative of the Prophet confirming talqin. Iman Abnad (Ibn ganbal) said that he did not ever see a person perform talqin. except the people of Syria (ahl al-Shan) when Abul Muqhirah died, and that at that tine a person came and performed talqin. There are no badlth that indicate that the Prophet ever performed talqin. or that his Companions, or that the nojtahidin inSnia did. Teaching the dead is not only refuted in Religion, but according to reason it can be seen to be the act of a madman. It is according to the Our3an that when a person is close Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 97] === to death his repentance Is not accepted. If this is true, then hov can the teachings of the jiving to the dead al ready In the graTe hare validity?™ Ahnad Hassan also quoted Ai-Naal 80 and Al-Fatir 22, both of which state that nan cannot "create hearing among persons already in the grave," as proof that the deceased can only answer the questions posed by the 60 angels according to the actions of his own life. The dead, he con cluded, are unable to be taught or reminded of any religious teaching whatsoever, and he added an ironic suggestion that the traditionalist cu]aa£* might better teach the living about religion than waste their time in fruitlessly reminding the dead of their teachings.^ Nlyah. Another point of contention between the kaum muda and the kaum tua was concerned with whether the niat(nlyah). i.e., a short declaration of purpose stated by a Muslim about to perform a required religious act, and generally incorporated as part of ritual worship, should be said inwardly or repeated aloud. 62 The dispute apparently originated on Sumatra about 1910 when Abdul Karim Anrullah declared that the practice of repeating aloud this vow of intention, known among Indonesian culamP as uahalii. could not be traced back to the Prophet, but was an innovation from a later date. Amrullah's opponents maintained that the nlyah prepared the worshipper to undertake sincere worship, and in that context was an aid to worship, and hence permissible. Their charges that Amrullah was a heretic because of his stand produced a lively exchange of polemic between his supporters and opponents.^ That the Persatuan Islam was concerned with this problem some fif- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 98] === teen years later shows in sobs respect the slowness of the acceptance of the modernist viewpoint among Indonesian Muslims. The viewpoint of the Persatuan Islam was not different from that of Amrullah, and its efforts were aimed at the large group of traditionalist Javanese culama> who disputed the claim of the modernists and maintained that the utterance of the nlyah was a legitimate part of ritual worship. Moehammed Hoenawar Chalii stated in a fatwa entitled "Lafads ttshaHi” (Pronouncing ushalll) that the hadlth used by the kaum tua to support their contention was weak, and that several gabib badltha contradicted their viewpoint. this basis alone Hoenawar Chalii maintained that it should not be performed.^ In another fatwa Ahmad Hassan stated that the practice was condoned only by some culama* of the ShaflcX madhhab. but that SHafi'I himself had not followed the practice. He countered the arguments that per forming ushalli aids sincerity by aligning the heart with the lips and was therefore permissible, by stating that "it is the heart that moves the lips, and not the lips that move the h e a r t. H e also rejected the argument that ushalli was justified by analogy (qiyas) from the example of the Prophet's repetition of ushalli in performing the hajj. first on the grounds that an hadlth reporting the Prophet's action was weak, and second, that qjyas cannot be used to determine matters of wor ship. Finally, he countered the argument that it was innovation, but permissible because it was a good innovation, by reiterating that while bidcak is permissible in secular matters, it cannot ever be incorporated into matters of worship which have been determined by God's clear commands. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 99] === Status of MiisHa Arabs In the Malay c*— " " H y. A special problem connected with the struggle between the kaun auda and the kaun tua revolved about the status of the Arabs in the MalayIndonesian world, particularly those Arabs claiming descent from the Prophet Mohamad. This problem was really only an extension of the con troversy existing in Islan since the Arab expansion in the Seventh Cen tury when non-Arabs entered Islan and debate arose as to whether Arabs, as the original people of Muhammad, should hold a status superior to that of the newcomers. This controversy assumed considerable importance among Indonesians in the first half of the twentieth century because of the siseable Arabic comminity— about 71,000 in 1930 67 — and the existence in that community of a large number of persons claiming direct descent from the Prophet. A certain aura of respect and even reverence had grown up around the Arabs in Indonesia, partly because a large number of religious teachers were Arab, partly because the Arabs were more serious about their every day religious observances than the general Indonesian population and were envied for it, and partly because the Arabs allowed the Illusion to grow that the race of the Prophet Mhh*— among Muslims. ri constituted an aristocracy There was some sentiment for modernist Muslim principles among the peranakan Arab, as was evidenced by the success of the Al-Irsjad, but for the most part the Arab cosuunity in Indonesia preferred traditionalist Islam. 68 The chief representative of this conservative viewpoint was the Ba cAlawI, ^ a group of HadranS Arabs claiming descent from the Prophet, who furnished a large number of religious officials in Indonesia. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 100] === Through such organizations as the al-Dj&mt at al-chair and the Maajarakat Thaljbln. this group attacked the modernist Muslims, particularly the Al-IrsJad. and acted as the spokesman for the principle of high status for the Arabs* 70 The Persatuan Islam, and more specifically its periodical Peabela Islam, was deeply involved in the polemic against the Arabs in the early 1930's, and mas in turn a favorite target of Ba cAlawI polemic and retort. A series of articles bearing the general title "Belief of the Ba cAlawI concerning their own importance and the dangers of such belief” appeared in Pembela Islam during 1933* outlined the major criticisms of the 71 modernist Muslims toward the views of the Ba gAlaWi. In gneral these articles attacked the Ba ^Alawfrs adherence to taqlXd and rejection of ijtihad. its emphasis on the visitation of tombs and consequent approval of saint worship, its insistence that its women not marry except to a sayyid. and its belief in the elevated status of the Arab in the Indonesian Muslim comamity* The Persatuan Islam repeatedly emphasized its belief that the per petuation of the class distinctions demanded by the B a cAlawI in religion was contrary to Islamic social doctrine, which the Persatuan Islam claimed propounded equal rights for all men. Persis writers stressed that Islam was a religion for all mankind, and that within religion there were to be no distinctions and prerogatives based on race or ancestry. Ahmad Hassan cited references from the Qur*an and hadlth and stated that the only distinction among believers was in perfecting their worship of God. 72 In one particular argument he noted his belief that it was con- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 101] === “ 92temptible for a person to glorify himself on the basis of his descent. He stated that "if a person feels exalted because of his family, then ve answer that it may be considered that there is not a family existing that is not related to prophets,”73 and perhaps even more pointedly that "if a person prides himself that he is an Arab then we remind him that 74 Jews come from the same stock." In the same rein, an unidentified writer in Penbela Islam charged that the Arab insistence on special prerogatives was contrary to the rule of universal equality espoused by Islam. This writer compared the B3 *AlawI attitude with that of the Dutch in attempting to exploit the Indonesians for their own ends. "The B5 cAlawI." he stated, perhaps drawing an argument from the nation alist struggle against the Dutch, "are opponents of groups which advocate equal rights and undertake efforts to free themselves of the fetters of 75 The writer concluded that the Arab opposition to equality servitude.” was wrong and hinted that it might even be evidence of shirk.^ Another article in Pembela Islam elaborated on the charge of shirk by stating that in many cases Arabs, particularly those belonging to the Ba cAlawI. had attempted to set themselves up as being "blessed” and to make themselves intercessors between other people and God.77 This charge, actually more connected with the problems of mysticism and saint worship, is dis cussed more fully in a later chapter. The Persatuan Islam apparently regarded taqbll as a symbol of Arab insistence on status, and consequently opposed it. Ahmad Kassan reportedly was compelled by this custom to kiss the hand of an Arab official when he taught at the Assegaf school in Singapore, and later, when he was a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 102] === daily writer on the Ptasan Malaya, he wrote an article criticising the 78 custom. His thesis in that article was similar to that of the editors of Pembela Islam who Justified their opposition to taqbTl on the basis that it was not practiced in the time of the Prophet. "... and not ever did they ask a person to kiss their hand, and not ever did people kiss their hand."*^ The Persatuan Islam rejected the title ssyyid as having any special religious significance, and generally supported the Al-Irsjad position that sayyid could be used in Arabic as a general form of address, similar 80 to "mister." The Ba Alawi believed that sayyid was a title denoting "authority, responsibility and property,"" and indicated that the parson using the title was honored among Muslims. In 1932 and 1933 Shaykh Muhammad al-cA£tas Ba cAlawI, the Arab representative on the VflLtsraad. urged that body to recomend enactment of a law Hunting use of the title sayyid in the Netherlands East Indies to those who already claimed the title*^ Peabela Islam was in the forefront of the modernist Muslin press on this issue and roundly attacked al- Attas’s stand.^ Illustrative of the Peabela Islam attack was an article written in 1932 which stated that during the time of the Prophet, cAli, his son-in-law, and gtasan and Husayn, his grandsons, they were never addressed with the title sayyid. The article claimed the custom of calling the descendants of the Prophet sayyid was a latter day practice, but professed not to know its origin.^ Ahmad Hassan, and later his son Abdulkadir Hassan, were particularly opposed to the use of titles denoting religious status, and both refused Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 103] === -9 3 to fise the titles hadji (ball) and kijai although qualified to do so. 86 In a fatwa discussing use of the title ha.1.1. Ahmad Hassan broadened the subject to include all titles of respect and concluded that "these expressions and names do not harm so long as whoever has the title does not become proud and haughty with the title." The matter of inter-marriage between Arabs and Malays was also viewed by modernist Muslims as undue Arab concern for status, and consequently this issue became a point of contention between the Ba cAlawi and modernist Muslim groups. Among the Ba cAlawi it was cosmonly believed that a sharlfah (i.e., a title indicating descent of a woman from the Prophet usually through his grandson gusayn) could marry only an Arab of the Qurayshi tribe, preferably tracing his own descent to the Prophet. The Ba cAlawi also believed that for a sharlfah to marry someone not having such exalted antecedents would cast an unfavorable reflection on the status of the BacAlawi. on the Quraysh. on FaJ-imah (the daughter of the Prophet), and even on the Prophet himself. This restriction was not as binding on men, and indeed Arab men frequently married Indonesian women.00 In 1933 at least two cases of Ba cAlawi opposition to particular marriages between a sharifah and an Indonesian received newspaper coverage and produced considerable criticism by modernist Muslim groups. 7 Peabela Islam was Tery critical of the Arab position on this matter and continu ally pointed out that the exclusivism on the part of the Arabs was due to an exaggerated belief in their own importance. In a lengthy fatwa examining the question of marriage between a sharlfah and a non-Arab Moenawar Chalil noted that Islam did place some restrictions on marrying, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 104] === tat all th*s* raatriotlona war* to prrrant aarriaga batwaaa «lea« r*|stiY*s. itaod Batata atatad aapbatloally that thara war* a* rafaraaaa* ia tb* Qar’ia or hadlth to aupport th* roltag of *#wralc«} £ £ *, «f tta 8taflcI ■arihhab is this aattar* Ha eoaaludad that aanrlaf* ahaald not b* baaad oa sa jr auah policy of axeloiiTiaa that was lataadad to wadanda* th* Talaalc baliaf in th* railglowa aquality of all taall«*»^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 105] === Footnotes for Chapter 4 1 The best single scarce in English forcAbdah's thought is Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt. 2 This viewpoint became quite popular in Indonesia, and the works of inTt ShalcTh Arslan were quite popular. His book T/tniS dha taaakhkharah al-VimHimTn (Why the Muslima have become Backward) was translated into Indonesian with the title Kenapa orang Islam Moendoer and appeared in serial form in Pembela Islam during 1932 and 1933. Another trans lation with the title Manapa kaum Muslimun Mundur appeared in 1957 with an introduction by Hadji Moenawar Chalil. Djakarta, Bulan Bintang. 3 Nahdlatul Ulaaa, Verslag-Congress Nahdlatul-1Oelama1 Jang ke 14 dl Kota Malang 6-2 1939 (Report of the 14th CongresB of the Nahdlatul mama at Malang, 6 and 7 July 1939). Surabaja, 1940, p. 19. 4 cAli, The MnhimimftiHjah Movement, p. 32. Similar in content was the admonishment of a member of the traditionalist Ba cAlawI group against the works of the Pembela Islam. "Fellow Muslims, beware of the works published by "Pembela Islam" such as Al-Fatwaa.... which are false, and quote ayahs out of contort. Friends, do not read, accept or buy those books for they lead astray and induce one to become a WahtmbT and a kaum muda. Whether WahtiabI or kaum muda we may not approach them or eat with them for they are more wicked than the Chinese and the Dutch." Pembela Islam. No. 57 (January 1933), P* 27. 5 For the positions of responsibility held by the Muslim learned see the following works: H. Westra, "Custom and Muslim Law in the Neth erlands East-Indies," Transactions of the Grotina Society, vol. 25 (1939), pp. 151-167; R. A. Kern, "Pangulu," Encyclopedia of Islam; and J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "Islam II," Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-IndiB. 6 Sual-Djawab. No. 2, p. 15. Similar in tone was the following admon ition: "There are not a few people writing books, suggesting that it is not necessary to worship, not necessary to fast, etc., and every day these books pass under the noses of the (traditionalist culaBma) on the Religious Council of Preanger, but they all remain sitting. "Is this the way approved by the SHaficI madhhab?" Pembela Islam. No. 42 (January 1932), p. 36. 7 "Speech of Kijai Hadji Machfoezh Shiddieq" in Verslag Congress. p. 19; Mochtar Naim, The Nahdlatul Ulama Party, p. 152; Al-Lisan. No. 5 (April 1936), p. 35* 8 D. B. MacDonald, "Ijtihad," Encyclopedia of Islam; Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 191-193* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 106] === Moehammad Natsir, "Sikap •Islam1 terhadap 1Kemerdekaan-berfikir'n (The attitude of nIalaa.11 toward "freedom of thought"), Capita Selects. Bandung, The Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954, I, pp. 206-229. Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Mada-hab. p. 6; Cf., Abdur Rahim, Principles of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. London, Luzac, 1911, p. 119. 11 Pengurus Besar Muhammadijah, Anggaran Dasar Muhaamadi.lah dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga, (Statutes of the Muhammadijah and its internal organs). Djokjakarta, 1952, p. 30; eAlI, The Muhammadijah Movement. pp. 52-53* 12 The Muctazilahwere a theological and philosophical school, originally within orthodox Sunni Islam, who advocated the use of reason above faith. Under the Kh&llf Ma’mun (813-833 A. D.) their preachments on religious doctrine were given the official sanction of the 'AbfciasT state, and all religious leaders refusing to accept this doctrine were subject to imprisonment. After the death of Khallf al-Wathiq several succeeding khalifa persecuted the Muctazilah. The Mx*tazilah viewpoint on the importance of reason was refuted by al-Ashcarl who used reason and logic in the rebuttal. See Claude Huarte, "Kalam," Encyclopedia of Islam: and Melville Patton, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal and the Mihna. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1897, pp. 57-61. 13 Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), p. 7; Al-Liaan. No. 5 IXpril 1936), p. 35; N. H. Machfoeds Shiddieq, Di Sekitar soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid (Concerning the question of ljtihad Mid taqlTd). Djakarta, Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, 1959, pp. 64-65. 14 Ibid.. 64; The classifications of jurists is given in Abdur Rahim, Principles of Muhanmedan Jurisprudence, pp. 182-184. 15 Shiddieq, Di Sekitar soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid. p. 64; Cf., Abdur Rahim, Principles of Mohammedan Jurisprudence, p. 169. 16 Al-Lisan. No. 5 (February 1936), pp. 35-36. 17 Anggaran Dasar Muhammadijah. p. 31. 18 See, for example, Ahmad Hassan, "Gambar" (Pictures), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, pp. 1-3. A comparison of the fatwas of several organizations in Indonesia is found in Howard M. Federspiel, "Aspects of Islamic Religious Law in Twentieth Century Indonesia." Montreal, McGill Uni versity term paper, 1961. 19 Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), p. 7. 20 Ibid; 21 Ibid: The Muhammadijah did not advocate ittibac, although it did not Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab. p. 14. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 107] === -9 7 forbid it. A prise purpose in establishing its Mad.1elis Tardjih was to give guidance in matters of Islamic law so that its members would no longer exercise taqlid. or be tied to the Shaf^T madhhab. and so that its members would be encouraged to exercise freedom in matters of religious law. Kitab 40 Tahon Mahammadl.jah. p. 32. 22 Shiddieq, Di Sekitar Soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid. pp. 59,169. 23 See for example, Abdur Rahim, Principles of Miihammodan Jurisprudence. p. 171j Joseph Schacht, "Taklid", Encyclopedia of Islam. 24 Nahdlatul Ulama, Anggaran Dasar dan Peraturan Rumah Tangga (Constitu tion and Bylaws of the Nahdlatul Ulama), given in full in Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Has.jin. p. 520. 25 Pergerakan Tarbijah Islanijah, Undung-undung Dasar Partai Islam "Perti11 (Constitution of the "Perti" Islamic Party) in Kementerian Penerangan (Ministry of Information), Kepartaian dan Parleaentarla Indonesia (Indonesian Parties and Parliamentary Groups). Djakarta, 1954, p. 434. 26 Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Madz-hab. p. 12. 27 Ibid. 28 Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (Decent)er 1935), PP* 2-4. 29 Ibid.. 2. Bani IsracH 36 states: thou hast no knowledge. "(0 man), follow not that whereof 30 Ibid.. 3. 31 Ibid. 32 This historical interpretation is found in Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab. pp. 1-10. 33 Ibid.. 8. 34 The origins of Islamic Jurisprudence has been of great interest— and sometimes a subject of debate^-by Western orientalists. The historical exposition of the Persatuan Islam is basically along lines developed by such Western scholars as Joseph Schacht, but does not appear to have been influenced by those scholars. Cf., DavJd:Saiaiiel Margiolath, The Early Development of Mohammedanism. New York, Scribner Dodd, 1914} Joseph Schacht, The Origins of Muhanmedan Jurisprudence. Oxford, Clarendon Press,~T$5&, especially pp. 6-lOj foistav Bergstr&sser, "Anfange und Charakter des juristischen Denkens im Islam" (Beginnings and Character of juridical thought in Islam), Per Islam. 1IV (19241925), PP. 76-81. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 108] === -9 8 35 Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Madz-hab, p. 33. 36 “The culama’ of that time,as well as the four Imams, continually said: 'No one may imitate us or make fatwas on the basis of our fatwas before he himself is aware of our derivation (of them) from Qur’an or sunnah.111 Ibid.. 6. 37 Ahmad Hassan, “Bertaqlid kepada 'ulama " (Imitating the 'ulama*), Sual-Djawab. No, 1, p, 15. The Qur’an quote cited in the above text is a translation from Ahmad Hassan1s Indonesian rendition. The Eichthall translation of this ayah is given in footnote 29 above. Al-Tawbah 30. "... They (the Jews and Christians) imitate the sayings of those who disbelieved of old, Allah (Himself) fighteth against them. How perverse are they." The badlth recorded by Thabararil states: "Obey me so long as I am among you and keep hold of the book of God. You are permitted what it permits and forbidden what it forbids," 38 Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab. pp. 21-22, 39 Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), p. 10. 40 Quoted in Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab. p, 23. See pages 22-24 for other badlth cited as evidence against the validity of taqlid, 41 Ibid.. 23. This statement by Ahmad Hassan is slightly misleading taken out of context. He did not reject "... sunnah of the Tab&cIn etc." as useful for guidance, but in this particular reference is arguing against its use as holy writ, which he believed that the kaum tua did through taqlid. 42 This composed the entire contents of Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) and was also published as a special pamphlet. Persatoean Islam, Ver3lag Debat Taqlied— A. Hassan dan H. A. Wahhab (Record of the debate on taqlid— Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Abdul Wahhab). Bandoeng, 1936. See also, Al-Lisan. No. 4 (March 1936), pp. 28-30; No, 5 (April 1936), p. 35. In a mock debate published by the Persatuan Islam Ahmad Hassan chided the efforts of the traditionalist Muslims to justify taqlid on the basis of Qur’an and hadlth. "I want you to realize that the teachers are not consistent in their viewpoint. They are smart enough to become mujtahidin while pursuing the justi fication for being muqallidin. but they do not want to become mujtahidin to find the justification for becoming a mujtahid or muttabi*: ~ Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab. p. 35* 43 Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), pp. 10-11. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 109] === Al-Nls£>59 states: "0 ye who believe! Obey Allah and obey the messenger and those of you who are in authority; and if ye have a dispute concerning any matter, refer it to Allah and the messenger if ye are (in truth) believers in Allah and the Last Day. This is better and more seemly in the end." 44 Ahmad Hassan,"Bertaqliod kepada 'ulama”, Sual-Djawab. No.1, p.15. 45 Al-Lisan. No.4 (March 1936), pp. 28-30. Cf H. D.Eahbar,"Shah Wall Ullah and Idjtihad", The Muslim World. HI7 (1955), pp. 346-358. 46 Al-Lisan. No.4 (March 1936), p. 29. 47 A. J. Wensinck,"Khutba", Encyclopedia of Islam. 48 Ahmad Hassan, "Bahasa Chut-bah" (Language of the Friday Sermon), Sual-Djawab. No. 7, p. 22; See also "Seobahjang dengan Al-Fatihah Melayu" (Worship with al-Fatlbah in Malay), Sual-D.1awab. No. 12, pp. 58-59 which stated al-Fatihah say not be cited in Malay during worship. 49 Ahmad Hassan, "Chutbah Bahasa Melayu” (Friday Sermon in Malay), SualDjawab. No. 4, p. 4* 50 Ibid.. 5. 51 Ibid. 52 Ibid. 53 For descriptions of the Indonesian funeral practices, see Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese. I, pp. 418-434; Clifford Geertz, Mbdjokuto. p. 117. 54 Ibid. Geertz has recorded the following oration. "Oh, you are already living in the world of the grave. Do not forget the Confession of Faith. You will shortly be visited by tiro messengers of God, two angels. (The angels will say:) "0 human being, who is your God and what is your religion, and who is your prophet, and what is your religious lodestar, and what is the direc tion in which you turn to pary, and what has been commanded of you and who are your brothers?" You must answer clearly and forthrightly; you most not be afraid or startled: "The Lord Allah is ny God: Islam religion; Muhammad is ray Prophet; the Holy Koran is mj lode star; I turn toward the Black Stone of Mecca to pray; the five daily prayers are what I have been commanded; all Moslems, men and women, are my brothers." 0 Fak TJipto (name of the deceased), you now already know that the questions of the angels do in fact exLst, that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 110] === -100life in the grave does in fact exist, that the balancing of good and evil deeds does in fact exist, that heaven and hell indeed do in fact exist, and that the Lord Allah will wake each individual in the grave on Judgment Day is a fact as well.” See also "Talqln" in Hughes, Dictionary of Islam* 55 See Pen&toean Islam, Boekoe Verslag Debat Talqien antara t. A. Hassan dengan H. Abdoel-Wahhab di Tjledoeng (Cheribonl (Book of the Report of the debate on talqln between Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Abdoel Wahhab in Cheribon). Bandoeng, 1932; Persatoean Islam, Kitab Talqien: D.lawaban "Persatoean Islam" atas Tnllsan t. H. Hoesain T.1it.1alengka (Book on talqln: Answer of the "Persatuan Islam" concerning the writings of t. H. Hoesain Tjitjalengka), Bandoeng, (n.d). 56 In Sumatra this subject was of great interest, particularly among the Hinangkabauis* The Raad Agama (Religious Council^ at Palsmbang decided on December 23, 1929 that performing talqln for a dead person was permissible because the Prophet performed it. Sual-D.1awab. No. 2 p. 14* See also G. W. J. Drewes, "Indonesia and Activism" in von Grunebaum, Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilisation, p. 294. 57 Ahmad Hassan, "Talkienkan orang sudah mati" (Prompting the confession of faith from a person who is already dead), Sual-Djawab. No. 1, p. 21. 58 Pembela Islam. No. 3 59 (December 1929).< Ahmad Hassan, "Mengadjar orang mati" (Teaching the dead), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, p. 14. 60 Ahmad Hassan, "Talkienkan orang sudah mati”, Sual-Djawab. No. 1, p. 19. Al-Nabl 80 states: "Loi Thou canst not make the dead to hear, nor canst thou make the deaf to hear the call when they have turned to flee." Al-Fatir 22 states: "Nor are the living equal with the dead. Lol Allah maketh whom He will to hear. Thou canst not reach those who are in the graves." 61 Ibid.. 20. 62 G. W. T. Drewes, "Indonesia and Activism" in von Grunebaum, Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization; see also A. J. Wensinck, "IHya", Encyclopedia of Islam. 63 Hamka, Ajahku. pp. 72-73* 64 Hoehammed Moenawar Chalil, "Lafadz Ushalli" (Pronouncing the ushalll). Sual-Djawab. No. 8, p. 36. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 111] === 65 Ahmad Hassan, "Melafadhkaa niat" (Pronouncing aloud the n!yah)J3ualDjawab. Ho. 1, p. 11. Drewes maintains that the practice goes back to the Shaflci scholar NswSnI in the thirteenth century. Drewes, "Indonesia and Activism", in von Grunebaum, Pnity and Variety in Muslim Civilisation, p. 294* 66 Ahmad Hassan, "Melafadhkan dat", Sual-D.1awab« Ho. 1, pp. 11-12. Hadji Abbas bin Thaha discusses the position of the traditionalist tnlana^ in an article originally published in Al-Bosda. the periodi cal of the Ai-irsjad movement, in 1933* It was reprinted in Malay with the title "Taladfoesh niat" (Pronunciation of the niyah)ln Peabela Islam. Ho. 60 (April 1933), PP. 35-39. 67 Van der Eroef, Indonesia in the Modern World. I, p. 250. 68 Ibid.. 270. 69 For the claims of the Ba cAlawI to be descended from the Prophet see 0. Lofgren, "Ba cAlawi", Bicyclopedia of Islam (Hew Edition). 70 A description of this dispute is found in Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement, pp. 99-107* 71 A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba-'Alwi tentang ketinggian dirinja dan bahaja-bahaja i'tiqad itoe" (The Belief of the Ba gAlawi concerning their own im portance and the dangers of that belief). Pembela Islam, from Ho. 34 (September 1931) to Ho. 61 (May 1933). 72 Ahmad Hassan, "Saijid, Baden, 'Arab" (titles), Sual-Djawab. Ho. 3, al-Hujurat 13 states: "Lo I the noblest of you in the sight of Allah, is the best in conduct." al-Hujurat 10 states: "The believers are naught else than brothers." An badlth recorded by Abu Davud states: "An Arab is not more noble than a non-Arab unless in conduct." 73 Ahmad Hassan, "Saijid, Baden, 'Arab", Sual-Djawab. Ho. 3, P* 7. 74 Ibid. 75 A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba »Alwi", Pembela Islam. Ho. 58 (February 1933), p. 11. 76 Ibid. 77 A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba 'Alwi", Peabela Islam. Ho. 59 (March 1933),p. 18. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 112] === 78 Noer, The Modernist Haslia Movement, p. 138* 79 Saijjid Toelen al-Alnwie, "Al-Irsjad in actie?" (The activity of Al-Irsjad?) A letter to Peabela Islan. dated March 10, 1932. Peabela fslaa. Ho. 45 (April 1932)• See the editorial remarks on page 13. 80 Kang Po 3074 aa quoted in Peabela Ialan. Mo. 59 (March 9, 1933), P* 27. 81 (non-Arab), "0, itoe tjoema keldai kita" (0, that ia only our ass), Peabela Islam, No. 50 (August 1932), p. 20. 82 A., “I'tiqad Al-Ba-'Alwi", Peabela Ialan. No. 58 (February 9, 1933), p. 11. 83 (non-Arab), ”0, itoe tjoema keldai kita”, Pembela Ialan. No. 50 (August 1932), p. 10. 84 See particularly, Ibid.. 20-21. 85 Editorial remarks to Saijjid Toelen Al-Alawi'a letter, Peabela Ialan. No. 45 (April 1932), p. 13. 86 See comments on this subject in Roebaie Widjaya, "Biografie, A. Hassan", Hudjdjatul Ialan. I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 38. Both Ahmad Hassan and Abdulkadir Hasaan have been referred to by others as ”ldai“, but they themselves have not used the E. H. (klai hadji) appointive before their names. This has not, however, been established practice among Persatuan Islam members, for most other scholars in the organization do use the E. H. title. 87 Ahmad Hassan, “Titel Hadji” (The title "Hadji"). Pembela Islam. No. 60 (April 4, 1933), p. 31. 88 A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba-'Alwi", Pembela Ialan. No. 45 (April 1932), pp. 27-31. 89 (Moeslim Indonesier), "Psrkavinan Sjarifah dengan Indonesier" (Mar riage of a sharlfah with an Indonesian). Undated letter appearing in Pembela Islam. No. 48 (June 1932), pp. 17-18. 90 Moshammad Moenawar Chalil, "Halal berkahwin dengan Sjarifah" (Is it permitted to marry a sharlfah). Sual-Djawab, No. 6, pp. 52-65] see also M. S., "HAdz-hab Sjafi'ie" (ShaficI nadhhab). Peabela Ialan. No. 50 (August 1932), p. 21. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 113] === Chapter 5 The Viewpoint toward Indonesian Religious Values The strength ef the Indonesian social system lay in the villages, and there Islan had gained a foothold only by temporizing with many customs that had certain religious significance.^ It was natural that the Persatuan Islam, in searching for a "pure" Islam, free of all accretions, would oppose these elements of popular life that it believed conflicted with Islam. Persis opposition never solidified into a major campaign, perhaps because there was no organization identified with local custom that could be the target of propaganda and polemic, and because the elements that fundamentalist Islam disapproved of were so pervasive in Indonesian life that it was.difficult to generate any effective opposition among the Indonesian public. Nonetheless, the members of the Persatuan Islam did take exception in their writings and fatwas to specific prac tices that they believed contravened acceptable religious behavior. Nearly all santri groups expressed opposition to these non-Islamic practices and customs. The Mahanmadi.1ah maintained that superstition, surviving Hindu practices and 'adat contrary to Islam should be eliminated.^ The Nahdlatul Ulama and Perti have always urged the elimination of practices conflicting with Islamic commands and prohibitions. The generally accepted Muslim sufl orders operating in Indonesia condemned many Indo nesian systical practices as heretical. This consensus existed only in theory, but hardly in practice, for the kaum tua and the gufls were very Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 114] === _ -104often tolerant of heterodox religious behavior* Kaum tua fnl«n5* main tained their considerable influence over the abangan population in many villages because they were willing to tolerate many practices outside the Sharlcah. Some culama* apparently believed that such practices would disappear as the abangan population became more aware of their religious obligations, and other culaaa* appear to have believed that the inclusion of Islamic recitations and prayers purified many non-Islamic practices having a religious connotation^ The aufl orders also adopted a very tolerant attitude toward heterodox nyrtical behavior, although to the credit of the orthodox orders, many excesses were eliminated as they gained strength in Indonesia. The kaum muda, usually having less contact with the abangan popula tion, and more concerned with the application of the law than with mystical experience, were uncompromising toward customs and attitudes they saw as conflicting with Islam* Believing that tolerance by the kaum tua only diluted Islam and introduced innovation into religious practice, kaum muda organizations like the Persatuan Islam directed their opposition against the kaum tua* The kaum muda were particularly concerned about the use of religious recitations and prayers in non-Islamic rituals and ceremonies, and about inclusion of Indonesian custom into such Islamic practices as burial of the dead* Slametans. The Persatuan Islam generally disapproved of the custom, common to most ethnic groups in Indonesia of giving slametans, or coasmnal feasts, to mark festive occasions. The ritual of the alametan differed according Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 115] === to its purpose, but an underlying structure always included a special ceremonial food, the burning of incense, the recitation of Islamic litan5 ies and a speech in extra-formal language by the host. The slaaetan appears to have some connection with ancient Javanese animism when it probably was a ceremony to propitiate spirits and ward off evil fortune. nA slametan," stated Clifford Geerts, "can be given to almost any occur ence one wishes to celebrate, ameliorate, or sanctify."^ Birth, marriage, sorcery, death, house moving, bad dreams, harvest, name changing, opening a factory, illness, suppli cation of the village guardian spirit, circumcision, and start ing off a political meeting may all occasion a slametan.' This festival appears to have become confused and integrated with the kanduri or sadakah (Arablc-gadaqah) feast which is mentioned in ShaficI books of law in use in Indonesia, to be given at weddings and at other joyous occasions. An important belief attached to the kanduri was that it gained religious merit for the host. The food took the form of a gift to the visitors, and, since several poor and destitute persons were generally invited, that portion of the feast given to them was considered to be alms. The religious merit accruing to the host was increased by the recitation of prayers, portions of the Quraan and the dhikr.^ As the kanduri and the slametan became closely identified the religious meaning of the kanduri often became obscure,^ but on some occasions the feast was regarded as having particular religious significance, such as on Mawlud NabI and in connection with the burial of the dead.^ However, if the religious purpose of the kanduri often disappeared, so then also did the slametan take on a certain identification with Islam, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 116] === - 106for Qur>in recitations, dhikr and prayers became an indiepensible part 12 of its ceremony. The Persatuan Islam, like other modernist Mislim groups, rejected the slametan because it was tied in with the abangan*e philosophy of life, his belief in non-Islamic spirits, and his superstitions regarding pro pitious and unlucky days and numbers. Hadji Moenavar Chalil was explicit in his opposition to the slametan and in a fatwi on that subject stated that "performing a slametan as it is generally practiced in Indonesia is 13 In a fatmS entitled "Selamatan Hanril" (Slametan for pregnancy) Ahmad Hassan stated that "... ffomi.conception until birth, there is not a single type of kanduri. slametan. pesta or perdjamaan (all feast ceremonies regulated by cadat) that is established by Religion. He stated that Islam cosmands a feast to be observed at marriage, bub maintained that the practice of reciting litanies and con fessions of faith is not condoned, such as was the custom with slametans. Ahmad Hassan's fatwa. also stated that on the seventh day after the birth of a child Muslims are cosmanded to make a sacrifice, name the child, and then may make a feast for the immediate family from the meat of the sacrifice, "In this matter there is never a reading of the selamat prayer, the tahlll. or the reading of the berzand.1l or anything else."^ All members of the Persatuan Islam objected strongly to the slametan held at a house of mourning on the day of the burial and on several suc ceeding days, to recite special prayers for the redemption of the deceased. Usual Indonesian practice was to meet in the house of the deceased immediately after the burial ceremony, and again on the third, seventh, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 117] === -107fortieth, one hundredth and one thousandth day after the death.^ The rationale for this practice was that religious merit could be generated by those present through the performance of non-obligatory worship, such as repetition of the dhikr. recitations from, the Qor^an and special prayers, and that the merit gained thereby could then be made over to the deceased for his reward.17 The kaum tua generally insisted that the slametans connected with death were a proper religious observance, and cited several badlth and references from books of jurisprudence to defend their stand* For example, in 1934 the traditionalist Muslim periodical KewacLliban Kita (Our Obligations) cited an badlth stating that on one occasion the Prophet went to the home of the bereaved after a burial and ate food there prepared by the household members*^ On the basis of this badlth the Islamic Council at Samalangka, Atjeh later issued a fatwa stating that gatherings and eating in the house of the deceased was permissible* In a fatwa entitled "Makan-makan di rumah orang mati dan batas terlarangnja" (Eating in the house of the deceased and the limitations of the prohibition), Ahmad Hassan countered the Atjehnese fatwa by stating that on one occasion after a death in the community, the Prophet commanded neighbors to prepare food for the mourners on the day of the burial*19 Ahmad Hassan noted that this act of the Prophet was contrary to the usual Indonesian practice and stated that the Prophet had ordered it out of consideration for the deceased's family at a time when their grief made normal household functions difficult. Ahmad Hassan rejected as weak the badlth presented by the kaum tua in defense of their position Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 118] === because of a fault in the sanad that was not strengthened by another badlth. He stated that in his own opinion the family of the deceased should be left alone with its grief for several days, and that the neighbors should prepare food for them up to three days, depending on the sorrow caused by the death of the deceased, but that no slsaotan should 21 be held at that tine. Although opposed to the slametan on all occasions, Ahmad Hassan was most concerned with religious recitations and prayers at the death slametans intended to aid the deceased. Conservative culama* maintained that non-obligatory prayers to obtain merit for the deceased at those gatherings was Justified on the basis of several badlth that indicate that a young man could undertake the ball or the fast in the name of an 22 older person unable to perform these religious requirements:.himself. They reasoned that other matters of religious merit might likewise be transferred. Ahmad Hassan denied that the practice of praying and recit ing religious texts at the slametan had any historical justification. In a fatwa on the subject he stated that neither the Qur*ah nor badlth cosmanded Muslims to engage in this practice, and that it was never performed by the Companions, by the Followers, by Followers of the Follow ers, or by any of the four great imams.^ in another fatwa an unknown Persia writer quoted the fatwas of prominent Makkah muftis as confirming this stand.^ Ahmad Hassan also rejected the contention that merit obtained by one Muslim could under any circumstances be transferred to another Muslils, and particularly to the deceased. He stated that there was no dear reference in the Qur9an and badlth to this problem, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 119] === maintained that In order for a specific practice of religious worship to have merit it must be defined in those sources. "... every reading and action may be said to be good if it is performed according to the 25 time and conditions defined by Religion." Since there is not set procedure of worship prescribed for performance in the house of the bereaved, such action cannot be regarded as producing merit for those who perform the practice. Ahmad Hassan also denied that merit could be passed to the dead, stating that reason impels one to realise that only one's own actions can cleanse him from his sins. In a rhetorical question he queried that if it were possible to transfer merit from one person to another why then did Allah made worship compulsory at all since H* could have transferred it from anyone who had it to anyone who needed it with* 26 out any worship having been performed at all? He argued further that 27 if merit could be transferred to the dead, why not also to the living? Finally, he cited Al-Kajm 39 and la Sin 54> both of which make reference to God's Judging only on the basis of that which the individual himself 28 has done. Magic, soothsaying and amulets. The Persatuan Islam saw the belief in magic, soothsaying and amulets, so popular in Indonesia, as evidence of shirk (i.e., ascribing the powers of God to other than God), since these practices ascribed to certain men the power to alter and affect men's lives in a manner it believed only God was powerful enought to accomplish. The focal point of the Indonesian belief in magic are the dnkuns. the practitioners of magic who claim to possess secret power, and who perform a large variety of functions ranging Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 120] === from the treatment of illness with herbs and native medicine to the cast29 ing of spells for good and bad fortune. The dukuns do not usually claim to be connected with Islam, and they seldom have any contact with traditionalist religious officials, yet they do not exclude the use of Arabic phrases and terminology from their ritual and mystical formulae. This inclusion of religious terminology leads many persons to believe, and many others to rationalize, that the magic practiced by dukuns does indeed have some connection with religion. In At-Tauhied Ahmad Hassan warned Muslims not to invoke secret oaths and curses meant to harm and cause loss to other persons and their posses30 sions. In this obvious attack on the dukuns he also warned Muslims not to ask the aid of "creatures and objects believed to have miraculous power," for such favors as "asking for a child, asking to be liked by 31 people, asking to become rich." He clarified that there was no harm in wanting those things which he regarded as natural human desires, but maintained that such requests should be asked only of God, and that to ask then of other "creatures and objects" was to place such "creatures and objects" on a par with God. Ahmad Hassan pointedly stated that any person who made such a comparison was an idolator (mshrik). and that 32 his very standing as a Muslim and a believer was in jeopardy. Hadji Moenawar Chalil, in a fatwa on a related subject, admonished Muslims not to confuse the practices of the dukuns. particularly in regard to amulets, with proper religious behavior. He stressed that even though the dukun attempted to associate amulets with Islam by including Qur’anic texts and religious phrases, that such practices had no religious Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 121] === foundation whatsover and were to be disregarded as a means of obtaining spiritual aid. Moenawar Chalil warned particularly against the practice of reciting a portion of surah Ta Sin before a container of water and then using the water as a medicine to cure a sick person.^ Hadji Kahmoed tAzia agreed with Moenawar Chalil and particularly cited "amulets, charms and blessed objects” as being in the category which constitute shirk. Mystical practices. Mystical practice, such as the trance-state, and the repetition of formulae intended to induce the trance-state, has a long history on Java and in several other Indonesian areas. Shaoanistic practices pre ceded Islam in the Archipelago, influenced and were influenced by Buddhism and Hinduism during the dominance of these two religions in the Malay area, and in turn accepted concepts and contributed to Muslim stati cal practices when Islam finally arrived. A large number of Muslim brotherhoods have existed in Indonesia— the Naqshabarilyah. the Shattar&ah. the Qadirlyah and the Tijanlyah— representing the mainstream of Muslim mystical practice. A large number of heterodox orders that mix Islamic sufi practices with Buddhist, Christian and shamanistic practices have also come into existence, while practitioners of magic, the dukuns. also use trance-states and repetition of formulae as part of their ritual.^5 These dukuns are eclectic and they select those practices, regardless of the source, that appear to strengthen their magical powers and aid them in affecting cures, predicting future events and casting spells. In this manner several practices common to Islamic mysticism, such as the various forms of the dhikr (tahlTl. takblr. and taablh) have come to be used by Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 122] === nary dnkuns as part of their own ritual, eren though dukuns rarely claim that their nystical practices have any connection with Islam, or even that the powers they supposedly receive from the performance of such systical practices come from God. 36 The Persatuan Islam generally held nysticism suspect, whether auto chthonous or tagawwuf. and maintained that it was at best innovation (bldcah) in worship, and at its worst, idolatry. It viewed the mysticism practiced by the sufl orders as far removed from the simplicity and purity of early Must la sufl practice because of its accretion of alien practices and c u s t o m s, a n d the emphasis on mystical practice to the exclusion of other religious obligations. Specifically the Persatuan Islam attacked the sufl contention that nystical experience revealed "the truth of a thing" and was therefore more important than the regular manner of worship, i.e., prayer, fasting and the ha.1,1. Absorbed as it was in the observance of correct religious behavior the Persatuan Islam found the frequent sufl omission of prescribed religious ritual as contrary to Islamic law, and the substitution of sufl nystical practice as bidIah. The proper role for nysticism, accord ing to the Persatuan Islam, was for sufls to recognize the overriding importance of proper ritual and to abandon those practices not in accord with Qur*an and the sunnah of the Prophet. Hadji Jftohmoed- 'Asia concluded that the proper role for mysticism was not the full-blown, all-embracing institution it had developed into over the centuries, but only a process to prepare man's soul for worship, and to allow religious contemplation,^ The Persatuan Islam dismissed the practices of the dukuns and other Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 123] === practitioners of mysticism as wrong and outside the pale of Islam, Persis writers, concerned as they were with a description of Islam, had little to say about the practices of dukuns since they clearly regarded them as outside Islam* 39 In separate fatwas, however, both Moenawar Chalil and Ahmad Hassan stated that recitation of the dhikr. although a good act, has no validity unless performed at the proper time and in the proper place. Presumably this argument was used as a condemnation of the dukun’s prac tice of repeating the dhikr in his nystical practices* Persis leaders probably believed, howdver, that reform in the gufi brotherhoods would define the limits of mystical practice acceptable to Islam, and clearly indicate that other nystical practices outside such defined limits were clearly not to be associated with Islam* Intercession and saint worship. As in most countries of the world the worship of saints is not un common in Indonesia, In ancient times the Indonesians apparently honored ancestors, and during the Hindu and Buddhist periods religious images* Such practices continued after Islam arrived, and Indonesian Muslims visited the tombs of holy men, such as those of the nine walls, the first propagators of Islam on Java, or of sainted mystics, to ask their favor and intercession* The usual practice is to visit the tomb of a saint and make a vow to perform a certain deed if the saint will cause certain favorable events to come to pass* Incense, rice and flowers are taken to the tomb as an offering, and an Arabic incantation, usually a portion of the Qur*an. is recited, thus giving an Islamic color to the custom*^ The Persatuan Islam regarded saint worship as un-Islamic, and attacked Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 124] === the practice in several fatwa. in several periodical articles, and in at least one major theological work.^ In general, the Persis attack centered on the problem of intercession, and on what it regarded as the proper manner in which Mislims were permitted to visit and pray at tombs. In At-Tauhied Ahmad Hassan stated that the Oar*an and badlth command that prayer be addressed directly to Allah without any such formula as "with the blessing of the Prophet."^ He further stated that during the Prophet's lifetime the Companions asked Muhammad to pray for them but "after he died they did not ever ask his spirit, or at his grave.. • Ahmad Hassan argued that if it would have been correct to ask for the Prophet's intercession after his death, the Companions would have done However, the actual practice of the Companions was to ask a leading member of their group to conduct prayers on their behalf, and that member then prayed direct to Allah and never invoked the Prophet as an intercessor. 45 According to Ahmad Hassan these two clarifications, i.e., the virtual prohibition of intercession in the Qur’an and badlth. and its non-exist ence among the Companions, also clarifies the matter of intercession with the names of holy men. such as: Prayers should not be "clothed with intercession, *0 God, grant me *. • with the blessedness of the Apostle of God or ‘Abdul Qadlr Jalanl, or others.'*^ Ahmad Hassan gave further clarification of the Persatuan Islam's viewpoint concerning intercession in a short discussion entitled "Praying to Someone other than God". He stated that the problem of intercession has plagued man for centuries, and that the ‘ulama* have constantly brought forth interpretations indi- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 125] === eating that intercession is not permitted in Islam* He noted, however, that despite this clarification many still have a compulsion to believe that intercession say be valid* Ahmad Hassan stated his con currence with the cnlaai*l8 consensus and noted that adherence to the doctrine of intercession could recreate the situation existing in Arabia Immediately prior to the arrival of Islam (Jahlllyah) when men built idols to Intercede for them with God, and then turned to worshipping the idols themselves* The Persatuan Islam pointed out two groups— the sufls and the Ba cAlawi Arabs— that it regarded as particularly guilty of perpetuating the doctrine of intercession and leading to the worship of idols, in this case, tombs of "holy men.” Persis writers stated that the sufl practice of a novice relying completely on the spiritual guidance of his teacher to discover the path to God, was a form of intercession* This dependence, Persia writers claimed, often placed the teacher in an exalted position and led to the growth of a cult about the persons of famous sufl teachers, first by the novices and later by other Muslima as well* After their deaths not infrequently the tombs of these saints became sites of visitation where with God. asked the saint to seek intercession far them A writer in Pembela Islam in 1933 noted a similar develop ment caused by the Ba cAlawI Arabs1 claim to special blessing and position among ttihasmad* because of their claim of direct descent from the Prophet The writer noted that several cults had grown up around several Ba cAlawI personages, such as Shaykh Habsbl Hadramaut, who used his claim to special blessing as a descendant of the Prophet to rein- Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 126] === force his high position as sufi shaykh. Persis writers strongly attacked the Ba Alawi practice of encouraging Muslims to visit the tombs of Ba Alawi saint8 to pray for the saint's intercession with God.^ Despite numerous Persis injunctions against intercession, Ahmad Hassan stated that visiting tombs is permissible for Muslims on the basis that the Prophet visited graveyards and allowed other to do so as veil. He described the purpose of the visit as to pray for the deceased and to "recall the Hereafter," & and stated that prayers in the graveyard should not be to aid a specific deceased Muslim— which could be done elsewhere— but should be of a general nature, and should call for God's blessing on all dead believers. 51 Here again Ahmad Hassan warned against innovation (bid ah) and cautioned Muslims not to adhere to a regular schedule in their visits, and to altoid visiting particular graves, on the grounds that sahih hadith did not describe or define any established procedure in the matter. 52 Wayang and popular theaters. The attitude of the Persatuan Islam regarding the Indonesian shadow theater— the wayang leulit— and its counterpart, the wajang orangq a {lay performed by human actors, is not stated in the primary works of its major writers. In a single reference pertinent to the subject Ahmad Hassan stated that it was strongly forbidden for women to appear in public in the garb of men, a decision perhaps aimed against the wa.lang 53 orang where women played all roles, both those of men and women, J The organization's viewpoint toward the wajang theater, however, was probably not fundamentally different from that of the Hahdlatul Plana and the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 127] === Mnhaimadljah which rejected this art fora, so popular among the Javanese, on the basis that it was opposed to Islam because of its Hindu content. The wa.jang theater had strong roots in the non-Islamic Javanese past, and the plots and content of the performances usually revolved about tales and allegories from Hindu and early Javanese tradition; all factors accounting far their distastefulness for strict Muslim groups.^ As for the popular theater (toneel majruf), that is, the stage play similar to that found in the Vest, the Persatuan Islam expressed only a slightly more tolerant attitude. Hadji Hahmoed 'Aziz maintained that it was forbidden for to see and act in such plays because of the free association of men and women in them which violated Islamic social ethics. As support for his viewpoint he cited a badlth. recorded by Ahmad Ibn Hahbal, stating that a good Muslim will not be together alone with a woman not his relative, "because the third person there is a shaytan.11^ Ahmad Hassan defined the problem somewhat differently, and stated that all plays in which men and women (the women not being related to the men) performed could not be seen by men. However, plays in which men alone act, or in which men with women who are their relatives act could be seen by women. However, in the field of entertainment, theory was quite different from actual practice, and it was not an uncommon practice among santrls. including members of the Persatuan Islam, to see stage plays and movies without undue concern for religiously unwarranted association of men and women among the actors. 57 The Persatuan Islam regarded the use of the drum and gamelan as depen dent upon the occasion of its use. The practice had grown up in the early Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 128] === days of Islam in the Archipelago of using both of these musical instru ments to attract the Indonesians to ^-slam, and it became the common practice at many mosques throughout Indonesia to use than for the call to worship. ^ Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz stated that this particular practice was an innovation in religious matters and maintained in a fatwa that drums might not be used to call people to worship, since the Prophet had - 59 rejected all means except the adzan. Abdulkadlr Hassan saw no objection to the use of drums or the gamelan at other festivities connected with religious ceremonies such as at a wedding, and stated that the criteria for its permissibility was tied in with the appropriateness of the music itself. He stated that if the music was suggestive, or appealed to the lower emotions, it was wrong, but if it was wholesome there was no 60 objection to its use from a religious standpoint. Finally, there were several other customs found among the Indonesians that the Persatuan Islam viewed as incompatible with Islam. The practice of men's wearing gold and silver ornaments, quite popular on Java, was judged by Ahmad Hassan as wrong because, according to a badlth, the Prophet had not allowed it.^* He pointed out, however, that for the most part there were no restrictions on the clothing worn by a Muslim, that there was no dress peculiar to a Muslim and that except for the minor restriction on gold in clothing, Muslims had the greatest latitude in wear|tLng apparel. On the same basis, i.e., restriction by badlth. the Persatuan Islam also rejected the Indonesian custom of women thinning their eyebrows and filing their front teeth, both practices common throughout the Archipelago as a means to enhance feminine beauty. 62 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 129] === These particular customs were representative of the problems that Muslima faced in Indonesia in implementing their religion, i.e., replacing those customs that were ojactionable to Islam, and realigning the loyalty of Indonesians from their ovn(adat system to that of Islam and the shari*ah. Ahmad Hassan, as we have already stated in the chapter concerning his religious belief, believed that the Sharicah was not meant to totally displace^adat— and in several fatwas on the legality of specific ‘adat customs he restated his belief that such of adat law could stand along- 63 side the Sharicah. It was apparent, however, by the large number of objections he had to*adat— slametans. wajang theater, dukuns and wearing ornaments— that Ahmad Hassan believed that adat would be acceptable only in a thoroughly altered form and totally subservient to the Sharlcah. In the final analysis, it seems that the Persatuan Islam's viewpoint on this matter was not really greatly different from the attitude of the Middle East culama> who allowed curf a significant place in law, but also claimed to reject that portion of custom it found in conflict with the revealed law of God. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 130] === - 120- Footnotes for Chapter 5 L' She above, pp. 6-9. Pennai (Persatuan Bakjat Marhaen Indonesia— Organization of the Indo nesian Common People) was founded later in December 1945* According to Clifford Geertz Pennai is an abangan organization seeking to adjust abangan practices with the modern world. See Geertz, Modiokuto. pp. 196-206. cAlI, The MnhflTnmatH ^ah Movement. pp. 91. 126; K. H. Mas Mansur, Risalah Tauhid dan S.lirlk (Book of Belief (Tawhld) and Disbelief (Shirk)). Surabaja, Peneleh, (after 1949). Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, De Islam in Nederlandsch-Indlg. Hollandia Drukkerij, 1913, pp. 41-42. Geertz, Modjokuto. p. 267. Ibid.. 2. Ibid.. 1-2. Hurgronje, De Islam, p. 31; "Kandoeri", Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Post-India, n. The use of the terms kanduri and slametan are somewhat misleading since neither is Indonesian, but rather both are derived from Arabic and Persian,. These two titles have, however, come to be attached to the practice of giving festive meals and replaced the older titles of pesta and perdjamuan. Ibid. 10 Ibid. Hurgronje, De Islam, p. 31* 12 Hurgronje, The Achehnese. Leiden, E. 13 Mbehammed Koenawar Chalil, "Tahlieldan makan-makandirumah orang kematianR (Tahili and eating in the house of the deceased). Sual-DJawab. No. 5, p. 37. Koenawar Chalil1s argument was actually less concerned with the religious implications than of the serious financial reper cussions on persons holding slametans. "... and this particular type of bldtah sometimes ruins people who are not well to do, for some times they sell their belongings, or place them in pawn, or borrow money to hold a slametan. and consequently they go into debt and become poor. Truly sound reasoning tells us that people in debt should not increase debts, but should be happy to liquidate their indebtedness." J. Brill, 1906, Baarn, I, p. 215. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 131] === 14 Ahmad Hassan, "Selamatan Hanll" (Feast celebrating pregnancy), SualDjawab. No. 7, p. 7* 15 Ibid. 16 Geertz, Modjokuto. p. 119; "Darihal makan-makan dirumah orang matin (Concerning eating in the house of the deceased), Sual-Djawab, Noi J?,rP* 33; Hurgronje, The Achehnese. I, p. 429. The practice is followed in different form in m&qy other Muslim countries. See Maurice Gaudefroy-Demombynes, M u « H « Institutions (translated byJohn D. MacGregor). London, George Allen & Unwin, 1950, p. 173* 17 Hurgronje, The Achehnese. I, p. 428. 16 "Darihal makan-makan diruoah orang matin, Sual-Djawab, No. 12, pp. 29-30. 19 AhmadHassan, "Makan-makan dirumahorang mati danbatasterlarangnja" (Meals in the house of thedeceased andthelimits ofthe prohibition), Sual-Djawab, No. 8, pp. 64-66. 20 Ibid.. 65. 21 Ibid.. 66. 22 Ahmad Hassan, "Tahliel" (Tahlll). Sual-Djawab. No. 8, p. 63. 23 Ibid.. 62. 24 "Darihal makan-makan dirumah orang mati," Sual-Djawab. No. 12, PP. 32-33. 25 Ahmad Hassan, "Tahliel," Sual-Djawab. No. 8, p. 63. 26 Ibid.. 64. 27 Ibid. 28 Ahmad Hassan, "Tahlil <fan Chandoeri," Psmbela Islam. No. 59 (March 9, 1933), p. 39. Al-Najn 39 states: "And that man hat): only that for which he maketh Ya Sin 54 (Pickthall translation 53) states: aught save what ye used to do." "Nor are ye requited 29 There are -various kinds of dukuns. bearing titles according to their sphere of activity and their manner of approach. There are midwives, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 132] === masseurs, mediums, circumcisors, harvest ritual specialists, wedding specialists, experts in numerical divination, sorcerers, specialists who cure by inserting golden needles under the skin, curers who rolyon spells, curers who employ herbs and other native medicines, specia lists in preventing natural misfortune, and curers whose powers are temprary and result of their having been entered by a spirit. Geertz, Modjokuto. pp. 144-145; Cf., K. H. Has Mansur, Risalah Tauhid dan Sjirlk. pp. 43-61, who, as Muhamniadijah leader undertook an active campaign to remove the influence of the dukun among Indonesian Muslims. 30 Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied. p. 46. 31 Ibid.. 49* "Hot a few people in Indonesia ask favors at graves which are considered to be holy, so also there are those who ask favors of guns, stones, wood, etc." Ibid.. 51* 32 Ibid.. 46. 33 Moehammad Moenawar Chalil, "Air Jaa-sien" (Water of la Sin), SualDjawab, No. 3, pp. 39-41* "Santris (i.e., dukuns who claim to be santris) usually employ changed passages from the Koran interpreted mystically, or magic bits of carefully drawn Arabic script chewed up and swallowed, or the like; and some santris claim that whatever curing "real Moslems" do is based on scientific medical knowledge included in the Koran hundreds of years before it was "discovered" in the West." Geertz, Modjokuto. p. 146. 34 Hadji Hahmoed 'Aziz, "Tachijul, 'Azimah, Keramat" (Superstitions,.charms, blessings), Sual-Djawab. No. 4, pp. 25-26. 35 Hurgronje, De Islam, pp. 41-42. See Georges Henri Bousquet, Intro duction a l 1etude de 1 'Islam Indonesian (Introduction to the study of Indonesian IslamJ. Paris, Paul duenther, 1936, pp. 201-202 who has some brief remarks on the status of mystic orders in Indonesia. 36 Geertz, Modjokuto. p. 146. 37 Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Hagiqat, Marifat, Sjari'at dan Thariqat" (Qaqlqah, Ma'rlfah, Shari'ah and f&rlqah), Sual-Djawab. No. 1, p. 31. 36 Ibid. 39 Hadji Hahmoed 'Aziz, "Tachijul, 'Azimah, Keramat," Sual-Djawab. No. 4, pp. 25-26. 40 Ahmad Hassan, "Tahliel," Sual-Djawab. No. 8, p. 62; Mbehammed Moenawar Chalil, "Tahliel dan makan-makan dirumah orang kematian," Sual-Djawab. No. 5, p. 37. 41 Landon, Southeast Asia, pp. 155-156; Bousquet, Introduction a 1'etude Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 133] === -123de 1'Islam Indonesian. pp. 202-207; see also Mansur, Sisalah Tauhid dan Sjirik. pp. 16-21 for a condemnation of such practices. 42 See for example, Peabela Islam. No. 61 (Kay 1933), PP» 23-26. 43 Ahmad Hassan, "Tawassul" (Intercession), Sual-Djawab. No. 3, P* 15* Ahmad Hassan clarified that there_is only one badlth. regarded as weak by the original collectors of badlth. which justifies a contrary stand. al-Jawhar al-Munadhdhan related that the Prophet once said *After Adam did wrong he called '0 God, I ask you through Muhammad to forgive me.'" Ibid.. 11. 44 Ahmad Hassan, At-Taahled. p. 50. 45 Ahmad Hassan, "Tawassul", Sual-Djawab. No. 3, P* 15* 46 Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhled. p. 52. "Not a few people of the Hadramaut asked: *0 Muchdlar help me! 0 'Aidarusl" Ibid.. 50-51. 47 Ahmad Hassan, "Berdoa kepada jang lain dari Allah" (Praying to some one other than. God), Sual-Djawab. No. 1, p. 22. "They knew that these idols were not able to furnish any aid with their own power, but they worshipped the idols with the purpose that these idols would ask God or intercede with God." Ibid.. 21. 48 Hadji Hahmoed 'Aziz, "Haqiqat, Ha'rifat, Sjari'at dan Thariqat," Sual-Djawab. No. 1, p. 31* 49 A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba 'Alwi tentang ziarah qoeboer dan bahaja-bahaja i'tiqad itoe (The belief of the Ba *Alawi concerning visiting grave yards and the dangers of that belief), Pembela Islam. No. 61 (Hay 9, 1933), pp* 23-27. Shaykh al-Habshl's tomb in Surabaja was the site of annual celebrations prior to World War II. Similar celebra tions were held at the tombs of other saints, many of them Hadrand Arabs, at Luar Batang, Djakarta, Tegal, Pekalongan and Bogor. Noer, The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement. p. 89; Cf. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese. II, pp. 288-300. 50 Ahmad Hassan based this viewpoint on a garilb badlth of Muslim, which states: "A small amount of peace (sent down by God) on them in the grave who are believers and Muslim. If it were desired by Allah we will meet them. We ask peace for us and for them." Ahmad Hassan, "Sedekah, pasang lampu, lallatul qadar dan ziarah kubur" (Religious meals, lighting candles, the Night of Power and visiting graveyards), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, p. 21. 51 Ibid. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 134] === 53 Ahmad Hassan, "Perempoean berpakaian lakL-lakin (Women dressing like men), Pembela Islam. No. 60 (April 1933)> P* 33* 54 For a description of wajang plays see Mantle Hood, "The Enduring Tradition: Music and Theater in Java and Bali" in Ruth Mc7ey (editor), Indonesia. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1963, pp. 438-471. For additional comments see also ran der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern World. II, pp. 162-181. 55 Hadji Hahmoed 'Aziz. "Main dan Lihat Toneel" (Performing in and viewing stage plays;, Sual-Djawab. No. 1, pp. 27-28. 56 Ahmad Hassan, "Tonel" (Plays), Pembela Islam. No. 60 (April 1933), P. 33. 57 See, for example, Ahmad Hassan's preference for plays and movies, as stated by WLdjaya, "Biografia— A. Hassan," Hodjdjatul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 41. 58 Landon, Southeast Asia, p. 149. 59 Hadji Hahmoed 'Aziz, "Tokok dan Beduk" (Drums), Sual-Djawab. No. 5, p. 28. 60 Ibid: Abdulkadir Hassan, "Gendang di Perkahwinan," Sual-Djawab. No, 14, pp. 79-80. 61 Ahmad Hassan, "Laki-laki pakai emas" (Hen wearing gold ornaments),^ Pembela Islam. No. 56 (December 1932), pp. 39-40. In another fatwS Ahmad Hassan stated that there is a dispute among culara* on whether wearing gold and silver ornaments is forbidden (baram) or merely reprehensible (makruh). Ahmad Hassan, "Memakai mas" (Wearing gold), Sual-Djawab. No. 6, p. 8; See also Landon, Southeast Asia, p. 153* 62 Ahmad Hassan, "Henghaluskan kening, aerenggangkan gigi" (Thining the eyebrows, spacing the teeth), Sual-Djawab. No. 11, pp. 5-6. 63 See for example, Ahmad Hassan, "Tanda Perawan" (Evidence of virgin ity), Sual-Djawab. No. 13, p. 72 for a specific instance of approval offadat. and Ahmad Hassan, "Eulit ular" (snake skins), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, pp. 4-8 for his general comments on'adat. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 135] === Chapter 6 Religion and the Nationalist Movement The nationalist movements. It is not the purpose of this essay to relate the history of the nationalist movement in Indonesia for our concern is limited to the period from about 1928 to 192*1 when Persis members participated in the nationalist movement. Studies of that movement and the intricate rela tionships between various factions can be found in a number of monographs in English, Dutch and Indonesian.^ In general there were three streams of political thought among the nationalists of Indonesia: the Muslims following Tjokroaminoto and the Sarekat Islam, the secularists led by Sukarno, and the Communists led by Semaun, Tan Malaka and Alin&n. The Sarekat Islam, founded in 1912 by Muslim, merchants for economic and social purposes, was the first Indonesian mass political movement, and it dominated the nationalist scene for over fifteen years, initially followed a policy of cooperation with the Dutch, but dissatis faction with the limited role the Dutch allowed Indonesians in the govern ing process led to the adoption of a policy of non-cooperation and strikes in the early 1920’s. After 1917, however, much of the Sarekat Islam’s effectiveness was dissipated in a struggle for t'ontrol of the organization between extremists who wanted to foment revolution and adopt Marxist doctrines, and Muslim moderates who wanted Muslim principles to prevail. In 1921 the more religious members succeeded in expelling Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 136] === the Communists and extremists from the Sarekat Islam, bat in doing this so disoriented the organization that it mas unable to quell factionalism among its remaining members or agree on a dynamic program capable of retaining popular support, Nevertheless, until the beginning of the Second World War the Muslims, organized in several parties as a result of schisms in the Sarekat Islam, remained a considerable force in the nationalist movement. nationalism based on secularism— as opposed to Muslim nationalismreceived its impetus from students sent to the Netherlands to study by the Dutch Colonial Administration. These students were impressed with the West's technical progress, its ideals of personal liberty and by socialist concepts of economic justice then under considerable discussion in European schools. Having only a superficial religious training for the most part, these students tended to view religion— specifically Islam— as tied to the past, Incapable of providing answers to modem problems, and at least partly responsible for Indonesia's 300 year position as a colony. They came to believe that the best way to achieve independence and build a strong Indonesian state was to follow the secular trend of the West and confine religion to the areas of individual belief and worship. The secular governments established in Persia, Egypt and Turkey, which seemed dynamic and promising in their beginnings, reinforced the viewpoint of these Indonesian students. In Indonesia these returning students gravitated towards groups, like the BuAL Utoao and Soetomo's study clubs, that stressed Javanese values rather than Muslim principles.^ Sukarno, an exponent of the Javanese-secularist approach, believed that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 137] === political cooperation between secularists and Muslims was essential for attaining independence, and in 1931 established the PPPKI (Permoefakatan Per>^«ri »nan2 PolitUc Kebangsaan Indonesia—-Consultation of National Political Organisations in Indonesia) as a united front containing both factions. The experiment failed after only a few years because Muslim ideals and religious practices clashed sharply with the secularist phil osophy ani actions, which led to mutual recriminations from the very beginning.^ While limited cooperation between the two factions continued on an ad hoc basis throughout the Colonial period, a debate on what principles should properly underlie the nationalist movement was carried on between the Uu«n»a and the secular nationalists. The third trend of Indonesian political though and action was Com munism, which tied itself to the Sarekat Islam movement until 1921 and then until 1926 worked through the trade union movement. Its efforts to promote revolution through a series of nation wide strikes proved unsuccessful in 1927, and Dutch security measures forced the party under ground. With its leadership either in prison or in exile, the CosmuniBts played only a slight role in the nationalist movement from 1927 to 1942.^ Persatuan Islam views regarding nationalism. In its 1931 report the Dutch East Indies Administration stated that the Persatuan Islam was not a political organisation, but that many of its members were active politically and could be found in both the two major parties existing at that time, the Sarekat Islam and the Nationalist Party. While not a political organization the Persatuan Islam did advo cate a specific political viewpoint and in the decade of the 1930's this Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 138] === viewpoint brought it into conflict not only with the secularists as night have been expected, but with the Sarekat Islam as well* The Persatuan Islam was committed to the Muslim nationalist viewpoint and throughout the 1930's Pembela Islam and Al-Lisan published numerous articles supporting that viewpoint and condemning those of the secularists The editorial line, expressed primarily in the articles of Sabirin, Natsir and Fachroeddin al-Kahiri, followed the viewpoint prevalent in the Sarekat Islam faction led by Hadji Agus Salim and Abdoel Muis, which accentuated the religious content of politics and stressed the importance of cooperation among all Muslims of the Middle East and Asia, i.e, Panislamisnu In these articles the secularists were attacked for insisting on law other than the Shari*ah and for limiting the independence move ment to Indonesia and not seeking the independence of all Muslim peoples under colonial rule. 1 In short, succinct and penetrating articles entitled "Merdeka buat apa?" (Freedom for what?), "Kebangsaan djangan di bawa-bawan (Nationalism should not be involved), and similar titles, Pembela Islam attacked the nationalists on these two counts* Fachroeddin al-Kahiri1s article appearing in Pembela Islam in 1933 summed up the Muslims1 attitude very well. So long as the Muslims of Indonesia consider Indonesian free dom as more important than the freedom of all Muslims, consider politics as more important than worship,... exchange obedience to the kl.lai for obedience to the leader,... consider emotions more important than examination of substance,... and consider the enemies endangering Indonesian freedom more important than the enemies who endanger Islam,... so long will Indonesian freedom remain only a phrase on the lips. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 139] === -129- Heaponae to- seealarlat arguments. Secularists stated that Islam could not be the basis for a united nationalist movement since Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and even anioists were also involved and vrould not support a movement intended to favor Islam and place themselves in a subservient position* Secularism, stated the secularists, vrould be a logical compromise since it did not favor any religious group, yet allowed every person to follow his own religious principles and obligations* The Muslims responded that ninety percent of the Indonesian population was Muslim, and such an overwhelming majority should determine the basic principles and direction of the nationalist movement. "Is it fitting" queried Ahmad Hassan in Islam dan Kebangsaan. "that we blot out the importance of the 90£ majority because of the 10£ minority? Would such a settlement be fair?" 10 Moreover, continued the Muslim argument, the adoption of Islamic principlesby the nationalist movement was not incompatible with the inclusion of members of other religions whose rights would be respected by Islam. "Like it or not," stated Ahmad Hassan, "a Muslim must always employ Islam in all places and in all things* ... as for other groups this is not true* Their religion does not forbid them to follow any particular basis. Whoever does so, does it from personal preference, which can be changed."^Muslims pointed out that in a Muslim oriented movement members of other religions would be protected and given certain rights— a guarantee other religions, particularly the Christians, Viewed with suspicion and out right hostility, believing that Muslim guarantees would relegate them to second class membership with little voice in the policy of the movement* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 140] === -130- The teallas attacked the secularist argument that secularism would be acceptable to all groups by stating that Islam placed an obligation on every Muslin to place Islamic principles in effect in the state and society* Muslin writers noted that Islam contained not only rules con cerning actual worship, but included rules regulating political, social and economic life as well that would be unable to function through secular law* The Persatuan Islam explained this in terms of its concept of inter related legal systems and charged that secular concepts were really an attempt to displace the sacred law of the Sharicah with wadcI or created law.12 The content of nationalism was a major subject of debate between secularists and Muslima in the late 1920*8 and early 1930‘s. In the period between 1912 and 1926 the Sarekat Islam had dominated the political scene in Indonesia and Islam was consequently recognised as a chief ingreient of nationalism. With the stagnation of the movement in the late 1920's and the rise of new leaders like Sukarno, Hatta and Soetomo, a new meaning was given to nationalism, one not-wholly acceptable to Muslima. These leaders saw the Muslim concept of nationalism as incap able of mobilising enough support to drive out the Dutch, despite fifteen years of effort* At the same time they saw that partieularist feeling had grown among certain ethnic groups to a point where it might fragment Indonesian unity. These leaders, and particularly Sukarno, attempted to synthesize a national culture that would appeal to all Indonesian groups regardless of religious belief or ethnic association* This new Indonesian culture extolled the glories of the empires of Srivijaya and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 141] === -isHadjapahit, and pictured then as having formed an Indonesian nation with a distinctive Indonesian culture. In this concept nationalism was presented as the movement which was to usher in a new Indonesia reflecting the glories of those past empires.13 Huailisa never really saw Sukarno's synthesis between secularism and Old Java as representing a culture acceptable to all Indonesians. Mus lins labelled the concept nJavanisan and regarded it as another of the many ethnic and regional movements calling itself nationalism. 14 Hoehamnad Hatsir, writing in Pembela Islsm. stated that without Islam, there was no Indonesian nationalism since Islam had "first planted the seeds of Indonesian unity, removed the attitudes of isolation of various islands... and planted the seeds of brotherhood with (Muslims) outside Indonesia. He stated that nationalism advocated by the secularists broke down on ethnic lines (suku bangsa) and that only Islam had an appeal to "hundreds of thousands of people" throughout the whole of Indonesia.^ There were also differences between the secularists and the Muslims concerning the limits of the nationalist struggle, During the heyday of the Sarekat Islam Tjokroaminoto argued for Muslim endeavor confined to Indonesia. There was a faction, however, led by Hadji Agus Salim, that saw the Indonesian struggle for independence as only one part of a gigantic effort by Muslins throughout Asia and the Hear Hast to drive out European rule. After its 1921 decision to rid the party of Coaamnlsta, and the consequent loss of a large part of its membership while enforcing party discipline, the Sarekat Islam seized upon panislamic feeling to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 142] === mobilize Muslim support for the party. The Sarekat Islam sponsored ten Al-Ialam congresses and the short-lived MAIHS (Islamic World CouncilEast Indies Branch) to promote Muslim political efforts in Indonesia and abroad. These congresses passed resolutions on Palestine,?and the caliphate question, but primary emphasis continued to be on national issues and Indonesian Muslim problems.^ The secularists, particularly after Sukarno gained control, viewed the Indonesian struggle as limited to Indonesia, and solely dependent on Indonesian resources and efforts. The secular nationalists stated their sympathy with other movements to gain independence, but maintained that freedom could best be achieved on a national basis, with every people seeking to gain independence in their own land. In a speech in 1926 just after he had gained control of the Bationalist Party, Sukarno confirmed this position by stating that Indonesian national aspirations could only be achieved through Indonesian efforts and that Indonesians could not rely on help coming either from the panielasdsm of the Muslim world or from the international Coimnnlst movement in Moscow,18 The Persatuan Islam supported the panislamic position in its propa ganda and rejected nationalism as advanced by the Sukarno group for placing national goals ahead of religion, and creating "artificial" national boundaries that would perpetuate divisions in the Muslim com munity. The organization'8 viewpoint was well expressed in a Pembela Islam editorial in 1931 which stated that "Islam does not, properly speaking, contain nationalism, or that which leads to a consideration of national importance alone •., separated from moral law and humanity."^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 143] === -133- In Itlaa dan Kebangsaan Ahmad Hassan explained that there mas no religions prohibition against loving one’s country, and he generally recognized that the national state was the practical political organization for the current age. ^e stated, however, that it was the first duty of all Muslims to form a single community (amah) patterned after the uamah organized by Muhammad. He cited several sahib badlth that condemn a narrow partisanship20 that promotes the interests of a smallgroup or tribe at the expense of the Muslim community as a whole, andconcluded that, on that basis Muslim political efforts were not to be limited by national boundaries, but ware to be undertaken in such a wayas to 21 benefit Muslims everywhere. So convinced were the members of the Persatuan Islam of the validity of this stqnd that they held firm to it long after many other politically active Muslim groups adopted policies 22 less antagonistic toward the secularists. It was only in 1945 that the Persatuan Islam put aside its differences for the sake of national unity, and then agreed to only a temporary truce. The differences between the secularists and Muslims concerning the limits of nationalistic endeavor eventually centered in the early 1930's about the problem of the ba.11. Dr. Soetomo, an advocate of Javanese culture as the basis of Indonesian nationalism, stated that the kacabah was an idol of the Arabs and Digul prison camp, where nationalist leaders had been interned, was better than Makkah. He maintained that people "went to Digul” out of conviction while Muslims went to Makkah only because of a religious obligation.2^ This charge reflected general secularist thinking about many of the obligations Islam imposed on its Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 144] === rollovers, and the ba.1.1 in particular, which drew attention away from nationalist efforts was viewed as a meaningless ritual connected with another country, and of considerably less importance than contemporary Indonesian political endeavors. Consequently secularist leaders' argu ments stressed that the ha.1.1 was really only an Arab device designed to increase their own wealth at the expense of the non-Arab Muslims.^ The Muslins considered such statements as an effort to degrade and ridicule a basic tenet of their religion, and numerous protests were made by Muslim organizations and personalities denouncing the nationalist allegations. In Islam dan Kebangsaan Ahmad Hassan warned Muslims to be aware of professions by the nationalists which tended to emphasize things Indonesian and to dismiss basic practices of Islam as "Arabian” 25 which could be easily and safely dismissed. Believers should mark anyone who speaks of Digul as being better than Makkah 1 Anyone who orders the moving of the qiblah to ParadeI Anyone who abuses the Prophet Hub&aaad and refers to him. as the old fellow of the people of SfiahwahJ Anyone who holds the law of polygamy revealed by God as wrong... I Watch out I2® On another tact Moehmmad Matsir attempted to answer the charge that the ba.1.1 represented a perennial loss of income to Indonesia that could not be afforded in economic and political terms comprehensible to the secularists. Hatsir accused his opponents of following Western theories of mercantilism with their stress on goods and balance of payments, and claimed that a nation's economic wealth was really measured in both "visible and invisible assets." The ball, he stated, was an example of "invisible assets" and as such had tremendous value, particularly in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 145] === the villages where the enlightened had.ii worked diligently and without fanfare for religious goals after his return froa Makkah. hatsir main tained that the Colonial Administration always feared the ba.1.1. even as it feared the *spectre of Pan-Islamisn and the development of an Islamic 28 spirit." He stated that Snouck Hurgronje's recommendations were evidence of this, for while Hurgroh'je had recommended continuation of the ball he also urged the obstruction of the ba.1.11s influence by initia ting widespread Western education. Hatsir accused the nationalists of having fallen into the trap, and of obstructing the ba.1.1 through a "new-type blind imitation" to Western books. Western style education within Indonesia "devours several million rupiah every year" which is 29 lost to the Dutch. Moreover, he charged, if one talks about loss of money due to the ba.1.1 one should also consider the cost of maintaining a student in a Western country. Hatsir maintained that the real exploita tion in the ball was not by the Arabs who were fellow Muslims and opposed to colonialism, but by the Dutch who made profit out of transporting pilgrims. The answer to this problem, explained Natsir, was not to abolish the ba.1.1 but to establish a Muslim controlled body for the control of pilgrim affairs, including transportation, so that Muslims might reduce the costs, and prevent the Europeans froa profiting froa a 30 religious activity. Another point of friction in the Indonesian nationalist movement in the 1930's was the secularist view of Islam as a moribund religion, retrospective of departed glories; unconcerned with, and hence incapable of, providing answers to modern questions. "Kilahis." lamented Sukarno Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 146] === in hia correspondence with Ahmad Hassan, “often have no feeling for or 31 touch with history," and confuse the past with the present. The secularists argued that the Muslim past could not be recaptured, and that a new culture was needed to take its own place in history. "Society," stated Sukarno, "asks to be developed, to the forefront, onward, upward, to 'the future,' and cannot ever be called upon to 'return' 1"^ The nationalists cited the cases of Egypt, Persia, Iraq, and especially Turkey, as examples of nations with predominantly Muslin populations that had found it necessary to separate "church" from "state” in order to ensure progress, and in order to more their nations into contact and Muslims countercharged that secular nationalists knew very little about Islam, certainly did not understand it, and were really imitating the separation of church and state as practiced in Europe. Kaarn muda Muslims stated that the spirit and content of the Qur^an was as suited to contemporary life as to the life of Makkah and H&dinah in the seventh 34 century. Agus Salim was able to undercut the Commnlst position at the 1921 Congress of the Sarekat Islam by stating that Marxism had no monopoly on socialism and that socialism was justified in the Parian and 35 had even been practiced by Muhammad. In a like manner Ahmad Hassan argued ten years later that democracy was supported by the Qur*an and 36 had been practiced at the time of the Prophet. Ahmad Hassan stated that with laws revealed to the Prophet, wnaHna had established a 37 "government without equal in performance or in length of time."^' Ahmad Hassan also stated that the principles of Islam, and the laws it prescribed Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 147] === ■137would 8till function well and affectively in the modern period, for they were adaptable to any time and place. The reason for the backwardness of ■any Muslim countries— and he specifically indicated Turkey, Egypt and Persia, who had adopted secular legal systems and put aside religious law as antiquated— was caused by the failure of Muslims in those countries to adapt religious laws and principles to the contemporary world. Ahimd Hassan charged that secularist leaders, like Kemal Ataturk in Turkey and Biza Pahlevi in Iran, regarded as progressive leaders by the Indonesian secularists, were really ignorant of Islam and afraid that Muslims would 28 displace them in a properly run Islamic state. The separation of "church" and "state" was, therefore, an important part of the polemic between the two groups throughout the twenty years preceding the Second World War. The secularists viewed Ataturk and Pahlevi as reformers who had eliminated foreign influence and introduced modernism and progress in their countries. They tended to ignore or minimize any actions of these leaders that were opposed to religion and charged that Muslims who complained of Ataturk and Pahlevi'a harshness toward religious leaders and disregard for Muslim custom were unapprecia tive of their greatness. In his correspondence with Ahmad Hassan, Sukarno chided the Muslims for that viewpoint. Ignorance in religious matters was what forced Ibn al-Sucud to tear down the transmission towers of Badio Madinah and it is ignorance that leads MnwHn* to misunderstand many of the measures.taken by Kemal Ataturk, Biza Khan Pahlevi or Joseph Stalin. For his part Ahmad Hassan cited what he regarded as shortcomings in secular Turkey and Persia and stated that the inferiority of those states Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 148] === -138was shown in that "brandy, adultery, gambling and other sins are.wide spread, even to the extent of actually being permissible."^ Further proof of their inadequacy, he stated, could clearly be seen in the num erous problems of security such states had, while the "kingdoms of Aghanistan and Ibn'Su'ud, which employ Islamic laws, do not have.*^ On this question of church and state Moehammad Natsir presented a more reasoned reply designed to undercut secularist arguments. Natsir started from the assumption that a backward state is backward because its leadership and population is not progressive, and that merely changing the form of government or separating religious and secular functions would not guarantee progress. "What must be separated out" he argued, "are evil, sin, disobedience, disbelief, and greed that destroy the power of the ummah. that lower morals and ethics, that close the gate of earthly glory and the prosperity of the Hereafter." In its place a relationship between the spirit of man with God, through worship, should be established, and this would lead to a "progress that is true progress. He maintained that since life on earth and life in the Hereafter are really identical in that one leads into the other, the religious and secular should be joined together, to ensure the fulfillment of the religious obligations commanded by religion. Natsir concluded that in such a context the action of Ataturk and Pahlevi was really a step back ward for the Muslim populations of their countries.^ While the Persatuan Islam attacked the nationalists with many of the same arguments used by other >fanH« groups, one argument was peculiar to it alone. That argument attacked the nationalists for raising the concept Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 149] === of nationalism above all other values, and charged that the adoption of a flag and national anthem, and the deference given to national heroes and dead leaders of the movement, was apt to take on a meaning rivaling religion and lead individuals to disbelief (shirk), Hadji Hahmoed 'Aziz stated that these symbols might soon be regarded as having some special significance, and eventually come to be regarded as serving as a mediary between God and man, even as saints and holy men had been mistakenly regarded by Muslims in the past.^ In Ahmad Hassan's viewpoint there was a possibility that such practices could even create a situation similar to that existing during the pre-Islatdc period (Jahillyah) when the Qurayah honored idols— not to worship them— but in order that the idols intercede with God on the worshippers behilf*^ While there is no record of any nationalist reply to this charge, they presumably stressed that religion should be limited to its ceremonial aspects, and that the Persatuan Islam's charge was not in line with contemporary thought. In any event the nationalists used all three— the song, the flag, and the honoring of dead leaders— as emotional rallying devices* These were particularly effective after independence was declared in 1945* View toward participation in politics. There is evidence that members of the Persatuan Islam belonged to the nationalist Party, and that even those in the Sarekat Islam ireren&a1 favor of unity efforts with the Nationalists in the period from 1928 to 1933* However, the development of polemic between the Muslims and the nationalists toward the end of that period, and particularly the heated discussions concerning the faajj and polygamy appear to have set the Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 150] === Persatuan Islam firmly against the nationalists. The movement chided such Muslim organisations as the Persatoean Moealimoen Indonesia (PWEIndoneaian Muslim Union), which based its organization on "Islam and nationalism” and entered into limited cooperation with the nationalists. In Islam dan Kebangsaan Ahmad Hassan stated that it was inconceivable that Muslims would cooperate with the nationalists, since the nationalists were unwilling to allow the Muslims freedom to carry out their religious obligations to their fullest extent. He warned Muslims to be on guard against secularist leaders who asked for cooperation but ware really insincere in their approach. Beware of them "who only profess the role of a Muslim when meeting believers, but who, after departing, tighten their lips out of hatred for us because we do not favor their principles of nationalism.” Beware of the hypocrite, he continued, for "if they are able to succeed in the struggle, certainly they will suppress us as much as possible I” He also stated that since the secularists actively threatened religion, it was the duty of every Muslim to enter the politi cal arena and help defend Islam. That could best be accomplished, he maintained, by Muslim participation only in Muslin organizations, and by the unification of all Muslim movements in a united front. ^ The Persis quarrel with the Sarekat Islam. Persia members may have advocated Muslim unity, but their strong insistence on-the reform of religious matters according to the Persis way of thinking was viewed by many Muslim leaders as detrimental to Muslin unity. Persis concern with what constituted proper religious behavior, and Persis insistence that other groups accept their stand- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 151] === -M*point on such issues as taqlid, talqin and niyah were carried over into the Mislin political movement by Persia members. The Persatu&n Islam explained that the decline of Islam's political power had been caused by Muslim neglect of religious principles and the weakening of those principles by innovation. Only by reestablishing these principles in their unaltered fora could Islam regain its strength. Persia members believed that to this end it was necessary that open discussion be allowed in Muslim political groups so that bldfah could be revealed for what it w a a. ^ This stress on airing differences of opinion conflicted sharply with the view of Tjokroaainoto who believed that differences between various Muslim groups, including differences between kaum muda and kaum tua. should be minimized in the belief that such differences created a split in unity, weakened Muslim political strength, and detracted from efforts against the external threat to Islam. 52 Persatuan Islam members belonged in the large part to the Sarekat Islam, and the Sarekat Islam in the Bandung area was heavily financed by the Persatuan Islam. ® In early 1932, however, a dispute emerged in the Bandung Sarekat Islam between the members belonging to the Persatuan Islam and its supporters on one side, and the followers of Tjokroaminoto's unity view on the other, over the question of differences in religious belief.^ By June 1932 the dispute had become sufficiently serious to threaten unity and weaken the leadership, and the TjokroamjLnoto group in the Bandung organization conducted a "clearing away,” expelling a number of members who adhered to the Persia viewpoint. ^ Several members of the Persatuan Islam, including Ahmad Bassan, Moehammad Natsir and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 152] === Hadji Zaazam, were purged even though they had Bade no personal attacks on any Sarekat Ialaa leaders* Several other Persia meabers, including Sabirin, were not purged and continued to hold membership in both the Persatuan Islam and in the Sarekat Despite this rebuff froB the leading *faaHm political organization of the day, the Persatuan Islam did not depart from its viewpoint that Muslim political unity was incumbent on all Muslims. In the MHI (Madjella Islam A»la Indonesia— High Islamic Council of Indonesia), established in 1937 as a federation of all Indonesian Muslim organiza tions, the Persatuan Islam was a prominent member and took part in its religious and political activity until it was dissolved by the Japanese in 1942. 57 The Dutch analysis that the Persatuan Islam was not a political or ganization was not quite correct* The organization was not constituted for direct political activity, but its religious viewpoint (perhaps because it was an Islamic one) was so concerned with certain aspects of political behavior that its leaders found it necessary, and desirable, to take a political stand, to participate in politics themselves and to encourage its members— and indeed all Muslims— to participate as well* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 153] === -143Footnotes far Chapter 6 The best of the Indonesian studies Is L. M. Sitorus, Sedjarah Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia. A fine Dutch study for the early period is J. Th. Petrus Hlumberger, De Kationaliatische Beweging in Nederlandsch Indie, while the events between 1930 and 1942 are analyzed in J. H. Pluvier, Overzicht van de ontwikkeling der Nation alistische Beweging in Indonesie in de Jaren 1930 tot 1942 (Survey of the Development of the Nationalist Movement in the years from 1930 to 1942). The Hague and Bandung, W. van Hoeve, 1953. The best study in English is George M. Kahin, Nationalism and Revolu tion in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University, 1952. There are numerous writings on the Sarekat Islam. In addition to the standard works on Indonesian national ism see Jaylani, The Sarekat Islam; C. C. Berg, "Sarekat Islam.".Bicyclopedia of Islam; Fred R. von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia; Kapartaian dan Parlementarla Indonesia, pp. 335-384; and Amelz, H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto. 2 vols. The students club was founded in 1913 as a social organization with the name Indiache Vereinlging (Indies Association). In 1922 it adopted a political program and changed its name to Perhiapunan Indonesia (Indonesian Association). It published a periodical called Hindia Putra (Young Indies), later titled Indonesia Merdeka (Free Indonesia). Sitorus, Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia, pp. 34-39. For an outline of nationalist efforts with a Javanese bent see Vlekke, Nuaantara. pp. 380-383* J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "De Nationalistiseke Beweging in Nederlandsch Indie," Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Post-India. In addition to the general works on nationalism which cover the early Communist movement, see also Harry Benda and Ruth McVey, The Communist Uprisings m of 1926-1927 in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell, I960; D. N. Aidit. Ent Bitstehung und Entwicklung der Komamnlstischen Partai Indonesians. (Establishment and Development of the Indonesian Communist Party). Berlin, Dietz, 1956. "Mohammedaansche Eeredienat," Indische Verslag (1931)j P* 3 H * 8 Fachroeddin al-Kahiri, "Selama Moeslimin Indonesia...." (So long as the Indonesian Muslims.... ), Pembwla Islam. No. 59 (March 1933), P. 25. See, for example, Tamar Djaja, Pusaka Indonesia orang-orang Tanah Air (Indonesian Heritage of Great National Heroes). Bandung, G. Kolff, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 154] === - 144to establish a "viewpoint0). Dibawah Bandera Revoltiei (edited by Goenadi and liialliff Hasution). Djakarta, Panitya Penerbit Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, 1963, pp. 507-513» 10 Ahmad Hassan, Inlaa dan Kebangsaan. p. 41. 11 Ibid.. 49. 12 See above pp. 55-60. 13 Reflections of this appear in Sukarno's speeches before the war. This conception was probably best developed after Indonesian indepen dence by Moehaamad Yanin, See D. G, E. Hallj Historians of Southeast Asia. London, Oxford University Press, 1961, pp. 14&-149. 14 Moehaamad Natsir, "Kebangsaan Msesliain0 (Mislim nationalism), Peabela Islam. No. 42 (January 1932), pp. 2-3* 15 Moehaanad Natsir, "Meninggalkan tahun 1931, menodju tahon 1932" (Leaving 1931 *nd entering 1932), Peabela Islam. No. 39 (December 1931), P. 2. 16 Ibid. 17 Von der Mehden, Religion and National iga in Southeast Asia, p. 161. IS Kahin, Nationalism and Ravolntion in Indonesia, p. 91. 19 "Kebangsaan" (Nationalism), consisting of an undated letter from a PSIer(Partai Sarekat Islam) and a response by the Peabela Islam's editors. Peabela Islam. No. 29 (July 1931), pp. 2-6. 20 The word "partisanship" is used here to denote the Arabic term *asatlyah referred to in a number of badlth. and translated by Ahmad HasS&n into Indonesian as "kebangsaan", that is, "nationalism." Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. pp. 21-25. Similar is another editorial in Peabela~Ialaa which stated that "a nationalist worker is prepared to sacrifice his life, his mind, his wealth and his soul for national freedom, because of mother Indonesia" while the Muslim will make the same sacrifice "in the way of Allah because of Allah." "Bangsa (racial grouping) does not exist in the Qur,5n." the article concluded, "but the principle of nationalism is rejected, forbidden, and cursed by IkUlL^^i&aicnaLisme tiada bertentangan dengan Islam" (Nationalism that is not opposed to Islam), Peabela Islam. No. 60 (April 9, 1933), PP. 3-4. 21 Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. pp. 45-46* 22 The short article on Ahmad Hassan in Snaiklopadia Indonesia cites Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 155] === only hi3 opposition to secular nationalise See also Taoar Djaja, Pusaka Indonesia orang-orang besar Tarmh Air, p. 162. 23 Ibid.. 161. 24 Moehaamad Natsir, "Hadji, zakat, fithrah, riba, kawin-tjerai, d.1.1.11 (Hadji, zakat. fitrah, usury, marriage-divorce, etc), Peabela Islam. N o T 2 6 (May 193l), pp. 8-9. 25 Djaja, Pusaka Indonesia, p. 162. Ahmad Hassan1s uncompromising stand on this iBsue, and his refusal to drop the subject as a topic of debate at a time Muslims and secularists were looking for a basis of unity, was viewed by many on both sides as detrimental to the struggle for national freedom. 26 Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. pp. 16-17. 27 Natsir, "Hadji, zakat, fithrah, riba, kawin-tjerai, d.1.1.," Peabela Islam. No. 26 (May 1931), p. 10. 28 Ibid.. 9. 29 Ibid.. 11-12. 30 Ibid.. 12. Ha specifically mentioned the plans of the Muhanmadijah to form a Badan Penolong Hadji (Hadji's Aid Society). For more on this enterprise see *Ali, The Muhammadijah Movement, pp. 58 and 81) D. van der Meulen, "The Mecca Pilgrimage and its importance to the Netherlands East Indies," The Asiatic Review. XXXVT (July 1940), PP. 588-597. 31 Sukarno, "Surat-surat Islam dari EndeJj" (Letters concerning Islam from Endeh), Dibawah Bendera Revolusi. I, p. 332. 32 Ibid.. 334. 33 Ibid.. 336. 34 Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam, pp. 1-2; Dj., "Penjakit keBaratan" (Sickness of Westernism), Pembsla Islam, No. 55 (December 1932), p. 8. 35 Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, pp. 62, 69. 36 Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam, p. 3* 37 Ibid.. 2. 38 Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. p. 52. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 156] === -14639 Sukarno, "Surat-surat Islam dari Endeh," PP. 336-337. Dibawah Bandera Revolusi. 40 Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. p. $2. 41 Ibid.. p. 53. 42 Moehammad Natsir (writing tinder the name A* Muchlis), "Agama dan Negara” (Religion and State) in Moehammad Isa Anshaiy. Falsafah ' Perdjuangan Islam (The Philosophy of Islam's Struggle). Bandung, "Pasifik," 1949, p. 219. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. Natsir's many writings on nationalism are worth reading for their rational defense of Islam in this controversy. Several of these articles are outlined in English in Noer, The Modernist Muslim Move ment. pp. 427-432. 45 Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Memberi salam kepada bendera dan mentjium batu" (Saluting the flag and kissing stones), Snal-Djawab. No. 1, p. 35; see also Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. pp. 5S-6I. "First they build statues commemorating people, then the statues become places of respect, later they become places for paying homage, and not long after there are those who believe (the statues) to be God. "When the flag was originally created... it was used in war fare as a symbol where various people or nations united.... grad ually the flag acquired a fervent salute, as if it was an actual person, or a very prominent person. It is not impossible that in a short time homage will be given to the flag, and, (eventually),... veneration, reverance, and then regarded as God Himself." 46 Ibid., 44. 47 Djaja, Pusaka Indonesia, p. 162j see also J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "Persatoean Moeslimin Indonesia (EMI)" (Indonesian Muslim Union— PHI), Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch Oost-Indle, V H. Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. p. 15* 49 Ibid.,15. 50 Ibid..19. 51 M. S.,"Selamat HariRaja" fid al-Fitrgreetings), PeabelaIslam. No. 41 (January 1932), p. 35;Moehammad Natsir,"Keadaan Oedara Moesim Sekarang" (The prevailing atmosphere), Pembela Islam. No. 47 (June 1932), pp. I-H. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 157] === 52 Amelz, H. 0. S. T.lokroandnoto. p. 49. 53 Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement, p. 390. 54 For the arguments on each side in this dispute see Boekoe Verslag Openbaar Debat antara P3II dan Kaoea furu (Public record of the debate between the Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia and the adherents of furu'). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1932. 55 Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement, p. 391; Natsir, “Keadaan Oedara Moesim sekarang," Pembela Islam. No. 47 (June 1932), p. II. 56 Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement, p. 390. 57 Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 115-119; Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. A. Wahid Has.jim. pp. 311-319; Willard Galbraith, "Native SocioPolitical Problems of the Netherlands Indies." Basic report from the American Consulate General in Batavia, Java, March 10, 1941, pp. 41-42. Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 158] === Chapter 7 Polemic against the A^madlyah (Sidiyan and Christianity The appearance of the Afemadjyah Qiidiyan and the intensification of Christian missionary activity in Indonesia between the two world wars caused considerable concern among Indonesian Muslims. Muslims in both the modernist and traditionalist factions saw these two religious trends as threats to the position of Islam in Indonesia and they consequently issued considerable propaganda, polemic and apologetic to check the activities of the two threatening groups. The problems posed by the AfrmndTvah Qadiyan and by Christian mission activity were entirely separate matters— and regarded as such by Indonesian Muslims— yet they had similari ties in that each came from outside the archipelago, and each disputed the Muslim belief in prophecy, with attendent consequences on other religious beliefs as well. The Persatuan Islam took part in the activity against these two groups, and through its periodicals and in debate with the Afraadiyah and Christian groups, undertook what it believed to be defence of correct faith. Its arguments were again representative of the wider modernist Muslim view point and are worth reviewing for that purpose. The Abaadiyah (Sdjjan. The Ahmadlyah Qadiyan.^ who held that MLrza Ghulam AJimad was a Muslim prophet, first began its efforts to proselytize Indonesians in 1925 when several Indonesian students returned from the organization's school in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 159] === -149Panjab where they had studied Abroadiyah doctrine and been converted to its belief. These students were accompanied by Rahmat 'All, representa tive of the movement from India, who undertook vigorous missionary activity with the aid of the returned students. Initially their activity was limited to Sumatra, particularly the ^inangkabau area, where they aroused the opposition of the Muslim * nlftma* of the region and gained a small number of converts to their belief. The initial response to Abmadlyah efforts was quite disorganized, and the original counterarguments to Abmadlyah contentions were generally weak and ineffective. As they became familar with Abmadlyah arguments and manner of approach, however, the culama* of West Sumatra developed arguments that proved effective in countering Rahmat cAlI's propaganda, and probably greatly checked the rate of conversion of Muslims to the new sect. In 1925 Rahmat cAlI widened the area of his campaign to include Java, and in the ensuing years issued religious propaganda and debated religious belief with several Muslim groups, including the Persatuan Islam. his debates with the Abmadlyah Qadiyan. Ahmad Hassan apparently drew on the arguments already formulated by the West Sumatran culan£* but appears also to have developed several additional arguments of his own. The most complete record of Ahmad Hassan1s argument against Abmadlyah belief appears in the minutes of his two debates with Rahmat All in 1933 &nd 1934, which were subsequently published in pamphlet form. In several later works Ahmad Hassan also included a refutation of specific Abmadlyah beliefs. In An-Nubuwwah. for example, he specifically attacked the belief that Ghulam Afrmad was a prophet,^ and his objections to Qadiyani Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 160] === belief concerning eIsa were succinctly outlined in a fatwas entitled "Prophets who are still living."'* In many respects the religious viewpoint of the Abmadlyah Qadiyan was not very different from that of the modernist Muslims, for it also called for the removal of non-Islamic practices and beliefs from Islam and was against many of the practices of traditionalist Muslims. On two specific points, however, i.e., the death of the Prophet eIsa, and the claim of the Abmadlyah founder Mirza Ghulam Afemad to be a prophet, there was a total divergence of belief, and the emphasis placed on these differences caused considerable animosity between the Ahmadi and Sunni Muslima. Ghulam Afcmad's claim to prophethood rested on Abmadlyah inter pretation of al-Ahzab i*]L which stated that Muframmad was the seal of the prophets.^ They disputed Sunni Muslim belief that this verse indicated that Muhammad was the last prophet, and claimed that the verse only indicated that Mubammad was the last prophet who would bring divine law to mankind. The Abmadlyah claimed that other prophets not bringing a law could appear, and that Ghulam Abmad was such a prophet. They stated that Ghulam Abmad had only appeared in order to reform religion, but that the Shari*ah introduced by Mubammad was still sufficient for mankind. Ahmad Hassan refuted this contention by stating that the indicated ayah had been misinterpreted by the Abmadlyah Qadiyan. that it did not differentiate between types of prophets, but indicated only that Mubammad was the last of the prophets of any kind. In his 1933 debate with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 161] === Bahmat cAlI Ahmad Hassan suggested that Qadiyahl references to prophets with and without a Shari*ah was really only a confusion of the words rasul and nabT. two words Ahmad Hassan claimed had become almost interg changeable in Muslim theological terminology. In Aa-Kubuwwah he flatly rejected Ghulam Ahmad's claim by stating, "There has not been a single prophet (since Muhammad) either with or without the SharTcah."^ The AbmadTyah Qadiyan claimed that a new prophet was necessary in order to fulfill references in badith to the return of the "al-maslh" on the day of judgment to play a prominent role at the resurrection of the dead* Sunni Muslims generally believed that the Prophet cIsa, the last claimed prophet to appear before Muhammad, who founded the Christian ummah. and was also referred to as al-Maslh. wat the person cited in the badith* It was also generally believed by Sunni Muslims that the Prophet cIsa had not died a natural death, but had been taken in his earthly fora fromthe earth by God, and was to return in that form on Judgment Day.^ The Abmadlyah did not dispute the validity of the belief that "al-maslh" would return on Judgment Day, but claimed that the Prophet'Isa had died "as did all other prophets" and that the "'Isa" or "al-maslh" designated for the Judgment Day role was actually Mirza Gfaulam Abmad.^ In his fatwii on this topic Ahmad Hassan noted that all badlths deal ing with 'Isa’s return on Judgment Day were weak, and could be rejected as the basis for doctrine according to the generally recognized rules of hadith examination among the cultima’. Ahmad Hassan stated that to reject these badith, however, would leave unexplained several references in the Qur^an to cIsa's existence as a mortal in God's presence. For that reason Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 162] === alone he saw value in considering then as valid fradlth. bub contended that there was no reference in any one of then to Ghulan Afrmad as,|CIsaM or "al-maslh."^ In his presentation Bahmat cAll also cited several ayah as proof that £fsa was actually dead and could not be the "al-maslh" mentioned in the hadlth. He quoted al-Ka^idah 75 implying that all messengers including (Isa were mortal,^ and Al- cImran which states that all prophets before Maframmad were dead as proof of his position. Ahmad Hassan countered that such references were general in nature, but that al-MLsa:>15H stating, "but Allah raised him up unto Himself" was a more specific reference to ‘Isl.15 Ahmad Hassan stated that all badTths referring to cIsa's return on Judgment Day indicated that he existed as a mortal in the presence of God, for they used the words "will descend.”?It is clear" concluded Ahmad Hassan, "that the Prophet *Isa has been taken up and will descend. If we say: 'He will descend,' certainly then he exists above 1"^ In another argument the Abmadlyah Qadiyan used reason to establish its position on fIsa. This argument stated that "prophets have physical bodies as other men, and are not able to live without food. If cIsa lives in heaven certainly he most eat and drink and have bowel move17 Moreover, the argument ran, there were matters of spiritual concern as well as bodily functions to be considered, such as "where does he face when he prays, for in heaven there is no qlblah? — 18 Moreover, is there anyone in the blue heaven to whom to give gakat?" Ahmad Hassan responded to this argument by stating that while there certainly were difficulties for a person existing in heaven in physical Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 163] === form, it was not beyond God's power to do it. Is it inconceivable for a nan to be taken by Allah to a atari? No, not ever! It is not inconceivable that Allah would take all mankind to another world. But because this has not happened before.our eyes, then we feel the matter is exceedingly difficult. As a further example, Ahmad Hassan stated that sixty years previously it was generally believed that to go from Bandung to Djakarta in forty-five minutes time was impossible, but with the advent of the airplane the trip took only half an hour. In a like manner, he maintained, other matters not familiar to man could exist as well, and Isa's sojourn in heaven could well be one of them. 20 The AhmariTVah movauent in Indonesia eventually developed good rela21 tions with several Muslim groups Including the Muhammadi.1ah. They drew considerably less criticism as they became more and more associated with the modernist Muslim movement, for they opened schools, supported the Muslim viewpoint in politics aid engaged in polemic with the Christiana. Occasionally, however, an organization like the Persatuan Islam would lose a member to Abmadlyah mission work and a renewal of propaganda would occur briefly, but no large scale campaign was renewed.2^ The Abmadlyah was grudgingly accepted, even though its own peculair doctrines were not. Baalim attitudes toward Christianity. Dutch historians have noted the amazing speed with which Islam spread throughout the Archipelago in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and have maintained that the rapid acceptance of Islam was a reaction to the arrival of the Christian white man to the area. There is also consider able evidence to support the contention that for the past 350 years Islam Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 164] === in the Indonesian Archipelago has been identified with the native popu lation, and that Christianity has been considered by its Muslim inhabi tants as synonymous with the Dutch. Opposition to the Dutch throughout the colonial period invariably had religious overtones— even though causes might be more mundane in actuality— and were regarded as part of a religious struggle to remove the "non-believing" Dutch from the Indies.^ Muslim polemics against Christianity during a period of nationalistic fervor must also be seen as a native effort to strike at the Dutch in the realm of religion. The policy of the Dutch East Indies Administration, from the time Snouck Hurgronje in the latter part of the nineteenth century, was iolnot discriminate against Islam, largely because it feared security problems 26 if the faith of staunch Muslim populations was challenged. The Colonial Administration had never been sympathetic with Christian missionary activities, and had even excluded them from working in such strongly Muslim areas as Atjeh and Bantam, and had made if difficult for them 27 to enter several other areas with large Muslim populations. Gottfried Simon, one of the leading mission writers at the turn of the century, denounced the policy of the Administration "which is always that of oft neutrality, often degenerating into favoritism" for the Muslim, and stated that such an attitude hindered Christian proselytizing efforts. Church groups and religious political parties in the Netherlands were sympathetic toward mission activities and when the Christian coalitions cams to power in 1909 active Christianizing of the Indies was a stated 29 government policy. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 165] === Muslims had long believed that the Dutch favored Christianity over Islam, and saw the increase in mission activity as an attempt to under mine and destroy Islam. The large amount of government aid given to Christian religious schools because they qualified for government educa tional grants caused considerable resentment, even though some MngUa institutions received aid as well. two world wars Indonesian Throughout the period between the wrote articles and held meetings pro testing missionary activity and called for a halt in Muslim areas. In 1934 Muhammadl,1ah leader Hadji Fachroeddin wrote a pamphlet against the Christian mission effort and against Christianity in general which gained 31 considerable readership among Indonesian Muslims. The Oemmat Islam organization at Solo held a congress of Indonesian Muslim leaders in 1933 sent recommendations to the government to continue controls on missionary activities.^ The 1939 Congress of the Madjelis Islam A'la Indonesia passed a resolution against expanded missionary activity in the Indies, which took on added meaning since MIAI was a coalition of all the leading Muslim organizations, political and non-political, in Indonesia.33 Ton der Mehden suggests that much of the Muslim concern with nationalism, including the founding of the predecessor organization to the Sarekat Islam, arose from the rise in mission activity, and the belief held by many Muslims that a deliberate policy of nChristianisingn 34 the Indies was being followed by the East Indies Administration. Dutch missionaries enjoyed their greatest success among those groups still following pagan rites and religions, while their contact with Muslim areas were seldom productive.-^ Faced with a hostile attitude on Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 166] === -156the part of zealous Muslims, and aware of the superficial Islasdzation of a large part of the Indonesian population, many Christian missionary writers were prone to make depreciative statements about Islam and Mus lims. Gottfried Simon, for example, revealed a common-held viewpoint among Christian missionary writers about Islam with such statements as n... within Islam animism does not play the part of a barely tolerated slave, rather it receives royal favor.Simon observed further that only by incorporating animism had it been possible for Islam to become a world religion. Other Christian writers in Indonesia attacked Islam for its defense of polygyny, but perhaps most offensive to the Muslims was the denial of Muhammad's prophethood, in sometimes abusive terms by Western orientalists in general, and by several Christian missionaries in particular. In 1931 Joannes Josephus ten Bergs, a Dutch missionary in Central Java, caused considerable stir when he published an article in a missionary periodical in which he called Muhammad an "anthropomorphist" and suggested that he had been too concerned with women and 37 sex to have founded a higher religion. ' Muslin reaction to Christian polemic. For their part Muslin writers were prone to point out what they regarded as failings of the West, and cited them as examples of the fail ure of Christianity to regulate political and social life. These Muslima charged that the First World War showed Christian society to be bankrupt of fundamental spiritual feeling, and maintained that the problems that the European powers were experiencing with their colonies during the 1930'8 39 were further evidence of such spiritual bankruptcy. They pointed out Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 167] === -157the crime rate in Western countries, particularly in America, and noted that Christianity permitted the drinking of alcohol and the free associa tion of sexes, which, in these writers' opinions, were the causes of many social crimes.^ This polemic was actually part of the general disdain felt for Western culture by all Indonesians, but expressed as a dislike of Christianity because Muslims thought in religious terms. Attacks against the Prophet, or unflattering statements made about Muhammad by non-Muslims, aroused Indonesian Muslims several times in the early 1930's. In early April 1931 the ten Berge article appeared, followed in late April by an article by Oei Bee Thay in Hoakien characterizing Mujiamm&d as "an aspirant self-murderer," insane and a robber. 41 In 1937 Siti Sunandari and Soeroto published an article in Bangun. which charged that Islam's views on polygyny and marriage were caused by the Prophet's "desires and jealousy."^ Muslim reaction to these articles was immediate and hostile. The Comite Al-Islam in Surabaja was estab lished to protest the ten Berge and Hoakien articles— and prompted Hoakien to retract its article.^ Sum&ndari and Soeroto apologized after most leading Muslim organizations protested their article, and the Parindra (Partai IndonesianBaj a— greater Indonesia Party) to which they belonged put pressure on them in the interests of Indonesian nationalist harmony. 44 While non-Christians made some of these remarks about the Prophet, Muslims generally associated such attacks with Christianity. The MLAI in 1939 considered all these uncomplimentary articles at its congress and assigned to the Persatuan Islam the task of preparing a 45 response to Christian attacks on Islam.^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 168] === Persia views of Christianity. In response to the MIAI request Ahmad Hassan wrote Ketahoean Jesoes menoeroet Bjjbel (The Divinity of Jesus according to the Bible), which presented a number of scholarly and logical arguments in easily under standable terms refuting the divinity of Christ.^ While the approach was basically Muslim, Ahmad Hassan made no reference to Islamic scrip ture in making his points, but relied entirely on reason and an analysis of Christian scripture. The following composite of Persia arguments against Christianity draws heavily on Ahmad Hassan*s study, but includes other Persia writings as veil, as they appeared in Pembela Islam and Al-Lisan. Persatuan Islam writers maintained that holy writ had been revealed to Jesus in the same manner that the Qur*an had been revealed to Muhammad, but complained that the Old and New Testaments bore no relationship to the Tawrah and Xln.1il mentioned in the Qur»ln because of modifications and falsifications made by Jews and Christians. A Persatuan Islam writer in Al-Lisan in 1935 stated that the New Testament of the Chris tians did not contain a single qualification as a holy book. "The original book does not exist, the authors are not known, the contents are far from fitting, and one portion conflicts with another in a great many cases. In Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bllbel. Ahmad Hassan stated that Christians completely misunderstood references in the Bible to the mission of Jesus. He maintained that Jesus was a prophet, like other prophets before him and Huhasmad after him, and that he had not been Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 169] === -1 5 9 crucified to take away the sins of Mankind. 48 He suggested that the devotion of the Christians to the personality of Jesus had led to an exaggeration of Jesus's prophetic role into the belief that he was actually God. "We (ttisliia) do not believe in Jesus as God, nor as part divine, nor as the son of God, nor as a form combining God and man.11^ Ahmad Hassan that several expressions in the New Testament had been poorly translated into European languages, such as "lord", "Christ the Lord,” and "son of GodJ' were actually titles of respect and probably only referred to Christ1a relationship with God— a relationship not exclusively belonging to Jesus alone, but to others as well. And there are a great many more verses from the Bible indicating that 'Father' means 'God,' and 'son' means a person loved by God." David and Adam, Ahmad Hassan pointed out, were also described in Chris tian and Hebrew scripture as having this same special relationship with God. Likewise, argued Ahmad Hassan, biblical references to the holy spirit really meant "a clean spirit, (i.e,) not a devil or a shaytan." He admitted that a "clean spirit" may have been the device employed in the immaculate conception, but stated his opinion that none of the several references to the "holy spirit” in the 6ld and New Testaments made the holy spirit identical with God.^* Persis writers found the Christian belief in crucifixion of Christ for the expiation of sins unacceptable. Ahmad Hassan lamented, "Does God not know any other way to save mankind except by the sacrifice of flesh and blood?" "Would it not have been easier for Him to forgive Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 === [PDF page 170] === mankind (its sins) without shedding the blood of His son...?“^ Even in the story of the crucifixion Persatuan Islam writers noted what they considered contradictions. They wondered how Jesus could be God and still be killed, when life is an attribute of God. It was equally incomprehensible that Jesus, if he were truly God, could know fear, as when tempted by Satan and while upon the cross, when according to Muslim theological speculation fear is foreign to God's character. 53 Finally Persatuan Islam writers regarded the Christian doctrine of the Trinity as beyond their comprehension; a view not uncommon to most non-Christians. “We and all people of the world are not able to fathom the extraordinary method of algebra (used by) the Christians. For instance, how can one equal three and three equal one.”^ To the members of the Persatuan Islam, as to nearly all Muslim writers, the entire conept of the Trinity violated tawfald. the divine unity. Persia writers saw the missions as a threat to Islam in Indonesia, but like many other Indonesian Muslims they occasionally accorded the missions grudging respect. In an unsigned article entitled "Christianity in Indonesia works and Islam merely gapes,the Persatuan Islam noted that the MtiwHma were no match for the activities of the missions which had "wealth, energy and spirit" and were able to influence young Indonesians in matters of religion through the schools they operated. on the other hand, the article noted, were disorganised, dis interested and badly led. The Islamic effort "is organized willy-nilly, its capital is the turban ), the rosarrCtasblh) and amulet(d.1imat). it prefers mysticism (dhikr) and sleeping in the religious schools Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 171] === (langgar). and it has, for the greater part... totally ignorant 57 leaders.0 According to the article it was such shortcomings that aided Christian inroads on Islam and strengthened the Dutch hold on Indonesia. The article concluded that to be successful against a dynamic Christianity, Islam would hare to create a new image, char acterized by unity of purpose, with emphasis on education and leader ship that had capability and knowledge. ^ Undoubtedly the Persatuan Islam believed that Muslim acceptance of the fundamentalist principles it advocated would aid considerably in the devdopaant of that new image. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 172] === -162Footnotes for Chapter 7 1 Actually there are two groups of the Abmadlyah who differ on their interpretations of Ghulaa Ahmad's «'!*'<■- The Qadiyan branch, which is of interest to this paper, maintained that their founder was a prophet, while the Lahore branch claimed that he was only a mijaddld (reformer). For further information on both these groups' activities in Indonesia see, J. Th. Petrus Blunberger, "Ahmadyah," Encyclopaedia van Noderlandach Oost-IndlB: "Djema'at Ahmadijah" in Republlk Indo nesia: Propinsi Djawa Tinir. Djakarta, Kementerian Penerangan, 1953> pp. 805-506; C. F. Pijper, riDe Ahmadijah in Indonesia" in Blngkissn Budi. Leiden, A. W. Sijthhoff, 1950, pp. 247-254. For a summary of AfrmadTyah beliefs see Wilfred Cantwell Smith, "Afrmadiyya," Encyclopedia of Islam (New Edition). 2 Haoka, AJahku. pp. 109-113; "Djema'at Ahmadijah," Republlk Indonesia: Propinsi D.jawa Timor. pp. 8O5-8O6. 3 Hamka, Ajahka. pp. 112-113* 4 Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah. p. U. 5 Ahmnri Bassan, "Nabi jang masih hidup" (Prophets who are still living), Sual-Djawab. No. 12, pp. 80-86. 6 al-Azhib 40 states: "Muhammad is not the father of any man among you, but he is the messenger of Allah and the Seal of the Prophets; and Allah is aware of all things." 7 Haoka, Ajahku. p. 110, 8 Persatoean Islam, "Perslag opisil dari Debatan "Pembela Islam"— “Ahmadijah Qadian"" (Official Record of the Debate "Pembela Islam"— "Abmadlyah Qadiyan), Pembela Islam. No. 61 (Hay 1933)» P* 29* Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah. p. 11. 10 D. B. MacDonald, n<Isa," Encyclopedia ofIslam. 11 "Peralag opisil," Pembela Islam. No. 61, p. 37. 12 Ahmad Hassan, "Nabi jang masih hidup," Sual-D.lawab. No. 12, pp. 82-83* 13 al-MPldah 76 states: "The Messiah, sonof Mary, was no otherthan a messenger, messengers (the like of whom) had passedaway beforehim." 14 Xl-*Imran 144 states: "Mohammad is but a messenger, messengers (the like of whom) have passed away before him." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 173] === -16> 15 al-MisI^lSQ states: "Bat Allah took him up unto Himself, Allah was ever Mighty, Wise. 16 Ahmad Hassan, “Nabi jang masih hidup," Sual-D.jawab. No. 12, p. 82. 17 "Perslag opisil," Peabela Islam. No. 61, p. 38* 18 Ibid.. AO. 19 Ahmad Hassan, "Nabi jang masih hidup," Sual-D.jawab. No. 12, p. 82. 20 Ibid. 21 ‘All, The Mnhagimadi.lah Movement, pp. 71-72. 22 van Nieuwenhuijze, "Islam in a period of Transition in Indonesia," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia. The Hague and Bandung, van Hoove, 1958, pp. 58-59* 23 See, for example, A., "Letter from A. to K. H. M. A. Sanosi," Al-Musliimn. 17, No. 38 (November 1958), p. 23* 24 See, for example, Schrieke, The Penetration of Islam in the Archipelago," Indonesian Sociological Studies. H, pp. 232-237* 25 The Padri wars (1800 to 1815), the Atjehnese wars (1873 to 1908), the uprising of Diponegoro (1625 to 1838) and the Saadn peasant revolt (1890 to 1917), inter alia, had religious overtones. 26 Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje's recommendations regarding Dutch Islamic policy are outlined above pp. 9-10. 27 von der Hehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, p. 172; see also Bousquet, Introduction a l1etude de l 1Islam indonesien. pp. 162-164 for further coment on the status of missions and their relationship with the Dutch. 28 Samuel H. Zwemer, Across the World of Islam. New York, Fleming H. Revell, 1929, p. 269* 29 von der Hehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, p. 177* 30 cAll, The Huhamnadl.jah Movement, p. 58* 31 Cited in Sukarno, Dibawah Bandera Revolusi. I, p. 330. 32 "Menentang propaganda Keristen" (Combatting Christian propaganda), originally appearing in Adll. No. 152 (April 1933), P* 153??, and. reprinted in Pembela Islam. No. 61 (May 1933), PP* 30-33* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 174] === 33 Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. A. Wahid Haajia. p. 315* 34 von der Hehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, pp. 179-* 180. 35 All, The Huhammadljah Movement,, p. 21; Samel Zwemer hinted at the lack of conversions from Islam to Christianity after his visit to the Dutch Indies mission field in 1929. "During ny visit we found unanimity in the testimony of all missionaries in Java and Sumatra that 1Islam can never be a bridge over the gulf that separates the heathen from Christianity1...." Across the World of Islam, p. 269* 36 The quote continues: "The despised cult of animistic magic receives in Islam the rank of a divine institution. It is the gift of God to His faithful believers." Ibid.. 270. See also Gottfried Simon, The Progress and Arrest of Islam in Sumatra. London, Edinburgh and New York, Marshall Borthers, 1912. Siam's approach is understand able in light of his zealous missionary background, but he does not show great perception of Islam. He sees the nominal conversion to Islam as compromise with foreign religions, without viewing the emphasis of Islam on the deepening of religious belief that marks the progress of Islam in nearly every place it has established it self. The charges of the Muslims were just as frequently offensive to the Christians. One particular writer cited statistics,he claimed were official, of illegitimate children, incidence of siphylis, and abortions occurring in America as evidence of the moral bankruptcy of Christianity. Moehammad Natsir, "Zending contra Islam" (Missions against Islam), Pembela Islam. No. 21 (March 1931); PP* 24-29. 37 Centraal Comite al-lslam Indonesia (Surab&ia), "Surat tantangan ke J. J. Ten Berge di Hantillan, August 17, 1931" (Letter of challenge to Pastor J. J. Ten Berge in Moantilan, August 17, 1931); Peabela Islam. No. 32 (August 1931); PP» 27-28. The letter quoted Pastor Ten Barge's remarks from the periodical Studien (April 1931) *8 follows: "Men ziet het... Hoe zou hij (Moehamnad, W.) de anthropomorphist, de onwetende Arabier, de grove wellusteling, die gewoon was in de armen van vrouwen te liggen, 00k een andere en hoogere opvatting van het Vaderschap hebben kunnen vermoeden." 38 Natsir, "Zending contra Islam," Pembela Islam. No. 21 (March 1931); p. 25. 39 Si Goblok (pseudonym), "Doenia Islam masa sekarang" (The Islamic world at present), Pembela Islam. No. 29 (July 1931), PP» 15-16. 40 Natsir, "Zending contra Islam," Peabela Islam. No. 21 (March 1931), pp. 26-27; M. T., "Andjing, alcohol, vrijomhang d. s. B." (Dogs, alcohol, free association of the sexes, etc.), Pembela Islam. No. 20 (February 1931), PP» 6-7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 175] === - 165- 41 Noer, The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement, p. 244. 42 Ibid.. 400-401. 43 Ibid.. 244. 44 Ibid.. 401. 45 Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bi.jbel (The Divinity of Jesus according to the BibleJ. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1940, 46 Ibid.. 2. 47 Al-Lisan. No. 1 (December 1935), p. 19. 4B Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bllbel. p. 5. For more on Ahmad Hassan1s belief concerning ‘Isa^ see his fatwa entitled ttNabi Isa berbapa?" (Did the Prophet (Isa have a father?), SualDjawab. No. 4, pp. 16-16. 49 The citation continues, "We only believe he is a person, prophet and apostle, mho was free from sin as were other prophets, and we do not believe that he mas crucified, especially crucified to cut away the sins of mankind." Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bi.lbel. 50 Ibid.. 26. 51 Ibid.. 4. In An-Nubuwwah Ahmad Hassan, arguing from the context of the legitimacy of the Prophet Muhammad's mission, maintained that Christ's references to a "comforter" in the 16th chapter of St. John, mere direct references to Mufranaaad, and not to the holy spirit as is generally held among Christiana. He stated that the root meaning of the word "paradet", the Greek word for comforter, means "a person mho is very much praised," i.e., the same meaning as the name Mutjanmad in Arabic, p. 213* 52 Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bjjbel. p. 34. 53 Ibid., 35. 54 Ibid.. 12. 55 "Agama Kristen di Indonesia bekerdja dan Islam boleh nganggoer" (Christianity in Indonesia works and Islam merely gapes), Pembela Islam. No. 71 (May 1935), pp. 3-5. 56 Ibid.. 3. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 176] === Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 177] === Chapter 6 Curtailed Activity under the Japanese and during the Revolution The Japanese occupation from February 1942 until August 1945 event was a turning point in the history of Indonesia. As a time-span, it was a transition period which marked the loss of Dutch control over the area for all practical purposes, and offered the Indonesians the opportunity to declare national independence and begin the final effort necessary to attain it. For this study, however, a description of that period, and the Muslim activity during it would hare only peripheral value, for it also marked a low point in Persatuan Islam activity. A brief look at the occupation period is included here only to indicate some of the difficulties confronting the organization's leaders, and to indicate how they survived into the post-war period.^ The Japanese Occupation. Imnediately upon occupying Indonesia the Japanese banned all native political and religious organizations, but over the next three years they allowed several organizations to resume abtivity. They also created several new organizations and used them to rally support for the Japanese war effort. In late 1942 the Madjells Islam A'la Indonesia (MIAI) was re-established for the purpose of coordinating the activities of the <ulana*. and was encouraged to publish a monthly periodical entitled Soera MIAI. Over the next two years four other religious organizations— the Muhanaadi.1ah. the Nahdlatul Olama. the Perikatan Oemaat Islam of -167- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 178] === - 168- Madjalengka and the Persatoean Oemaat Ialaa Indonesia— were allowed to resume activity. The Persatuan Islam was not among this selected group, but several of its schools survived, including the Pesantren Ket.iil in Bandung. The organization itself, its principal school at Bangil, its periodicals, and all its many other activities, ceased functioning, and members of the Persatuan Islam were able to act only as individuals. Members of the Persatuan Islam therefore could not play the prominent role in national affairs that some of the ttihanmadHah and the Nahdlatul Ulama did, but several Persia members occupied responsible positions in regionalreligious bureaus established by the Japanese. Like maqy other Muslim and nationalist groups the members of the Persatuan Islam outwardly cooperated with the Japanese, but engaged in low-level nationalist underground activity— primarily training and indoc trination-aimed at attaining eventual Indonesian independence. Moehaimad Isa Anshary, for example, was a member of the Secretariat of the MIAI organization in the Priangan (Greater Bandung) region, and later held the same position in Mas.loemi. the successor organization to MIAI. Isa Anshary's official biography stated that he was active in organizing youth for anti-Japanese underground activity, and in 1944 was imprisoned for a month when these activities were discovered by the Japanese. The lightness of the sentence indicates that no actual anti-Japanese activities had been undertaken, and it is probable that Isa Anshary's activities were only in the organizational stage.^ Hoehammad Natsir was an adviser on educational affairs in the Priangan area, and in 1943 took an active part in organizing training programs for culama’ > from the Java area.^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 179] === These programs, organized exclusively by the Indonesian <ulama> then*selves, were officially intended to provide general instruction on Jap anese ideas and beliefs, educational methods and even sports, but apparently there was considerable discussion among participating ’ulaaa* concerning the promotion of Islam— Traan and tawhid— among the general Muslim population. These discussions of Islamic beliefs tended to play down— and often contradict— much of the Japanese public teaching and propaganda, particularly the doctrines of chosen race and the divinity of the emperor. In his study of the Japanese attitude toward Islam in Indonesia, Harry Benda claimed that these cadre courses served as an effective organizing ani indoctrinating device for anti-Japanese activity among Indonesian Muslims.^ It is somewhat surprising that Ahmad Hassan, who had taken a forth right stand on many issues affecting religion in the fifteen years prior to the war, did not openly object to Japanese efforts to introduce the Bai keirei. the ritual bowing toward the emperor in Tokyo at the begin ning of all official meetings. Early in the Japanese occupation keirei had been introduced at government offices and schools as a patriotic ceremony marking the opening of business..In 1942 Hadji Abdulkarim Amrullah, the leading advocate of Islamic modernism on Sumatra, sent a tract to the Japanese director of religious affairs on Java condemning the practice as contrary to established Islamic practice,r and at a subsequent conference of <ulama> refused to perform this ritual obeisance. Hamka, writing his father’s biography, described the dilemma facing Amrullah before that particular *ulana*1a conference, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 180] === and mentioned that of those most likely to oppose sai keirei "Ahmad H&ssan was absent and in Bandung." However, if Ahmad Hassan was against the sai keirei he never initiated any crusade against it, or is there any record of his opposition in the works of the Persatuan Islam members published after the war. If Ahmad Hassan did disapprove of sai keirei. he did it privately and avoided taking a public stand on the issue, as his absence from the culama*'s conference suggests. There is also no record of his participation in any position in the Japanese administra tion, nor is there any indication that he was actively opposed to the Japanese administration, but presumably remained inactive on the basis of ill health.10 This then was the sum total of the Persatuan Islam's activity during the period of the Second Vorld War. By losing its organization and, more importantly, its instruments of propaganda, and by being denied the opportunity to speak out on religious and nationalist issues without fear of reprisal, the dynamism of the organization's members was stilled. Its only real effort— participation in cadre training courses— was at best only a holding action designed to maintain "true Muslim belief" until a more opportune period would allow a return to more active efforts. The Revolutionary Years. The Indonesian proclamation of independence made by Sukarno and Hatta on August 17, 1945 was supported by all Indonesian factions exist ing at that time. Competing political factions put aside their differ ences in hope that a united front would strengthen the new state to withstand the Dutch attempt to reimpose colonial rule. The coalition Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 181] === stood, although shakily at times, until after Dutch transfer of sover eignty to the United States of Indonesia in 1950. During this period between 1945 and 1950 the differences between the Muslims and the secular nationalists over the proper direction and con tent of an independent Indonesia was not entirely forgotten, despite cooperation of both groups in the republican government. The differences between the two sides had been apparent when the Camittee for Preparing Indonesian Independence, formed in the latter days of the Japanese Occu pation, had debated and considered the matter of the role of Islam in the state."^ Certain Muslim tulanS> on the committee, notably K. H. Mas Mansur, Abdulkahar Muzakkir and Agus Salim, prepared a document known as the Djakarta Charter (Piagam Djakarta) 12 which placed Sukarno's Pantja Sila concept^ in a framework acceptable to Muslima. The crucial portion of the Djakarta Charter stated that "With belief in almighty God and motivated by noble wishes to live as an independent nation, the Indonesian people hereby declare their independence. While Sukarno, Hatta and several other nationalist leaders signed this document, and the major content of the Charter itself was incorporated into the preamble of the 1945 Constitution, the Preparatory Committee, with its predominantly secularist membership, modified the crucial portion to read "With God's Blessing and moved by the high ideal of a free national life, the Indonesian people declare their Independence."^ This change in stress was less than satisfactory to many Muslim leaders who saw it as a deliberate secularist attempt to undercut the Muslim position. These MnaHma believed that the Muslims should organize Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 182] === their own part/ to express their grievances and strive for Mas] in ideals and not join, without part/ affiliation, in a united front with the secularists. Consequently, in September 1945 a group of prominent Muslim leaders, led by Abdulkahar Muzakkir, Vahid Hasjim and Moehammad Eoem, met to reactivate the still existing though largely dormant Masjoeai. established by the Japanese as a Muslim unity organization. They organized a conference of prominent tulama> later that month at which it was decided to create an entirely new organization called Hasjumi with theoretically no connection with the old Mas.loeml founded under the Japanese. Neverthelss, the adoption of the same name— With a new spelling to correspond with Bahasa Indonesia orthography rather than Dutch— allowed it to incorporate the old Mas.loemi's organization into its new form.^ Mn«jnnH immediately adopted a policy of cooperation with the secularists then running the Republic of Indonesia government, and until 1952 the governments were coalitions of the Mas.1umi and the Nationalist Party to which most secularists belonged. The Persatuan Islam was not reestablished until 1948, but its mem bers supported the republican effort from the very beginning. lounger members of the organization actively participated in the Sabi 11 ah and Hizbullah, the paramilitary organizations formed by Mas.toemi in the latter days of the Japanese occupation. Isa Anshary held posts in the SahlTLah organization in the Priangan residency, and was also a member of the local "national committee" of the same residency which functioned 17 as a local government of sorts in the early days of the Revolution. ' Moehammad Natsir was Minister of Information in the republican govern- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 183] === -173ment until 1947, and thereafter supported the republican effort aa editor of the influential daily Sttara Republik. Ahmad Hassan wrote two pamphlets supporting the republican govern ment in early 1946 that reflected the Muslim leadership's decision to cooperate with the secularists. He stated in Kedaulatan (Sovereignty), apparently written to answer impatient criticism by some Muslim factions of the Sukarno government, and convince them of the need for unity, that "they (the secularists) proclaimed independence and we (Muslims) sought shelter in an independent nation.... We must give them our thanks."1^ Muslims,;he stated, should have patience and later, when it would become possible to decide the matter of a permanent state with permanent laws, 20 "we will establish a government for Indonesia on the S h a r i f of Islam.11 Ahmad Hassan recognized that until that time came Indonesia would be a secular state and that there would be many shortcomings, but added that those shortcomings caused by secularism should be combatted peacefully*— "with orderly sermons and advice. Muslims were, for example, to use their influence with local officials and the police to check and elim inate improper behavior among the population. "Using force" to erect an Islamic system in the state at that time, stated Ahmad Hassan, "would result in slander and the heavy outpouring of blood," and cause "civil strife that could be used by our enemies." 22 H« concluded in Mereboet Kekuaaaan (Seizing Power) that until the opportunity arrived for the formulation of a permanent constitution, that it was incumbent upon the Muslim groups to "honor the government and its policies" and not undero take action detrimental to it. 23 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 184] === While they believed fully in cooperation with Sukarno and the secu lar nationalists, like other Muslim groups the members of the Persatuan Islam made plans for the establishment of a national state based on Islamic lines. As early as 1946 Ahmad Hassan published a short monograph entitled Pemerintahan Tjara Islam (Government according to Islam), which was an attempt to reconcile Islam's political theory with modern demo cratic theories of government. Ahmad Hassan suggested that democracy had been recognized in early Islam— in the election of the first khalTfhh Abu Bakr and in a statement made by the khallfhh cUmar and that actually, the rest of the world had learned about democracy from Islam. 25 Islamic government was based both on the Qur’an and on consultation of the people, and because Islam had certain rules that could not be transgressed, it eliminated many of the pitfalls of democracy based merely on the will of the people, which may choose many evils "even drinking alcohol and permitting whoredom (ziha%M He concluded that the forms of Islamic democracy were no different than those of other democracies, and that officials like prime ministers and institutions like cabinets and parliaments would be needed, even with Islam. 27 The Persatuan Islam was reestablished as a functioning organization in April 1946, 28 a short time after Isa Anshary and other members who had constituted a republican government for the Priangan region at Garut were allowed by the Dutch to return to Bandung under the terms of the 1948 Renville Agreement between the Dutch and the Republic of Indonesia.^ The proclamation of its founding stated that, like the Persatuan Islam existing before World War II, the new organization would Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 185] === -1 7 5 be interested solely in religious matters. 30 In 1948, however, the Dutch established a Pasundan state in West Java, supposedly as part of the Benville agreements. The Renville Agreement called for a plebiscite in the West Java area, but the Dutch held several congresses of selected Soudanese nationalists who established a "Soudanese" state without the promised plebiscite. This state, regarded as a Dutch puppet even by large segments of its own population, endured until 1950 when it dis solved itslef, and was incorporated into the unitary Republic of Indo nesia.^ Despite the large number of Soudanese among Persia membership who might be expected to have some sympathy with a Soudanese state, the Persatuan Islam opted for the republican cause. On April 13, 1948 the Persatuan Islam participated in a conference of religious organizations in the Bandung region to discuss the Pasundan State and other matters, and formed a Madjelia Persatuan tfamat Islam (Unitary Council of the Islamic Umnah) which announced its separation from the Pasundan State. 32 This federation was replaced later by the Gerakan Musliann Indonesia (Indonesian Muslim Movement) headed by Persia leader Isa Anshary, which worked for the republican cause in West Java until Pasundan entered the Republic of Indonesia.33 Through his periodical Aliran Islam (Basis of Islam), started in 1948 and published in Dutch controlled Bandung, Isa Anshary published articles openly favoring the republican movement. His articles reflected the dislike in West Java for the "second Dutch police action" in 1948 that captured Sukarno, Hatta and other important republican leaders, and for the subsequent Dutch announcement that the Republic of Indonesia Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 186] === -176no longer existed. 34 When the Dutch proceeded with plans to establish Indirect rule over the archipelago by forming a United States of Indonesia (Negara Indonesia Serikat) from fifteen states and special areas recognized by the Dutch, Isa Anshary stated that such a federation should not be formed without participation by the imprisoned republican leaders. "... it must be with the knowledge," he stated in "Saris Perdjuangan Kita" (Outline of our Struggle), "that the Indonesian people stand behind the Republic of Indonesia, stand behind Sukarno and Hatta." 35 A like attitude on the part of delegates meeting to fora the Negara Indonesia Serikat. renewed fighting by republican forces in central Java, and United Nations pressure ultimately succeeded in participation of the imprisoned republican leaders in negotiations with the Dutch that resulted in the creation of an independent Indonesian state in 1950. Despite his support of the secularist leaders of the Republic of Indonesia, Isa Anshary, like Ahmad Hassan, did not lose sight of the goal of establishing an Indonesian state based on Islamic principles. In Falaafah Perdjuangan Islam (The Philosophy of Islam's Struggle), written in 1949, he noted that Muslims were participating in the struggle for independence to "erect a nation in the grace of God (keridlaan Allah) as fulfilling their responsibility as M u s l i m s. ' The nation MimUm* strive for, Isa Anshary concluded, "regulates and gives guidance and life concerning the basic truths of the human community, whether in the field of politics, economics or social affairs."3? This was a reiteration of the Muslim political stand made prior to the war, and was indicative that no real change of attitude had occurred. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 187] === Since the secular nationalists led by Sukarno had already created a secular stated, beset though it was by an external enesqr and only provisional in nature, they had every reason to hold to their stand of secularism, and it was only a natter of tine before a clash occurred between the two groups. With the constitutional period (1950 to 1953) when the threat of Dutch intervention was constantly receding,the dispute was provided with conditions for fruition. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 188] === Footnotes for Chapter 6 The four primary works for the Japanese period are: Benda, The Crescent and the Bising Sun; M. A. Aziz, Japan*s Colonialism and Indonesia. The Hague, Martinua Nijhoff, 1955; Benedict R. O'G. Ander son, Some Aspects of Indonesian Politics under the Japanese Occupa tion. 1944-1945. Ithaca, Cornell University, 195l; and Okuma Memorial Social Sciences Research Institute of Waseda University, Indonesia ni Okeru Nihon Gunsel no Kenkyu (Research on the Japanese Military Administration in Indonesia). Tokyo, Kinokuniya Shoten, 1959 (translated into English by the Joint Publications Research Service of the U. S. Department of Commerce, October 1963, JPRS # 21,359). Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 116. Parlaungan, Hasil Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen. pp. 156-158; see also Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. A. Wahid Has.jim, pp. 219-224. Parlaungan, basil Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen. p. 221; Deliar Noer, Mas.juai. p. 28l 5 Ibid. Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 135; see also Noer, Ma8.1uml. p. 23. Hamka, Ajahku. pp. 183-186. Benda, The Creacent and the Rising Sun, p. 130. Hamka, Ajahku. p. 185* 10 Ahmad Hassan, Kedaulatan (Sovereignty). Malang, Toko "Timoer," 1946, p. 1. "At the time Indonesian independence was originally pro claimed, I was afflicted by several forms of illness which took me from where I was to where I could be cured." 11 For accounts of the committee see Noer, Masjumi, pp. 30-32; Indonesia ni Okeru Nihon Gunsel no Kenkyu. pp. 418-428; Anderson, Some Aspects of Indonesian Politics, pp. 108-110. 12 "Piagam Djakarta" (Djakarta Charter) appears in Republik Indonesia; Kotapradja Djakarta Raya (Republic of Indonesia; Greater Djakarta). Djakarta, Kementerian Penerangan, 1953, P* 35* 13 Pant.ja Sila is a Sanskrit term meaning five principles, not to be con fused with the Panch Sila of the Bandung Conference in 1955* Sukarno*s Pant.la Sila were Ketuhanan jang Masa Esa (The absoEte unity of God— Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 189] === implying belief in God), Kemanusiaan.jang adil dan beradab (bumanitarianism based on justice and civility), Persatuan Indonesia (the national unity of Indonesia, commonly referred to as national ism), Kerak.latan (democracy) and KeadlHan Sosial (social justice). There is some discussion of Pant.1a Sila in most standard works on Indonesia. See, in particular van der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern World. II, pp. 198-210 for a sociological study, and C. A. 0. van Nieuwenhuijze, "The Indonesian state and 'deconfessionalized* Muslim concepts” in Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia. The Hague and Bandung, W. van Hoeve, 1958, pp. 180-243. 14 "Piagam Djakarta." 15 The 1945 Constitution has been printed in a number of books and has been issued as a pamphlet’by various Indonesian organizations. For the Indonesian text see Osman Raliby, Documents Histories (Historical Documents). Djakarta, ^ulan Bintang, 1953, pp. 489-494. For an English translation see Charles Wolf Jr., The Indonesian Story. New York, John Day, 1948, Appendix, pp. 165-171. 16 Noer, Masjumi. p. 39; Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia. pp. 156-158. 17 Parlaungan, Haail Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen. p. 158. 18 Ibid., 175-176. 19 Ahmad Hassan, Kedaulatan. p. 18. 20 Ibid.. 19. 21 Ibid.. 17. 22 Ibid.. 6. 23 Ahmad Hassan, Mereboet Sekuasan (Seizing Power). "Timoer," 1946, p. 19. 24 Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tiara Islam, pp. 6-8. 25 Ibid.. 3. 26 Ibid.. 13. 27 Ibid., 10-11, 19-21. 28 Abdul Haris Nasution, Sekitar Parang Kemerdekaan Indonesia (Concern ing the War for Indonesian Independence), typescript, no date, vol. VII, unpaginated. Malang, Toko Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 190] === 29 Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. A. Wahid Has.jim. p. 224* 30 Nasution, Sekitar Perang Kamerdekaan Indonesia. V H. "We, the Cen tral Leadership of the Persatuan Islam announce that as of April 1, 1948, the Persatuan Islam has resumed functioning. It is generallyknown that before broken by World War H the Persatuan Islam was known as a movement whose special struggle was in the field of religion alone. With this announcement ve continue that religious struggle. We call to all branches of the Persatuan Islam and their sections to continue their work as usual by observing national laws." 31 Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, pp. 368-369, 445* 32 Nasution, Sekitar 33 Parlaungan, HaallRakjat 34 Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, p. 343* 35 Moehammad Isa Anshary, "Garis Perdjuangan Kita" (Outline of our Struggle), Aliran Islam. No. 3 (January 1949), p. 124* Another example of his support of the Republic of Indonesia appeared in Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, p. 5 where he referred to n... Sukarno and Hatta as the spokemen of Indonesian independence representing 70 million Indonesians...." PerangKemerdekaan Indonesia. VII. mwn-nih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen. pp. 158. 36 Ibid.. 13. 37 Moehammad Isa Anshary, "Garis Perdjuangan Kita," Aliran Islam. I, No. 3 (January 1949), pp. 122-125. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 191] === Chapter 9 Organization after World War II Prior to World War H emphasis in the Persatuan Islam v&s on indi vidual activity rather than on organization, and this same emphasis was apparent until the aid-19501s, when concern for the direction of the educational program, for the maintenance of unifrom standards of quality in those schools, and for following a united policy in all the organiation's branches led to the reorganization of the Persatuan Islam on a more formal basis than had existed before that time. The result has been a formalization of the relationship between the branches and the central organization, the establishment of various youth, women and student auxiliaries, the issuing of a house periodical; in general all the trappings of a regular Indonesian organization seeking to gain its ends through organizational activity rather than through individual action. Organization and membership. The membership of the Persatuan Islam in ndd-1963 was approximately 10,000 according to officials at its central bureau in Bandung. This figure presumably includes members of the women's organization, the Persatuan Islam Isteri (Persatuan Islam Wives), the young women's group, the Banat (Association of Young Women), and the jtoung men's assocation called the Pemnda Persatuan Islam (Persatuan Islam youth). While attending Persia schools male students belong to a student organi zation called the Rid.jaiul Ghad (men of tommorrow) and girls belong to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 192] === -1*2an organization called the Ummatiatul Ghad (Mothers of Tomorrow), both of which are concerned only with student activities at the school, but have no other political or social ends, ifter graduation all students, both boys and girls, become members of the Tanstiqul-Uchuwwah (Students' Reunion) which meets each year at various locations in West Java to discuss efforts for the spreading and propagation of Islam in Indonesia.^ The organizational structure of the Persatuan Islam is centered in a central board or secretariat (Badan Pusat) at Bandung. At the central headquarters there are several departments for directing and coordinating the activities of the Persatuan Islam: the BagLan Tabliegh (Information Unit) is responsible for propaganda and spreading the Persia massage; the Bagian Pendidlkan (Education Unit) regulates the curriculum for the twenty schools of the organization; the Bagian Peniiaran (Distribution Uni}} publishes the periodical Rlsalah and other publications of value to the organization; a Bagian Wanita (Women's unit) coordinates women's affairs; and the Bagian Pemuda (Youth's Unit) is concerned with the activities of the various student and youth groups. Branches of the Persatuan Islam are located throughout West and west-Central Java and a few other branches are found outside this area in such places as Palembang on Sumatra and at Bangil in East Java.^ Each branch undertakes activities corresponding roughly to that of the central organization, although some branches lack educational or printing facilities. In general, however, the work of the branches is centered about education, with nearly every branch having a school, ranging from elementary in most places, to the teachers' education courses at Sumendang and at Bandung. Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 193] === Leaders* When the Persatuan Islam was formally reconstituted in 1948 Moehammad Isa Anshary became general chairman and continued in that position until 1961. Hoehamoad Natsir, although he became chairman of the Maa.jumi Party in 1949* still retained ties with Persis and helped re-establish the educational facilities at Bangil in the 1950's.^ Ahmad Hassan again became an important figure in Muslim education and, as prior to the war, argued for an emphasis on Islam in national affairs. Ahmad Hassan died in 1958. Abdurrahman, long associated with the Persis educational system at Bandung, became Secretary General of Persis after the war, and in 1961 succeeded Isa Anshary as General Chairman. He presently holds that position, and has shown considerable organizational ability in keeping the Persatuan Islam functioning during a period of considerable political instability and rapid national economic decline. Hadji Moehammad Hoenawar Chalil served for a considerable period as representative of the Persatuan Islam on the Department of Religious 10 Affairs' board of Islamic scholars until his death in 1962. Several Persis leaders gained prominence only since the end of the Revolutionary Period. Moehammad Ali Alhamidy is from the same mold as Ahmad Hassan and Isa Anshary, and actively advocates intense Muslim activity in every phase of life including politics. Abdulkadir Hassan, the son of Ahmad Hassan, operates the schools at Bangil originally established by his father, and has continued the practice, initiated by 12 his father, of issuing fatwas on a large number of subjects. There have also been several other members who have played a prominent role in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 194] === the organization's development but have not become prominent as indi vidual scholars: at Bandung K. H. E. Abdullah and K. H. I. Sudibjo, and at Rangii Mohammed bin Salim Nabhan, Abdullah Musa and Anwar Katsir. During his tenure as chairman of Persia Isa Anshary provided leadership and a point of view, just as Ahmad Hassan had done in the pre-war years. Isa Anshary was originally from the %nangkabau region in Sumatra where he had been educated in a madrasah operated by Muslim modernists. In 1932, at the age of 16, he travelled to Bandung where he entered a political movement headed by Sukarno and undertook religious 13 education from Ahmad Hassan. apparently remained in Bandung when Ahmad Hassan moved to Bangil, and began writing on religion and politics 14 under the tutelege of Moehammad Natsir. Isa Anshary's basic viewpoint was concerned with what he termed the "modern Jahillyah." caused by man's departure from spiritual values for the attainment of technical progress, he criticized Western tech nical progress which has developed the material manifestations of life, but "sink man into the valley of darkness" as far as spiritual values are concerned.^ The conditions of the Jahillyah are similar to the modern period, he maintained, in that man's spirit, in the midst of "bombs, artillery and atomic weapons" still thirsts "... for eternal concepts." The many "isms" have clouded his vision and led man to con fuse his own "desires and passions with the overall good."^ What man needs, Isa Anshary stated, is an absolute guide, and such a guide Is provided by Islam, with its unchanging beliefs in God, its Sharicah and it3 ummah. Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 195] === Educational facilities, Persatuan Islam leaders, like most other Indonesian Muslim leaders, believe that a religious oriented education is preferable for all Muslims. They see their own schools necessary since the Indonesian government's education system has almost no religious content and is secularist in out look. The Persatuan Islam's educational system has its headquarters at Bandung in the Bagian Pendldikan, which was established in 1955 to Btandarize all religious instruction in the schools of the Persatuan 17 Islam and maintain the same degree of quality throughout the system. The Persatuan Islam operates over twenty schools throughout West and Central Java, a number of special teachers and "informants" courses and two theological schools at Bangil. According to Persis statistics, in 1963 there were approximately 6000 students enrolled in its schools. Except for its several teachers and theological training courses, Persis training concentrates on elementary and secondary courses designed to provide a lay Muslim not intending to become a religious official an adequate education with considerable religious content. "It is an ordinary education for ordinary pursuits," stated Junus Anis in an interview in 1963* 19 The Pesantren Ket.iil in Bandung provides a good example of the Iarsis educational system since it has nearly all the types of training afforded by the Persatuan Islam. The elementary school is Bix years in length. During the first two years of primary school seventy five percent of school time is allotted to the study of religious subjects and twenty five percent to general subjects, while in the last four Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 196] === yeara the inatruction time is equally difided between the two types of study. Religious subjects include Arabic (writing, speaking, syntax And gramoar), Qur an (content, recitation, connentary and exegesis), fjqh, ethics, religious obligations and Husiin history* General sub jects include geography, history, arithmetic, Indonesian and language instruction in the vernacular (Javanese and Soudanese). Textbooks are mostly written in Bahasa Indonesia, but a few elementary works in Arabic are also used.^ Sixty percent of the secondary school work at the Bandung school consists of religious subjects, with a stress on hadith (acquaintance and rules of use), Arabic (grammar, syntax, rhetoric and pronounciation) and jurisprudence ( ugul al-flqh and flqhX). General subjects consist of Indonesian, English, arithmetic, geography, psychology, seme health and some education. Textbooks again include many works in Bahasa Indo nesia. including several written by Ahmad Hassan, but several Arabic works are used as well. During the first two years of secondary train ing courses are predominantly religious in scope and during the last 21 two years the emphasis is on general subjects. The preparatory courses for teachers (mu*an iwln) and the theologi cal courses rtad.1hizi.1.1ah) appear to be relatively short training courses lasting from six weeks to three months in length. Course work is almost entirely religious in nature since the purpose is to train a person for a religious occupation.22 These courses are apparently given on an ad hoc basis rather than following a regular schedule. Persatuan Islam schools in other cities in Vest Java and elsewhere Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 197] === numbered twenty in 1955 and bad a total of approximately 6000 students enrolled.2^ Some of these schools offered only elementary training, while others offered secondary education as well. Some, such as the Sumendang branch in West Java hare, on occasion, operated three month teacher preparatory courses and there are plans for developing the schools in all the branches,to that level.^ Persatuan Islam schools were established either by the branches of the Persatuan Islam located in their respective cities, or by teachers returning to their villages after having received training at the Bandung or Bangil pesantrens. While educational standards originally varied greatly between schools, over the past few years central direction has done such to provide mini mum standards and a uniform quality of education,25 The higher education facilities of the Persatuan Islam are located in Rangil where two separate and distinct schools exist. Both were established by Ahmad Hassan before the war, but were forced to dose when the Japanese Occupation began. The Pesantren Putera. for young 26 men, was reopened in 1951, and in 1962 it was reorganized and renamed 27 the Pniversita8 Pesantren Persatuan Islam. The school for girls, called the Pesantren Puteri was not reopened until 1957* The Pesantren Puteri has a five year course of instruction to train young Muslim women for becoming religious teachers and informants (mubalighien). filtering students are required to have completed ele mentary schooling and must have a reading and speaking knowledge of Arabic. Seventy percent of the course work is concerned with Islam and its sciences, including usul al-fiqh. Qur>an and badlth commentary, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 198] === Arabic and ethics. General subjects include English, Indonesian, edu cation, courses on womanhood, political science, geography, algebra and biology. All girls are required to live in the residence hall (asrama). dress in the manner prescribed by Persis, and conduct themselres properly according to general Islamic standards. In August 28 1963 there were over fifty girls enrolled at the Pesantren Puteri. The Universitas Pesantren Persatuan Islam has a five year course of study, and entering students are required to be at least eighteen years of age, have a secondary education or its equivalent, aid to be able to read and write Arabic. Subject matter is similar to that of other Persis schools, i.e., Arabic, Qur’an, hadith. ugul al-fiqh. tawhld. etc., but greater depth aid understanding is required. General subjects include education, political science, cosmography and compara29 tive religion. The school was intended to prepare religious officials, and at the present time many have already taken up posts with the Department of Religion, become officials in various schools and mosques, and several have undertaken additional training at Al-Aghar in Cairo.^ In addition to its normal role of educating youth, the Persatuan Islam also undertakes some adult education, thus carrying on a tradition started by Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Zamzam in the 1920’s. The purpose is to deepen the adult members' understanding of religion and inform them of the proper fulfillment of religious duties. Beyond its own members, special courses are also undertaken in government schools, orphan schools, schools for the blind, in prisons and at hospitals.^* On at least one occasion, in 1961, the school at Bandung conducted a pesantren kilat Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 199] === —189- (religious indoctrination course) for students from the Indonesian Air Force Technical School at the request of the commander. 32 The Persatuan Islam's educational system operates on funds received from a number of sources. General operating expenses are covered from tuition paid by students' families and from a grant the Indonesian gov ernment gives to all schools teaching a required number of general courses.^ Buildings and capital equipment is dependent upon waqf. 34 gifts and grants from charitable institutions. The mosque and school of the Pesantren Ketjil. for example, is built on waqf land, and the Pesantren Putera. which has undertaken an extensive building program since I960 several times has received grants from Muslim charitable institutions. The UniversitaB Pesantren Persatuan Islam has also received government grantB from the Department of Religious Affairs to promote the education of religious officials. 36 The education received at Persatuan Islam schools contains more religious content than most other educational systems operating in Indonesia. At the schools operated by the Sarekat Islam and the Mnhanri&riijah for example, the selection of general subjects is greater, and a more even balance is maintained between religious subjects and 37 general subjects. Persis education also utilizes Bahasa Indonesia as the language of instruction, while stressing the importance of Arabic for religious sources, in apposition to Perti which believes that Arabic should be the language of instruction in religious subjects.^ Persis education is more diversified than the education offered by the institutes operated by the Department of Religious Affairs which conceno Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 200] === fte ~19°“ trate almost solely on religious subjects.^ Ahmad Hassan appeared to be thinking along similar lines in the last few years of his life and he advocated revision of the organization's university to concentrate more on religious subjects to the exclusion of many general subjects.^® That this has not occurred, probably indicates that there is sentiment against it among other leaders of Persis who see general subjects of value to modern Indonesian Muslims. Publications. The high regard for publication that marked the Persatuan Islam prior to the war, also has been apparent since the organization's re establishment. The Persatuan Islam has published several new periodi cals in the period since 1948, republished a number of important studies made before the war, and issued a number of new publications written by its members on problems confronting Islam in an independent Indonesia. The first periodical associated with the Persatuan Islam was Aliran Islam, which began publishing in late 1948, and while not issued by the Persatuan Islam itself, contained the writings of several members, such as Isa Anshary— the periodical^ general editor,— E. Abdurrahman. Moehammad Natsir and The magazine was in general highly attuned to political affairs, the role of Islam in politics, and followed the thinking of Mas.iumi on most political issues. Al-Muslimun. which began publication in 1954 and published until 1963, was a more staid publication and although published in Surabaja was actually the Bangil branch's organ. It was primarily religiouseducational in function and contained a laree number of fatwas and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 201] === aerial articles on religions subjects— ugul al-fiqh, nnstalah badXth. studies of the QurJan and biographies of the Companions of the Prophet* Its editorials and fatwas frequently spoke out against secularism, com munism and atheism. A new series of Penbela Islam was published in 1956 at Bangil by Ahmad Hassan, but only a limited number of issues came out before pub lication ceased. Its format was similar to Al-Huslimun in that it con centrated on fatwas as its primary mode of expression. Most articles and fatwas in Pembela Islam expressed either a political viewpoint or were polemic against Muslim and non-Muslim groups for adhering to views not agreeing with Ahmad Hassan's own fundamentalist viewpoint. Like the earlier Pembela Islam, the new aeries contained numerous short, punchy— often sarcastic— paragraphs and articles designed to stimulate thought on particularly controversial issues. At Bandung a number of periodicals have appeared. Hudjdjatul Islam. which was listed as the official organ of the movement, published only one number, but contained several outstanding articles, relating Islamic history to the current Indonesian situation. The magazine contained no fatwas and was apparently designed to serve only as a theoretical journal of the organization. Hisalah. which was first issued in 1962, is the official publication of the Persatuan Islam at the present time. It is primarily a house organ, printing the news and developments of the organization's various branches in both Bahasa Indonesia and in Sundanese. It has a question-answar section, but replies do not tend to be as authoritative as those published R eproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 202] === at Bangil, and generally they do not cite references from Qur’an and badlth. Bl8alah has some articles on religions subjects but they are generally in formative of historical Islam and do not attempt to prove a political point or take stands on social issues. Several other periodicals are of importance to the Persatuan Islam. Suara Ahtia Sunnah wal D.lama'ah, a monthly magazine, wae published for a short time in 1956 by the Djakarta branch of the organization. Hikaah. published between the years 1947 and I960 and reflecting the thinking of the pro-Natsir wing of Masjuml. printed a large number of statements and articles by Persis members, particularly Isa Anshary, Moehammad Natsir (for a time the periodical's general editor), All Alhamidy and Noenawar Chalil. In addition to periodical literature the Persatuan Islam, at Bangil in particular, also has been active in the publication of new works and the republication of older works. A brochure issued in 1950 listed over fifty works available from its press, with the larger number reprintings of major works— Sual-Djawab. Pengadjaran Shalat and At-Tauhled— which had appeared before the war. In fact, the basic works published by the organization have continued in demand, and are in use in some schools and as basic reference works for persons interested in religion. Pengadjaran Shalat offers a case in point, for thefourth printing was made in 1963* Al-Furqan, a commentary on the Qur’an published before the war was expanded, and has achieved, considerable popularity among Indonesian Muslims New works appearing after the war continued to be in the tradition of Persia writers and were generally instructional in nature. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 203] === Kedaulatan (Sovereignty) by Ahmad Hassan, for example, illustrated to Indonesians just hov the democratic process functioned in an independent state; Abdulkadir Hassan*s U Shol Flqih 'was a complete study of classical Muslim jurisprudence; Hal Tjoetjoekoe (0 My Grandchildren) by Ahmad Hassan was concerned with proper behavior for young Muslims reminding them not to fall victim to modern secularist behavior; Ali Alhamidy’s 43 Islam dan Perkawlnan (Islam and Marriage) fully explained Muslim marriage procedure and belief, and Qamw Rampalan A sampai Z tanmat,44 (Dictionary of Terms A to 2 inclusive) was a dictionary of foreign terms in use in Indonesian writing and speech, particularly in the area of politics. There were a number of works published by Persis members that, like Ahmad Hassan*s Islam dan Kebangsaan before the war, attempted to adapt fundamentalist Islam to the political situation existing in independent Indonesia. Isa Anshary*s Revolusl Islam (Islamic Revolution)^ for example outlined Muslim hopes far the establishment of an Indonesian state based on Islamic principles; his Bahaja Herah di Indonesia (The,46 Red Threat in Indonesia) warned Muslims and Indonesians against the ideology and practices of Communism which he saw contrary to both religion and nation; and his Islam dan Nasionalisme (Islam and Rationalin ism) which indicated the similarities and differences between Muslim and secularist actions and goals. Moenawar Chalil's Funks! Olaaa dalam Mas.larakat dan Negara (The function of the tulam5* in society and the nation), describing the tulama> as a political leadership, also be longs to this series of works. Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 204] === A final series of publications was made available from the reports and fatwas issued by the congresses of the Persatuan Islam. Lengthy reports were issued after the VI Congress in December 1956, and the VIII Congress in September I960, containing the Weltanschauung of the Persa tuan Islam and its views on many specific subjects.^®5 A number of official fatwas and memoranda were issued by the Persatuan Islam as an organization in addition to those issued by its individual scholars, and these usually appeared in various Muslim periodicals publishing at the time. 50 The continued importance of fiqh. The basic Persis stress on fiqh survived the organization's suspen sion during the war and re-emerged in the post-war period. The pesantren at Rang-n in particular, where Ahmad Hassan and Abdulkadir Hassan were located, was probably most active in issuing fatwas in the period of the 1950's, but the function was by no means limited as to place or persons and several other 'ulama* within Persis— Abdullah Ahmad and Hadji Moenavar Chalil for example-also issued fatwas. Persis fatwas after the war had a slightly different emphasis than during the period of the 1930's, in that more fatwas made pronouncements on political subjects, reflecting perhaps greater interest in political affairs by leaders of the Persatuan Islam. It should be noted, however, that Persis fatwas only rarely criticized actual Indonesian government policies; as in the Dutch period "political" fatwas were confined to pronouncements concern ing the general content of nationalism, the philosophic basis of a national state, and condemnation of political trends opposed to Muslim Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 205] === "195“ political goals. Ibis is not to say, however, that the Persatuan Islam never took a political stand on specific issues of government policy, for Isa Anshary, Moehamad Natsir and Ahmad Hassan frequently did so. They always worked through some political group, such as the Maajuai party or the Anti-Communist Front, or with an article or a book clearly recognized as political in character, while the authoritative fatwa was not used. There were two notable exceptions to this generalization: in 1957 when the Persatuan Islam denounced Sukarno's konsepsi (conception) for introducing a united front government with Comminist participation,^* and in 1961 when the movement called for active government suppression of Consnonism in Indonesia. 52 On both occasions the Persatuan Islam as an organization issued the fatwa— in apposition to the usual practice of individual fatwas— and on both occasions the fatwas condemned Com munism as such and warned about its effect on the government, and did not directly criticize government policy. Host of the fatwas issued by Persia members after the war were concerned with matters of worship. Largely they reiterated Persis demands made in the 1930's for the exclusion of certain practices the Persatuan Islam believed were not genuinely a part of proper religious practice. In a fatwa entitled "Ta'rief Bid'ah" (Definition of bidcah) written in June 1955, anonymous Persis writer enumerated a list of actions and practices he regarded as unacceptable to good religious practice. Included in bid*ah— particularly in the past— were many things, among them were: ushalli (hlyah), pronouncing talqin for the dead, reciting takblr at the grave, ignoring ritual Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 206] === washing— prayers while performing ritual washing for every member of the body— asking pardon for sins (istighfSr) by reciting the Jamacah prayer after the salaa prayer— reciting tahlll for the deceased— reciting the dhlkr while attending a funeral, reading al-fatibah to the deceased, reading'Surah Ya Sin and other surahs while performing general wo rkusing the q m ^a n as a shihld— adding the words sayjidina di shawat to worship— because none of these practices genuinely belong to Islam.” Lacking in Persatuan Islam fatwas. both prior to the war and after wards, was any full discussion of the social problems presented by the technological advances and sociological developments of the past fifty years, and the impact of these trends on the religious life of Indonesian Muslims. There is no Persia fatwa extant that discussed this problem generally, and fatwa dealing with individual problems arising from it were limited only to those problems, such as the efforts to change the status of women in society, occasional fatwas on the use of zakat for public projects, the problem of interest and banks, and only rarely fatwas on a problem like birth control or blood transfusion. ^ Even these discussions were kept within a tight religious framework which offered answers for almost all situations in the society, rather than discussed in the context of a world affected by technological advances and sociological developments where the society itself was being trans formed, even in the non-industrial areas of the world including Indo nesia* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 207] === -197Footnotes for Chapter 9 Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman, General Chairman of the Persa tuan Islam, and Junus Anis, Chariman of the Pemada Persatuan Islam, at Bandung on July 21, 1963. The Persatuan Islam officially denies that its organization is intended to stifle individual initiative. "The Persatuan Islam does not have a Central Management (Pengurus Besar). however, the Persatuan Islam has a Central Leadership (Puaat Pimpirmn), The Persatuan Islam does not regulate members, but the Persatuan Islam guides its members. Those who are led are only inani mate objects (benda-benda mati) which have no energy of life. But we guide members who have energy of life, members who live, who can not even be compared with the lifeless forms which have no energy or power, who have no aims, directions or ideals for life. Every branch (of the organization) has similar leadership... who guide living members, who are characterized by determination and ideals. All of the (organization's) leadership is like that, and it wants to be "centered" (berpusat). not acting on its own and alone without relations of one with another, but rather can be characterized as a power with purpose, aiming toward achieving our goals and ideals." Amanat K. H. E. Abdurrahman dimuka Tjabang Persatuan Islam Kotapradja Bandung, tanggal 8 Djuli 1962 (Address of K. H. E. Abdurrahman before the Bandung branch of the Persatuan Islam on July 8, 1962) as quoted in Rlsalah. I, No. 6 (August 1962), p. 56. Interview with E. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21, 1963. No mention was made in the interview of a Baglan Sosial dan Ekonond. (Social and Economic Unit), but one probablydoes exist at Bandung since several of the branches of Persis have such a unit in their own local organizations. Risalah, H E, No. 20 (April 1965), p. 4; I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 12. Rlsalah. I, No. 6 (August 1962), p. 57. Branches of the organization were listed as existing in Bandung, Simpang Tjiawi, Tjikalong-Kulon, Tasikmalaja, Soreang, Tjisomang, Sumedang, Tjitjalengka, LekongBuahbatu, Radjapolah, Palembang (South Sumatra), Magung, Padalarang, Pinang, Purwakarta, Serang, Tjiandjur. All of the above, except for Palembang are located in West Java. According to Risalah. I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 13 a branch exists at Pameungpeuk, and Risalah. II, No. 1 (May 1963), p. 20 lists a branch at Matraman Utara in Djakarta and another at Pamaniukan. Risalah. Ill, No. 20 (April 1965), p. 4 lists the establishment of a new branch at Sambas in the Riau Archi pelago. Risalah. I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 13. Nasution, Sekitar Parang Kemerdekaan Indonesia. VII (unpaginated). 6 Persatuan Islam. Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri, p. 6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 208] === Navawi Dusky, "A. Hassan," Hikmah. H, No. 32 (November 22, 1958), p. 13. 8 Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21, 1963* 9 K. H. E. Abdurrahman has been primarily an educator and administra tor for the Persatuan Islam. It is only over the past few years, as General Chairman of the Persatuan Islam, that he has done any amount of writing, and all of that in the periodicals of the Persa tuan Islam. His writings show deep knowledge of Islamic history and doctrine; his article "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama1ah," written in 1956, is an outstanding example of how Islamic history can be related to current situations. See below pp. 241-242. For an article outlining some of his teachings see, Hurlela, "Perpetjahan dalam Persatuan" (Discord in Unity), Hikmah. H, No. 22 (August 2, 1958), pp. 2-21. 10 Hadji Moenawar Chalil was a prolific writer on religious subjects and his articles appeared in several Muslim periodicals including Hikmah and Al-Islam. A large number of his fatwas appeared in SualD.jawab. His chief works, outlining his own religious viewpoint, were Al-Qur'an dari masa ke masa (The Qur’an from age to age), and Kembali depada Al-Qur'an dan As-Sunnah; Suatu muqaddamah bagL himpunan hadits-hadits pelihara ^Return to Qur’an and Sunnah; an intro duction for a guide of cherished badlth). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1961. See the bibliographies attached to this essay for other im portant works. A biographic sketch of Moenawar Chalil appeared under the title "H. Moenawar Chalil" in Minggu Abadi, February 28, I960. 11 Mcehammad All Alhamidy is a prolific writer for Islamic periodicals, and an orator of considerable repute. An outline of his basic prin ciples appears in his book entitled Rukun Hidup (Principles of Life). Djakarta, Al-Ma'arif, 1951. For a personal sketch and partial bio graphy see Nawawi Dusky, "Ulaaa, rumahnja terbuka buat peminatpeminat agama: Ustadz M. All Alhamidy dengan tenaga muda jang terlatih" (fUlama*, his home is open for those interested in religion: Ustadz M. Ali Alhamidy with the power of trained youth). Hikmah. XH, No. 6 (March 14, 1959), pp. 11-13. 12 Abdulkadir Hassan*s principle work is U-Shul Fiqih (Principles of Jurisprudence). A number of his fatwas appear in Sual-DJawab. particularly volumes XIII, XIV and XV. 13 Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. K. Wahid Has.lim. p. 219. 14 He was apparently on the editorial board of the Persis periodical "Lasjkar Iatam" and wrote articles for the Perbint.langan newspaper and for several periodicals including Pandji Islam. Pedoman Masjarakat, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 209] === ■199- Islam Raya (Solo) and Islam Bergerak (DJogjakarta). Parlaungan, Tokoh-tokoh Parlcmen, pp. 156-157.. 15 Isa Anshary, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, p. 15* 16 Ibid.. 45. 17 Interview with E. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21, 1963. 18 Ibid 19 The Pesantrcn Ket.jil in Bandung was able to function during the Japanese Occupation, but apparently stopped activity in late 1945 when the British occupied Bandung, Several of the teachers con ducted classes in other parts of West Java until 1943 when the school in Bandung was reopened. "Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam," Rlsalah. I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 10. 20 Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendldikan Islam di Indonesia (History of Islamic Education in Indonesia), Djakarta, Pustaka Mahmudiah, I960, pp. 260-261. Mahmud Junus listed the following texts in use at the Pesantren Ketjil. Ahmad Hassan, Pengadjaran Shalat: Ahmad Hassan, Kesopanan Islam; Ahmad Hassan, Al-Muchtar; Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhled; Ahmad Hassan, Al-Hidajah (Guidance). (A conmentary on jus’ amma). Bandung, Al-Ma'arif, n.dj Ahmad Hassan, Al-Faraaidl (Inheritance). Bangil and Batavia, Persatuan Islam, 1949; A. D. Hany, Kuraus Bahasa Arab (Arabic language course). Djogjakarta, Walfadjri, n. d; Mabadl* qirS>ah rashldah (Introduction to good recitation). Cairo, n.d; ‘All Flkri. Jfdab al-FatS* (Refinement for youth). Cairo, Al-Maw3ucat, 1900; 'All Fikrit, Al-Samlrat al-muhazzib (Anecdotes of the parties). Cairo, n.d; Muhammad Farid Wajdl, Awdat al-tafslr/ al-mushaf almufassar (Commentary— the Qur’an Clarified). Cairo, n.d; *Umar Abdul Djabar, Khulasat al-Nur al-Jaqln (Resume of Nur al-JaqTn by Ahmad _ KhudSrt. Cairo, 1925). Surabaja, 1930; Al-Akh Bilaj, Babr al-Adab (Sea of refinement). Cairo, Al-Jawa*b al-Misrlyah, 1905, 3 vols: Al-Akh Bilaj, Safxnat al-Nuhat (Ship of Syntax). Cairo, Al-Jawa b al-Misrlyah, 1907, 4 vols. 21 Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendldikan Islam di Indonesia, p. 261. The following texts were used in addition to many of those used in the elementary classes: Ahmad Hassan. Sharaf (Grammar). Bangil, Persa tuan Islam, n.d; rAbdul Hamid flaklm, Al-Bayan (Clarification — of ugul al-fiqh). Medan, (1930); MdstafJ ibh^u^ammad Lu-J;fl al-Manfalutl, Al-Nazarat (Considerations). Cairo, Al-Rafrm5nlyah, 1920, 3 vols; Abdullah bin Abdul Eadir Munsji, Halil&H wa dlmnah (Gems and Traces). Djakarta, Balai Pustaka, n.dj Al-Akh Bilaj, Saflbaat al-Balaghah (Ship of language). Cairo, Al-Jawa3b al-Misrlyah, 1907; Al-Dibaj (Fine Verse) fa§amftsd,Abu Zayd, Hady al-Rasul (Guidance of the Prophet). Cairo, 1925; Ahmad ibn Sharqawl, TawhXd. Cairo, n.d; Husayn ibn Sulayman Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 210] === al-Rashldl, Bulugh al-Maram (Attainment of the goal)(book of badltha) Cairo, Al-Wahablyuh, 1681. 23 Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21, 1963* 24 "Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam,” Rlsalah. I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 11. 25 Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21, 1963. 26 Persatuan Islam, Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri. p. 6. 27 Suara Rakjat. September 30, 1962, p. 1. 28 Persatuan Islam, Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri. pp. 16-17. 29 Ibid.. 6-8. 30 Ibid.. 8-9; Interview with Abdulkadir Hassan and several other Per satuan Islam officials at Bangil on July 13, 1963. 31 Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21, 1963. 32 Risalah. I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 13. 33 In general, to be eligible for a government subsidy a Muslim school must provide an education equivalent to that of the public school system. See K. Hutasoit, Compulsory Education in Indonesia (UNESCO series on compulsory education), Paris, UNESCO, 1954, pp. 68-69, which gives the specific criteria governing the granting of subsidies 34 Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21, 1963; Interview with Tuan Sofwanhadi, publisher of the Surabaja daily Suara Rakjat. during an automobile trip from Surabaja to Bangil and return on July 13, 1963. 35 "Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam,” Risalah. I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 11. 36 Interview with Timur Jaylani, Director of the Section for Higher Education in the Department of Religious Affairs, in Djakarta, July 9, 1963. 37 Cf. Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendldikan Islam di Indonesia, pp. 233248. A survey of general Muslim education is found in M. Hutasoit, Compulsory Education in Indonesia, pp. 74-79. 38 Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendldikan Islam dldlndonesia. pp. 85-87. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 211] === 40 Nawawi Du3ky, "A. Hassan,” Hikmah. XL, No. 32 (November 22, 1958), p. 14. 41 Ahmad Hassan, Al-Furqan (TafsTr Qur^an). Surabaja, Salim Nabhan, 1956 and Djakarta, Tintamas, 1962. This work is apparently a con tinuation of earlier commentaries made by Ahmad Hassan which were limited to specific surahs. such as Ahmad Hassan Al-Djawahir (Permata-permata) A.jat dan Hadits. Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1957J Ahmad Hassan, Tafsier Surah Jasien dengan keterangan dan rlngkasan (Commentary on Sgrah la Sin with clarifications and summaries); and Ahmad Hassan, Al-Hldajah (d.1uz amma) (Guidance on Juz' 5 Amina). The publication dates are those of available volumes and in every case earlier editions of these works were published. 42 Ahmad Hassan, Hai Tjoetjoe-koe (Nasihat seorang tua.jang telah hidoep lama, banjak melihat. banjak mendengar dan banjak mengalami hal-hal doenia kepada tjoet.joen.1a.jang laki-laki dan jang perempoean dan dan kepada kanak-kanak jang se'oemoer dengan mereka) (0. mygrand children (the advice of an adult, who has lived long, seen much, heard much and experienced many situations, to my descendents, both male and female, and to all children who are the same age as they are)). Surabaja, Salim Nabhan, 1948. 43 Moehammad Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan (Islam and Marriage). Djakarta, Al-Ma'arif, 1951. 44 Ahmad Hassan, Qamoes Rampaian A sampai Z tammat (Dictionary of terms from A through Z complete). Malang, Indian League, 1950. In the introduction to this volume Ahmad Hassan stated that the purpose of the book was to give the meaning of foreign words commonly used by Indonesian writers but who do not give their meaning. The selection contained European, Malay, Hebrew, Indonesian, Sundanese, Tamil, Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit terms. Ahmad Hassan stated his inten tion to publish a second volume using another set of words and terms. See Sabirin, Kekajaan Basa dan Pengetahoean Oemoem (Vocabulary and general terms71 Bandoeng, C. T. Van Dorp, 1938. 45 Moehammad Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam (Islamic Revolution). Surabaja, Hasan Aidid, 1953. 46 Moehammad Isa Anshary, Jusuf Wibisono and Sjarief Usman, Bahaja Merah di Indonesia (The Red Menace in Indonesia). Bandung, Front Anti-Komunis, 1955* 47 Moehammad Isa Anshary, Islam dan Nasionalisme (Islam and National ism). Bandung, Pustaka Djihad, 1954. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 212] === 49 The 1956 and I960 reports have only slight differences in text. The original draft, in 1956, was prepared by Hbehammad Isa Anshary in his capacity as General Chairman, and adopted by the congress with slight changes. Pusat PImp3nan Persatuan Islam, Manff«« Pard.lManpo.n Persatuan Islam (Hie Struggle Manifesto of the Persatuan Islam). Bandung, 1958. The I960 report, with the same title appears in serial articles in Hikmah. I, Nos. 1-2 (January 12, 1957) through No. 6 (February 9, 1957). 50 These fatwas and memoranda are cited below in the chapter on politics. 51 Pusat Pimpinan Persatuan Islam, "Persatuan Islam menolak konsepsi Bung Kamo" (The Persatuan Islam rejects the conception of Bung Karno). Suara Mas.lumi. March 15, 1957, p. 8. 52 Eighth Congress of the Persatuan Islam, "Persatuan Islam menuntut Penghantjuran Partai Kominis Indonesia" (Persatuan Islam demands dissolution of the Indonesian Communist Party). Bangil, September 4, I960. Printed in Harian Abadi. September 7, I960, pp. 1-2 (translated into English by the Joint Publication Research Service, JFRS #4369, February 1, 1961. 53 "Ta'rief (definisi) Bid'ah" (Definition of "innovation"), Al-Maslimun, II, No. 3 (June 1955), pp. 7-8. A number of fatwas from the Rangii group written during the 1950's indicates that Persis thinking on these subjects had not changed from what it had been prior to the war. The following fatwas support that conclusion: "Talqin untuk siapa"(For whom is talqin). Al-Hualimun. H. No. 7 (October 1955), p. 9; "Niat dalam'Ibadat” (nSyah in worship), Al-Muslimun. V, No. 43 (November I960), pp. 8-9; "Mentjium tangan 'ulama* (Kissing the hand of the <ulamg>). Al-Muslimun. H, No. 1 (April 1955), p. 11; "Kenduri tjukur raobut baji" (Ritual meal for shaving a baby), Al-MnVMnnin, VI, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 7J "Hemakai 'Asimat" (Wearing a charm), Al-Muslimun. H, No. 4 (June 1955), pp. 10-11; and "Gamelan, Gambus. Orkes, dll (musical instruments), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 2 (June 1955), pp. 5-6: "Mendapat Ilham untuk menobat" (receiving inspiration for healing), Al-Muslimun. HI, No. 30 (August 1957), pp. 10-11. 54 See the following chapter for a discussion of these subjects. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 213] === Chapter 10 Adjustment to Contemporary Scientific, Economic and Sociological Trends The Persatuan Islam has been concerned with the impact of the Twentieth Century, with its technological, scientific and sociological developments, on Muslims and on Islamic principles. Basically Persis members accepted these contemporary developments as beneficial to man kind, but maintained that their true value could only be guaranteed when given guidance by the spiritual and moral values of Islam. There has been no article, fatwa or monograph by a Persis member, however, attempting to analyze this subject and define Islam's relationship to modern trends, but several Persis authors have treated the subject casually in their works on other matters. Persis writers frequently stated their belief that Islam was com patible with Twentieth Century developments. In a fatwa with the pro vocative title "Langit tidak ada" (Heaven does not eadst) a Persatuan Islam "alim stated that "there is no contradiction between belief in science and... religious b e l i e f a n d concluded that a Hislim was free to study science without fear of being branded an apostate (murtadd)?' Ahmad Hassan, writing in Muhammad benar Rasul itu?" cited references in the Qur'Sn to cross-pollination, to virus and bacteria and to the revolu tion of heavenly bodies as proof that Islam historically has been compatible with science. One particular fatwa admitted that science had -203- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 214] === -2 0 4 changed Muslims1 thinking on some subjects, and cited the concept of "heaven" as an example. The fatwas noted that Mi slims once believed that heaven occupied the space immediately above the earth and was per ceptible to the five senses, but conceded that science had proven that heaven did not exist in that form or place. The fatwa concluded that heaven (sama*) did still exist in another place and another form and insisted that heaven as such was not contrary to scientific thinking.*' While Persis writers regarded science as beneficial to man and acceptable to Islam, they were somewhat more reserved on the influence of the civilization and culture that science, through technology with accompaiying modifications of society, had produced in the West. They stated that Muslims could accept science and even technology, but warned Muslims that to follow the example of the West in the way it made use of these benefits was to court disaster. They maintained that technology in the West had not been tied to a system of values, had been disruptive of morality, and threatened the very destruction of Western civilization. "Han climbs the tower of technical development," stated Isa Anshary, but intellect, reason and thought alone are not capable of pro viding guidance for... life."^ In the same vein Moehammad Natsir, in a speech in the Constituent Assembly, noted that the secularists "claim that knowledge must be separated from the values of life and culture." He admitted that the separation was useful in so far as objec tivity was concerned, but stated his belief that science had unfortunately become "science for the sake of science" and scientist feltno responsi bility when their creation was used in a destructive manner. ** Both Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 215] === writers concluded that the spiritual side of nan, properly informed of religious coanands and prohibitions, was necessary to give technical advances proper utilization and direction. In Revoluai Islam Isa Anshary lamented the appearance of an atti tude among Indonesians that copied the non-spiritual outlook of the West. He warned Indonesians that by imitating the West and disregarding religion as a guide for life, Indonesians were taking the same path to destruction that the West was already following. He saw this reflected in the attitude of Indonesian youth who seemed more sophisticated, yet restless, nParents are no longer able to control their children, because the children feel more developed, more internationally minded. This attitude could also be seen among women, he maintained, where it was d e a r in the mode of dress for Muslim women. Even some gulama>ls wives "dress in frocks, bare in the middle and scant above and below. Isa Anshary stated that Muslims would do well not to allow their stan dards to degenerate and accept without qualification the maty trends and influences brought forth during the modern age. Muslims have freedom of thought, he noted in Ravoluai Islam, but it is a freedom "to think, to compare and to criticize." He concluded that society would develops, correctly if it was cognizant of religion and adopted principles based on a genuine fear and respect of GodCtaqwa'llah). While there was only limited discussion of modern developments in general, there were many Persis articles and fatwas that attempted to deal with the individual problems that arose when these trends came into contact with particular religious beliefs and practices. Health advances Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 216] === -206had to be adjusted to Muslim dietary regulations; economic thinking and institutions collided with Muslim laws of zakat and usury; and the women's emancipation movement challenged M i n i rules of conduct for its women* Modern medical practice. Regarding modern medical practice several fatwas pointedly suggest that persons with strange maladies and mental problems would do well to consult medical specialists rather than rely on folk ritual for cure.^ But while modern medical practice was accepted, several Persis fatwa noted the possibility that medical treatment could interfere with religious ritual and transgress religious prohibitions, and attempted to reconcile general religious principles and medical practice. One Persis {alim noted an badith recorded by Abu Dawud, which stated that God had put sickness on the earth but had provided a cure for every ill ness* The badith warned lest sickness be treated with methods and drugs that are forbidden by religion, for permissible drugs and methods did exist for the curing of every illness.^ In line with this badith. Persis writers stated that Muslims could not take medicine containing alcohol, but did note that in an emergency where a Muslim's life was at stake medicine containing alcohol could be used, if appropriate and if other medicine was not available.^ The drinking of blood for reasons of health was prohibited, but several fatwa stated that the character istics of a blood transfusion were entirely different than that of drinking blood, and judged that transfusion was a permissible act. 12 Several fatwas noted the problem of medical practice during the Fast, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 217] === and maintained that taking medicine in the daytime during Ramadan did not negate the Fast for a sick person. The rationale for this judgment was that taking medicine, while similar to eating and drinking in that the substance entered the mouth and passed to the stomach, actually had a different purpose and could not be considered to be either food or drink.^ Other fatwas used parallel arguments to allow injections and enemas for the ill during the F ast.^ In a problem related to medical practice, Persis <ulania> decided that birth control for Muslims was permissible. This decision, recorded in a fatwa entitled "Membatas Kelahiran" (Limiting Birth), was based on an badith recorded by Abm&d ibn ganbal, Muslim and Abu Oawud, which cited the Prophet's permission for Muslims to practice coitus interruptus for the prevention of pregnancy, and hence, by analogy, concluded that other types of birth control were permitted as w e l l. ^ The same fatwas noted that birth control included only the prevention of pregnancy, and that abortion was clearly forbidden by Islam. ^ Several fatwa a decided that artificial insemination caused considerable problems regarding Muslim family life, inheritance and other matters, and concluded that it would 17 be better not practiced. ' Economics. There is some discussion among Persis writings concerning economics and its effects on Indonesian Muslims. Moehammad Hatsir, for example, even before he became a government minister, showed considerable awareness of modern economic theory and practice. In an article written in 1932 he explained that in Islam wealth is considered to be a blessing, given Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 218] === -2 0 8 by God for the enjoyment of all men. He noted in his speech before the Constituent Assembly that Islam has not provided laws on economics and other subjects to "regulate 1001 detailed circumstances," which would be subject to change in different places and times. 18 Rather, he stated, Islam has provided the basic kernel which, when used in conjunction with man's reason, could be applied at any place in any ag e.^ Moehammad Hatsir1s belief in a socialistic system was based on this principle, and the argument he employed for its adoption by Indonesians was a clear attempt to distil a basic economic principle from Islam and apply it to contemporary life. 20 He quoted Al-Tawbah 34 promising a painful doom to those who do not use their wealth in a way pleasing to God, and stated that this ayah rejected capitalism, which he characterized as a "greedy and covetous soul... amassing wealth, gold and silver only for 21 own joy, without considering society.” his He used analogy to state that wealth should not be concentrated among only a few persons to provide them with luxury while others suffered, but rather should be "turned into the productive process for raising the level of prosperity so that 22 greater equality would exist.” This preference for socialist forms of economic systems is common to many newly independent nations who see capitalism connected with colonialism as well as a common modern Muslim interpretation of the traditionally paternalistic and communally based life of Muslim society. Moehammad Natsir's justification was an Indo nesian attempt to give socialism religious sanction. While condemning capitalism Moehammad Natsir was also clearly opposed to the sort of socialism espoused by Communism. He saw Marxist Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 219] === dialectic, with its insistence on the inevitability of class straggle, as setting one class of Muslims against another, and maintained that this viewpoint was contrary to the Muslin view of the equality and brotherhood of all men. He stated that the Muslim rich were not to be the enemies of the Muslim poor, but rather their guides and benefactors. He admited, however, that there were many movements— "liberal, radical, fascist and Communist"— that wanted to improve economic and social differences so as to "lessen the differences between men," but claimed that, except for Islam, all of them had defects and none neared per23 fection. Only Islam, as the religion of God, he declared, was capable of bringing about equality through raising the low economic and social level of the masses to the "level of humanity" and by stripping the aristocrats of their "divinity" and making than common mortals.2^ Natsir's own ideals regarding the equality of mankind, rather than any command of Islam, probably led him to prefer a moderate brand of socialism. His speeches in parliament often supported socialistic measures, but these had no specific characteristics that branded them as Islamic, as opposed to any other socialistic legislation.^ It appears then that Natsir was not really arguing for a specific system of economics, but rather that any system adopted by Indonesia should be guided by basic Hpslim principles. Indonesian Muslims, like Muslima in other part3 of the Islamic world, gave considerable scrutiny to the institution of zakat and the prohibition of usury (riba). in trying to fit them to the contemporary age. Regard ing zakat. Persis members were meticulous in working out the formulae Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 220] === laid down in Qur^an and badith for assessing the amount of tax due from 26 each Muslim. Moehammad Natsir noted that zakat was a social pressure built into Islam to prompt the rich to alleviate the burdens of the poor. As such, he believed that it could play an important role in contempor27 ary Indonesian society. Persis writers made no mention of the suggestions put forward by some Muslims that zakat should be incorporated into the national tax system and the money used for social welfare programs. They did state, however, that it was permissible for zakat to be used for the construction and operation of schools, hospitals and other social welfare projects. These writers interpreted broadly the injunction in the Qur^an to distribute zakat to the destitue, the wayfarer and "in the way of God," and stated that zakat could be used in any way that would 28 aid the Muslim cause. The problem of riba, commonly translated as usury, presented a more difficult problem than zakat. since, at first glance, riba appeared to clash with the operations of several modern interest gathering institutions, 29 such as banks, insurance companies, and cooperatives. In line with modernist Muslim thinking in the Arab world, the Persatuan Islam found these financial institutions compatible with Islam. The usual Muslim position since the time of the Prophet, however, had been that the prohibition on riba included not only usury, but any profit by the lender on the goods he lent. However, the need for credit had often led to a circumvention of this rule by the use of the double sale (mukhatarah contract) and other ruses.^ In contrast to this traditional approach, the Persatuan Islam defined riba merely as "excessive profit" and stated Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 221] === that interest gained from banks and cooperatives was reasonable and should not be considered as included in the Prophet's condemnation of riba. In a fatwa entitled "Koperasi" (Cooperatives) a Persis talim stated that the Prophet's condemnation was intended to control the practice common to pre-Islamic Arabia where double the amount of interest was agreed to for lengthening the duration of the loan* "The sum of one hundred dirhaa became two hundred, and so on, several t i m e s. T h e fatwa noted that such a practice could easily lead to a considerable loss of wealth on the borrower's part, and having perceived that such loss was unjust the Prophet had forbidden such practices. A second fatwa. entitled "Mengambalikan sebanjak jang dipindjam" (Returning a sum greater than was borrowed), explained the Persis position further and challenged as invalid the badith used by traditionalist Muslims to justify their stand on riba* The badith stated that repayment of a loan of grain was to be in the same grain with no increase, and that there was to be no dealing in futures (i.e., the success of the next harvest). The writer of the fatwa claimed that this hadlth was not valid because its terms were impossible to fulfill, for one who borrowed grain could not possibly repay in the same grain until after a later harvest. "Is it fitting for the Prophet to have received such guidance from God?" he asked,aand then answered his own question by stating, "Certainly not, and we can never accept that the Prophet uttered" such words. This fatwa also dismissed other badTths presented by traditional Muslims as proof of their position on riba "because they (the badTths) conflict with one another."^ A third fatwa stated that Muslims were permitted to use modern banks and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 222] === and to accept the interest they gave on savings. This fatwS concluded that a Muslim was remiss in his obligations if he failed to accept interest from a bank, and stated that "if a person regards it as unclean, let him give it to an orphanage or a school. The laws of punishment (budud). The punishments prescribed by Qur’an and badith for certain unrighteous acts have often been difficult for Muslins to adjust with current social norms and behavior. There has been criticism from many quarters— M n a H n and non-Muslim— of such punishments as flogging those taken in adultery and severing the hand of the thief.35 Secularists in Indonesia found such punishments to be totally unfitting, and even Muslim organizations attempted to make them less harsh. The MnhAnmAfH jah attempted to distil the spirit of the commands, and believed, for example, that theft should be punished by imprisonment, and maintained that such confinement was a limitation on the thief's power to steal, i.e., a figurative way of "severing a man's arm."^ Unlike the Muhamnadljah the Persatuan Islam interpreted the punishment for theft literally and maintained that a thief's hand should be severed, since God had clearly commanded it. In Pemerintahan T.jara Islam Ahmad Hassan defended this viewpoint by stating that such harsh punishments served as a constant reminder to the criminal, and discouraged other persons from committing similar crimes. Ahmad Hassan admitted that Islamic laws of punishment were harsh, and stated that they were meant to frighten, but justified such an approach by stating that "90£ of the laws of non-Muslim states are intended for that puspose (i.e., to frighten people)^ and yet "lawlessness is higher Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 223] === in non-Islaaic lands. He concluded that if such laws were applied regularly throughout Indonesia they would cause much initial distress, “but as generations passed, the new groups would be less likely to err and they would be more prosperous."^ It should be noted that Persis fatwas and articles never attempted to assign punishments for acts it believed contravened the Shari6ah but only made judgments as to what actions were within the limits of proper behavior and what was not. Nor did the Persatuan Islam agitate for the inclusion of these punishments in national law. Apparently Persis mem bers sought only to defend such punishments as the command of God, but left the implementation to the state. The literal stance taken on this issue by the Persatuan Islam and several other Muslim groups had an unfavorable impact on Muslim political fortunes, and many nominal Muslims and Muslims with secularist tendencies did not give their support to Muslim political parties because they believed that the establishment of an Islamic state might lead to the implementation of such harsh Islamic laws. Womans role in society. One of the moat significant social developments in the past century has been the increased role that women have come to play in society in the West. It is a development that has caused considerable thought among some Muslim woemn's groups, among Muslim divines, and has prompted the publication of new studies outlining Muslim views toward the role of women in society. In Indonesia the Muslim attitude became a point of serious contention in the 1930's between secularists who advocated greater Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 224] === -a *matrimonial and social freedom for women, and Muslims who sav many as pects of the emancipation of women as transgressing religious prohibitions,^ and this difference prevailed after the war as well. While most advocates for a less inhibited role for women in society belonged to secularist organi sations, there were those within the Muslim cosnunity who also wanted to give women a new, more prominent role in national life. This trend was apparent, for example, in the Hnhammdi.1ah where the 'Aisijah. the organi zation's women's movement, had, over a period of thirty years, made con siderable impact on Muhamaadijah leadership and considerably broadened the role of women members within the organization.^ These gains, which still did not allow unrestricted miring of men and women socially, carried over into Maa.luad., and caused some dissension among groups, including Persis, with a more narrow interpretation of women's role in life. The Persatuan Islam held the viewpoint that there were essential differences of character between men and women that fitted each sex for different functions in life. Muslims, both in Persis and in other organi zations, argued that within this division of function the two sexes really only operated in different spheres, and that one sex could not be regarded as superior to the other. "Men have several functions that cannot be performed by women and vice versa.... but for the wellbeing of both sexes mutual aid and cooperation is essential."^ Men ware regarded as the masters who control the nation, the religious community, and the family, and provide livlihood and sustenance for the family. Woman's role was regarded as being concerned with housekeeping and mother/•”. hood. 'All Alhamidy, in his monograph Islam dan Perkawinan (Islam and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 225] === Marriage), stressed that the natures of the two sexes were primarily respon sible for this particular division of labor; men were assigned intelligence and strength, and women attractiveness.^ Ahmad Hassan, on the other hand, stressed the legal case and stated that such a division of respon sibility was set by religious law. "Women must obey," he stated, "and men must provide subsistence."^ The Persatuan Islam maintained that men and women could not ndx socially or associate freely with one another, except within the family circle and through marriage. As the religious basis for the separation of the sexes Persis cnlama* cited Al-Nur 31, which states that women should dress modestly and reveal their charms only to their husbands and close relatives.^ During the lifetime of the Prophet, stated Ahmad Hassan, women were allowed to leave the house, go to the marketplace, go on the ba.1.1. and undertake a large number of everyday tasks and to per form religious obligations that would bring them into the view of men. On the assumption that such actions were proper or they would have been corrected by the Prophet, Ahmad Hassan concluded that women could appear before men while undertaking similar activities at the present time, but nothing more since the Prophet gave no express or inplied permission for any other contacts and indicated in a number of Instances that the sexes I 17 should be kept apart as much as possible. Reflecting an argument in common use by modernist Muslims throughout the Muslim world, Ali Alhamidy stated that a chief characteristic of woman is allure, and not properly controlled this allure could bring harm to both men and woman. article signed with the initials M. S. and appearing in Pembela Islam Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 226] === -216echoed the sane argument and concluded that women hare an allure of sweet ness— even if sane women are not really sweet— and if they are not prop erly cherished and protected "can destroy themselves and other people as 49 well." In this context the separation of the sexes, stated Ahmad Hassan, was not intended to be a "humbling or lowering of either sex," but an indication of Islam's awareness of women and an attempt to honor them. Persis regard for the disruptive power of womanhood on mankind dicta ted the organization's belief on what it regarded as proper clothing for women* "Islam honors women," stated an article in Peabela Islam,"by requiring that women wear clothing that covers their bodies and their shapes, in order that they not be appealing to men, and to avoid the temp tations "which lead to corruption, perversion and destruction of society."^* "People who do not sincerely honor women," the article continued, "allow them to dress in provocative Western clothes where the shape of the breasts and thighs are an enticement to men."^ Coupled with free association with men it could lead to a situation "as in Sagland where up to 70% of the schoolgirls" are no longer virgins.^ In religious matters, Ahmad Hassan noted, "a woman may not become a prophet or a judge, and may not become an imaa (at the mosque) in public," and "it is forbidden for a woman to become a leader."^ Ali Alhamidy explained that men, but never women, had been chosen by God to reveal His religious message to mankind, and accordingly stressed his belief that religious activity was man's responsibility. 55 Alhamidy specifically pointed out, however, that women could undertake to teach and to spread religion among other women and that they could be active in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 227] === women's affairs* 56 The political role of women was limited to activity among other women while political activity in which women sat with men on political party governing boards, or on elected and appointed govern ment councils, was specifically condemned by Persist Ahmad Hassan stated that during the time of the Prophet women did not sit on councils, and that to do so in present circumstances would obviously contravene the 58 Sunnah of the Prophet* Ahmad Hassan argued further that Islam forbade women and men to imitate one another, and since the ruling function belonged to man any attempt by a woman to sit on a council was actually imitating a man and ipso facto wrong.^ An article appearing in Pembela Islam in 1956 and signed with the anonymous letters M. S., stated that those groups in Indonesia championing free association of men and women and supporting a wider role for women in politics and society were actually hypocrites. Such groups, M. S. maintained, did not really honor women, but only used the "presence of women to attract men to political parties, meetings and conferences," and allowed them to become film stars and to appear in advertisements "only in order to make money."w This strict view of the role of women in society brought the Persatuan Islam, and especially Ahmad Hassan, into conflict and debate with other Muslim groups on many particular points. There are records of debate between Ahmad Hassan and Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy and between Ahmad Hassan and Mbenawar Chalil, with both on minor differences of interpreta tion regarding women*s status in society. In the debate with Ash-Shiddieqy Ahmd Hassan argued that it was not permissible for a woman to shake hands while greeting a government or party official,^ and in the debate with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 228] === —218— Moenawar Chalil Ahmad HasBan maintained that women are excased (bat not necessarily excluded) from attending the service at the mosque for Friday 62 comunity prayers. In another dispute Ahmad Hassan questioned the decision of the Madjelis S.1uro (Legal Council) of the Mas.lumi Party in June 1956 stating that women could travel outside the country without x 63 being accompanied by their male relatives (mabranj. Ahmad Hassan called for debate with the eulama’ of the Madjella S.luro on this issue, but as his challenge went unanswered he contented himself with issuing a fatwa refuting the Masjumi decision.^ The number of women in the Persis organization, in its schools, and the sort of activity these women are allowed to.participate in, perhaps better indicates the real attitude of the Persatuan Islam toward women. In 1963 dress for women and girls was standard at all Persis schools, with the body completely covered except for the oval of the face and the hands.^ At Bangil, where separate schools are maintained for boys and girls, male teachers were employed in the girls' school and male visitors were granted full access to the classrooms while classes were in session.66 At Bandung separation was more liberally interpreted and boys and girls sat in the same class but on different sides of the room, a device used by several Indonesian religious organizations, notably the Muhammadi.1ah. while holding meetings at which both men and women are present. The level of education was the same for both boys and girls at all but the highest levels. Toung ladies, moreover, train at Bandung to become teachers, and at Bangil to become informants and propagandists, an indication that the organization does not believe that woman is strictly limited to the houseo Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 229] === hold but can engage in some teaching and religious activities, as A H 67 Alhamidy has pointed out. Finally, the women and girls have their own autonomous organizations, following the organization's recognition that women may be socially active among other women.68 It is apparent, however, that some members of Persis, perhaps those who were influenced by the liberal modernists in Mas.lumi, do not entirely agree with stringent Persis views concerning women, and advocate— and even allow— their daughters to dress in Western clothes, and to associate with boys in the Western manner. A 1956 isBue of Peabela Islam carried an article, again signed with the initials K. S., which chided the mem bers of the Persatuan Islam for "new bid^ah." The bidcah. as the article saw it, was imitation of Westernism, and particularly its manifestations toward womanhood. The article stated that the members of the Persatuan Islam were no longer guilty of such things as prayers for the dead, making the khutbah too long, and other old bid<ah. However, M. S. stated, "In Persis there are not a few who allow their daughters to dress modern... with chests and posteriors protruding,... allowing them to become guides(scouts) and associate with boys,... and even, on one occasion... one member's house was used by young men and women for a dance. There are probably few such persons in Persis, and certainly no leader has yet emerged who would defend an attitude of greater freedom for women in society and attempt to justify it with a fatwa. Defense of polygyny. The Muslim practice of polygyny was also a target of the secularists before and after the war. In 1930 the Isteri Sedar (Conscious Womanhood), Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 230] === -220- & secularist women's organization, was founded and its program specifically 70 attacked "polygamy, child marriages and prostitution." While women's groups agreed with other parts of the Isterl Sedar's program, most found it impossible for religious reasons to agree with the condem nation of polygyny the program called for. In 1929 the Muhammad!.lah's woman's organization 'Aisijah maintained that polygyny was beneficial in that it had proven successful in preventing the increase of prostitution.71 Host Huslim women's groups thereafter urged legal restraints to prevent "illegal" polygyny, which they defined as marriage not sanctioned by Islam or incorrectly performed according to their conception of what the proper ceremony should be.72 Several Muslim women's organizations main tained that while polygyny was sanctioned by religion, monogamy was 73 better suited to most Muslims because of economic necessity. The Persatuan Islam itself had little to say regarding polygyny, but did defend the practice because it was permitted in Qur>an and Sunnah. In the debate between Muslims and secularists in the 1930's the Persatuan Islam countered secularist statements that monogamy was more suited to past Indonesian practice, by countering that the secularists were not really basing their arguments on Indonesian considerations but rather on an imitation of Western practice. "They who are afflicted with Western ism," a writer in Pembela Islam stated, do not understand that polygyny "is confirmed by Islam," and that the matter was not subject to debate or change.74 Another article sought to counter secularist statements that polygyny was open to abuse, by stating that many other situations were also open to abuse as well. "We confess," the article ran, "that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 231] === polygamy is a danger, like a knife in the hand of a housewife in the kitchen,* bat that in itself is little enough reason for stepping 75 polygasy, or "reaming the knife froa the kitchen*" Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 232] === -222Footnotes for Chapter 10 1 "Langit tidak Ada" (Heaven, does not exist), Al-Kuslimun, II, No. 5 (August 1955), p. 5. 2 Ahmad Hassan, Is Muhammad a True Prophet?, p. 53J similar in its effort to show the Qur an's compatibility with modern science was "Bund. Bulat" (The Earth is Round), Al-Musllmun. II, No. 4 (July 1955), 3 "Langit tidak Ada," Al-Mualimun, n, No. 5 (August 1955), p« 5. 4 Moehammad Isa Anshary, Jjevolusi Islam, p. 24. The complete quote reads as follows: "Man climbs the tower of technical development, solves the power of electricity, raises the highest laws. With his reason man can attain to the highest world, raise the likeness of fire and light. Man can fly in the sky like the garuda (mythical bird), he can dive to the bottom of the sea like a fish. With his intellect man has been able to make many things beneficial to his cultural development and for the flowering of humanity.... but intellect, reason, thought, are not capable of providing a compass and guidance for... life.... (Not the intellect but the) spirit is necessary to provide such guidance and leadership." 5 Moehammad Natsir, "Pidate di Komite II Konstituante"(Speech in Committee II of the Constituent Assembly) in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indo nesia dalam Konstituante (Toward a National Philosophy for the Indonesian Republic). Bandung, 1956, I, p. 17. This speech was also published separately, Islam sebagai ideologic (Islam as an ideology). Djakarta, Pustaka Aida, 1951 (?)• The complete quote reads as follows: "Toward science colleagues, secularism claims that the sciences (ilma-ilma) must be separated from the values of life and culture. Ethics, they say, must be separated from science. In this viewpoint the science of economics must be separated from ethics. History must be separated from ethics. Sociology must be separated from the norms of morality, culture and (religious belief). The same with theology, philosophy, law and so forth. For the sake of objectivity this attitude of separa ting ethics from science has its use, but there is a limit (beyond which) we are not able to separate science and ethics. "The development of technical science has produced anatom bomb. Should the scientists who contributed their energies to the creation share responsibility for its use, or not? "For those who separate ethics from science it is easy to free themselves from the responsibility for use of the bomb. Hare we see the extent of the influence of secularism. Science has alreadybecome an end in itself. "Science for the sake of science." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 233] === -223- 6 Isa Anshary, Eevolusi Islam, p. 37. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid.. 36. 9 See for example, "Selamatan Gerhana" (Slametan for an eclipse), Al-Muslimin. IH, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 4; "Makan Darah (Didih)" ^Drinking boiled blood), Al-Maalimin. II, No. 3 (June 1955)> p. 10* 10 Cited in Ibid. 11 "Obat tjampur arak ketika dlarurat" (Medicine containing slcohol dur ing an emergency). Al-MuaHmun. II, No. 8 (November 1955), pp. 5-6* 12 "Hemasukkan Darah" (Blood transfusion), Al-Muslinmn. I, No. 7 (October 1954), p. 5* Cf.. Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, Pemindahan darah (blood transfusion) dlpandjang darl Sudut hukm agama Islam (Blood transfusion as seen from the viewpoint of Islamic religious law). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1954. 13 "Minum obat vaktu puasa" (Drinking medicine during the Fast), Al-Masliaun. Ill, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 8. 14 "Indjekai dalam Puasa" (Injection during the Fast), Al-Muslimun. H, No. 7 (October 1955), P* 7} Ahmad Hassan, "Hemasukkan obat di djalan buang air dan di djalan darah, waqtu puasa" (Taking medicine through an enema or in the blood during the Fast), Sual-D.jawab. No. 3, p. 1. 15 "Membatas Kelahiran" (limiting birth), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 9 (Novem ber 1955), pp. 4-7. 16 Ibid.. 7. 17 "Melahiran anak dengan orang lain" (artificial insemination), Al-Muslimm. I, No. 9 (December 1954), p. 10. 18 Moehammad Natsir, "Pidato di Komisi II Konstituante, Tentang Dasar... dalam Konstituante. p. 130. 19 Ibid. 20 Al-Tawbah 34. "0 ye who believe 1 Lo! Many of the rabbis and the monks devour the wealth of mankind wantonly and debar (men) from the way of Allah. They who hoard up gold and silver and spend it not in the way of Allah, unto them give tidings (0 Muhammad) or a painful doom." Natsir cited only the last part as support for his case. 21 Moehammad Natsir, Pidato di Komisi II Konstituante, Tentang Dasar... dalam Konstituante. p. 134. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 234] === -224- 22 Ibid,. 135. 23 Moehammad Natsir, "Marhaenisme dan Islam" (Proletarianism and Islam), Pembela Islam. No, 56 (December 1932), p. 3. 24 Ibid.. 4. 25 See for example, Moehammad Natsir, "Pidato di Parlemen, tanggal 31 Mei 1951* Menjambut Keterangan Pemerintahan Babak Pertama" (Speech in Parliament on May 31, 1951 at the first reading of the Govern ment’s program), Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesia (Indo nesian Parliament), Rlsalah Pernodinpan (Record of Proceedings), 1951* I, pp. 4231-42A2; reprinted in Capita Selecta. EC, pp. 19-27. 26 See for example, Ahmad Hassan, Sabirin and Fachroeddin al-Kahiri, Kitab Zakat: Abdulkadir Hassan, Rlsalah Zakat (Book on alms), Dja karta, Tintamas, 1961; Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Zakat liwat setahun (Book on alms at the end of the year)! Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1955* 27 Moehanmad Natsir, "Marhaenisme dan Islam,” Pembela Islam. No. 56 (December 1932), p. 3> Cf. Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in Modern History, pp. 159-160. 28 "Bolehkah uang zakat-vadjib diberikan untuk keperluan mesdjid-mesdjid dan sekolah-sekolah?” (May compulsory zakat be used for mosque and school essentials), Al-Mxslimun. I, No. 4 (June 1955), pp. 8-12; Such an interpretation leaves the use of zakat open to abuse in activities quite far removed from the welfare activities that have traditionally marked zakat. 29 Insurance was actually a problem unto itself, for in addition to its interest bearing characteristics, it was considered by maqy Muslims to be a form of gambling. The Nahdlatul Ulama Congress in Solo in 1935, for example, passed a decision stating that life insurance was forbidden by Islamic law on the basis that it was gambling. Naim, The Nahdlatul Olama Party, p. 156. 30 Gaudefroys-Demombynes, Muslim Institutions, pp. 190-191i 31 "Roperasi" (Cooperatives), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 6 (September 1955), pp. 7**S. See also Ahmad Hassan, "Ribaa," Pembela Islam. No. 51 (September 1932) and No. 52 (October 1932), which has also appeared under separate cover with the title, Kitab Ribaa; and the section on "Riba, speculatie, dalam desa” in Moehammad Natsir, "Hadji, Zakat, fitrah, riba, kawin-tjerai d.1.1.," Pembela Islam (May 1931), pp. 1516. 32 "Mengembalikan sebanjak jang dipindjam" (Returning a sum greater than was borrowed), Al-Husliircin. I, No. 12 (March 1955), p. 7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 235] === 34 Ahmad. Hassan, "Riba Bank" (Bank interest). Sual-Djawab, Ho. 13. PP. 72-73. 35 See for example, Al-Nur. 2-4; Al-Baqarah 178; Al-Ma^idah. 38-39, 36 Interview with Fakih Osman, General Secretary of the Huhammadijah and one time Minister of Religious Affairs, in Djakarta on July 10, 1963. 37 Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan T.jara Islam, p. 27. 38 Ibid.. 32. 39 Ibid.. 30. 40 Cf., C. C. Adams, iBlam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 230-239; Ameer All, The Spirit of Islam. 41 Blumberger, "Vrouwenbeweging (Inlandsch) (Women's movement— native), EncylopaediB van Nederlandsch Oost-Indlft. 42 All, The Muhamrnadljah Movement, pp. 155-157; Blumberger, "Moehammadijah " EncylopaedlB van Nederlandsch Oost-IndiB. 43 All Alhamidy, Islam danPerkairLnan. p. 5. 44 "Man," AllAlhamidy stated in Islam dan Perkawinan. "exceeds women in three matters; strength, thought and intelligence," and because of these characteristics "man is as a pillar which becomes a strong sup port for woman." Man's superior intelligence and strength have been granted by God so that he could be His vice-regent on earth and con trol all life and all matter on it. In contrast to the intelligence and strength of men, women are characterized by sweetness, softness of form and attractiveness, maintained All Alhamidy. Woman's prin cipal function is as a "place of enjoyment for man, and a place of his life's contentment.- Woman is a blessing of inestimable value from God to man." Ibid.. 6, 8; see also, Moehammed Aviar A. Sophy, "Orang Isteri itu mendjadi radja dalam roemah tangga lakinja" (Woman is the ruler in the household of her husband), Pembela Islam. No. 35 (October 1931), p. 11. 45 Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium (Muslim women in councils and assemblies). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1940, p. 4. See also "Perempuan tidak memperdulikan suaad" (Woman who does not obey her husband), Al-Muslimun. m, No. 33 (November-December 1957), 46 Al-Nur 31. "And say to the believing women, that they cast down Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 236] === -226their eyes and guard their private parts, and reveal not their adorn ment save such as is outward; and let them cast their veils over their bosoms, and not reveal their adornment save to their husbands, or fathers, or husband's fathers, or their sons, or step-sons, or brothers, or nephews, or women, or their slaves, or men who attend them who have no sexual desire, or children •..." 47 Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium, pp. 13-14* 48 Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan. pp. 8-9. 49 M. S., "Perempuan11 (Women), Part 2, Pembela Islam (Hew Series), No. 2 (April 1956), p. 35* 50 Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium, p. 8. One Persis article maintained that Islam honored women by reserving special places at cId al-Fitr ceremonies and in the mosque for their exclu sive use, by providing special entry ways and shielded walks to the mosques, and by bowing in greeting to them. M. S., "Perempuan," Part 1, Paabela Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), p* 10. 51 Ibid.. Part 1, p. 10. The article stated that only the hands and the oval of the face are to remain uncovered. See also "Perempuan berkudung" (Filling of women), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 8 (November 1955)> p. 11. 52 M. S., "Perempuan," Fart 1, Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1957), p. 10. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid.. 6. Ahmad Hassan stated further that "women are forbidden to perform.linazah (burial rite) because.jiriazah is a male matter and also because of the desire to prevent the meeting of men and women. "Women may not call the adhan and may not call the icjamah and are not permitted to taablh in response to the iimm because the female voice easily becomes lost among male voices, and because these tasks are males' work." 55 Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan. p. 6. 56 Ibid.. 89* 57 Ibid. 58 Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium, pp. 9-11. 59 Ibid.. 14. Similar in content are two fatwas by members of the Per- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 237] === satuan Islam, Abdullah Ahmad., "Bolehkah wanita berbitjara dihadapan umum?" (May a woman speak publicly?), Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), p. 26; "Perempuan berpidato dihadapan laki-laki" (Women speaking before men), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 2 (May 1954), pp. 10-12. 60 M. S., "Perempuan," Part 2, Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 2 (April 1956), p. 35. 61 Djaja, "Tokoh kLta A. Hassan," Daulah Islamyah. I, No. 8 (August 1957), p. 12; see also, "Berdjabatan tangan dengan perempuan" (Shaking hands with a woman), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 7 (September 1956), pp. 8-10. 62 Ahmad Hassan, Wadjibkan Perempuan Berd.1umah? (Is it necessary for women to attend Friday worship?). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1959. See also "Sembahjang wanita dirumah/dimesdjid" (Women worshipping in the home/ in the mosque), Al-Muslimun. m, No. 29 (July 1957), p. 11. 63 The Mad.jelia S.juro's decision was intended to sanction the trip of leading women members of Maa.jumi to Communist China and the Soviet Union. The fatwa maintained that these women could go unaccompanied so long as several Muslim women journeyed together and seculsion was maintained. The fatwa justified its stand on the basis that the trip was for national and party interests and could be considered as a.jihad when normal legal proscriptions could be set aside. The main points of this decision are recorded in Ahmad Hassan, "Hukum Perempuan Islam berpergian (safar) tidak dengan mahramnja" (Law of women travelling without their male relatives), Al-Muslimun, m, No. 28 (July 1956), p. 5. 64 Djaja,"Tokoh kita A. Hassan," Daulah Islamyah. I, No. 8 (August 1957), p. 12. See Ahmad Hassan's argumentation of this subject in "HukumPerempuan Islam berpergian (safar) tidak dengan mahramnja,” Al-Muslimun. HI, No. 28 (July 1956), pp. 5-9. 65 See Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri. p. 12 for an illustration showing proper dress according to Persis standards. 66 Interview with Abdulkadir Hassan... and others at Bangil on July 13, 1963. 67 Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan. p. 89. 68 See above, pp. 181-182. 69 M. S.,"Kembali Lagi" (Return once more (to Qur*ah and Sunnah)). Pem bela Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), pp. 6-7. Similar is Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 238] === -223- Isa Anshary's lament: "I once asked a guru (religious teacher) who taught here, and once also asked an important person in the Pers.larikatan Islam which has a middle level school: "What is the dress of the girl students like?” "They answered: "If we were strict in matters of dress, even tually our school would not be able to find students." "This is a sign of the 'moral crisis' which threatens the Islamic community." Revolusi Islam, p. 36. 70 Vandenbosch, The Dutch East Indies, p. 338* 71 Blumberger, "Moehammadijah," Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch OostIndia. 72 J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "Vrouwenbeweging (Inlandsch)* (Women's movements— Indonesian), Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Ooat-Indift. 73 Ibid. 74 Dj., "Penjakit ke-Baratan" (Sickness of the West), Pembela Islam. No. 55 (December 1932), p. 9. 75 M. S., "Permadoean" (Polygamy), Pembela Islam, No. 55 (December 1932), p. 11. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 239] === Chapter 11 Polities in the Constitutional Period If the Persatuan Islam prior to the Second World War had had a direct interest in furthering Muslim political goals, it 'was even more politically committed after independence. Its leaders stressed that the Persatuan Islam was primarily a religious organization, hut to estab lish Islamic ideology in society it was necessary to engage in political activity. Persis members speaking or acting politically generally did so through the medium of some other Muslim political organization such as Mas.1umi or the Anti-Communist Front. The nature of the post independence political dispute between Muslims and secular nationalists, and among Muslims themselves, occasionally brought a response from the Persatuan Islam, however, and on those occasions the organization issued statements, manifestos and fatwaa that had, and were meant to have, directly political consequences. During the years of the Revolution (i.e., 1945 to 1949) it was generally agreed by the various political factions supporting the repubican government that after Indonesian independence was secured, still outstanding questions would be resolved by democratic means, including the federal-provincial relationship and the role of religion in the state. With the transfer of sovereignty in 1950, a provisional consti tution was adopted that called for elections and for the convening of a constituent assembly to resolve these controversies and to incorporate Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 240] === solutions in a new constitution* The formulation of an election law, the preparing of voting lists and other preparations for elections, coupled with frequent changes of government and, at times, deliberate stalling by political groups to gain better advantage, delayed parlia mentary elections until 1955* and the Constituent Assembly did not meet until 1956. Two major political developments occurred during this pre-election period: the breakup of the Muslim unity party Masjumi along liberal and conservative lines, and the renewal of open polemic between Muslims and secularists on the role of religion in the state. Of the two developments the split in Muslim unity had the more serious repercussions for Muslim activists, for thereafter Muslims had to con tend with each other as well as to combat non-Muslim opponents. The Persatuan Islam1s role in Mas.jumi. Persis leaders, as individual religious scholars, participated in the November 1945 Muslim conference that established Mas.jumi as the unity political party of all Indonesian Muslims. When the Persatuan Islam was formally reestablished in 1946 it entered Mas.jumi as an extra ordinary member, just as the Muhaanadijah and the Nahdlatul Ulaaa. among others, had already done before it. Members of Persis were urged— and later almost required^— to join Mas.jumi on an individual basis, and several of the Persis leaders were selected by the Masjumi leadership as anggauta kern (core members) who were respected culama* and lay leaders chosen to serve as guides for the larger party membership.5 The Persatuan Islam held the viewpoint that all Mawl-tng had a duty to engage in political activity as part of their religious duties. This Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 241] === was apparent in the writings of Ahmad Hassan, reiterated in the writings and speeches of Isa Anshary and Moehammad Natsir, implied in the mani festos of the organization and fully outlined in several fatwas of its <ulama'>. The 1956 manifesto stated, for example, that the efforts of the Persatuan Islam were "not limited to creed (caqldah) and worship (*ibadah)." but also "to struggle in the political realm for achieving victory for Islamic ideology."^ Isa Anshary expressed the same thought in Islam dan Nasionalisme when he stated that "politics itself is an instrument by which to achieve Muslim ideals."? In his discussion of the political obligations of a Muslim, Isa Anshary drew a distinction along the time-honored lines of fard kifayah and fard caln. Fard kifayah designated a specific religious obligation which could be brought to completion for the community by the efforts of a few people, so that other Muslims were accordingly freed from per forming that action. Fard *ain. as a designation indicated that the religious obligation was essential and general, so that all Muslims were required to strive for its fulfillment. Isa Anshary maintained that the effort to institute Islamic laws and ideals in society and nation could not be accomplished only by a lew people, and indeed, "even with the efforts of the entire ummah it will not easily be achieved." He con cluded that political activity constituted fard *ain and was an obliga tion placed equally on every Muslim, "whether a leader or one who is led." Moehammad Natsir justified political activity for Muslims, a3 Muslims on the argument that Islam was a "philosophy of life" that dictated Mus lims' actions in every endeavor and could not be excluded from any human Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 242] === 232 omitted in leaf numbering Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 243] === activity including politics. In 1950 he stated that nwe MmUma do not separate ourselves from politics, and as political activists we are unable to separate ourselves from our ideology which is Islam. For us, the establishment of Islam cannot be separated from the establishment of society, of nation, of freedom."^ On the basis of such arguments most Persis members did apparently belong to Has.luml. and several even achieved some distinction as leaders. Immediately after the War Moehammad Natsir became prominent in Mas.jumi and in 1949* after holding several junior cabinet positions in the repub lican government, became general chairman of Mas.jumi and generally accepted leader of the modernist faction of the party. In 1951 as party leader he formed a cabinet which lasted until the following year and was noted for its businesslike approach to the administrative and economic prob lems then facing the Indonesian nation.^ Isa Anshary became a member of the leadership council of Masjumi, was party provincial leader in West Java, and leader of the small fundamentalist faction of Mas.jumi. Ahmad Hassan did not play a prominent political role, possibly because of health problems, but more probably because of his own deep interest in rebuilding the Persatuan Islam's educational system* He did, however, write several articles and fatwas on political, matters that firmly supported Isa Anshary*s position, and later he served as a member of the important Madjelis Sjuro, the *018105* advisory council of Masjumi. Since Masjumi was a unity organization, among its members there were many viewpoints on religion, politics, economics and social prob lems. Moreover, Muslim organizations who often represented mutually Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 244] === contrary views were federated members, holding disciplinary control over many members of Mas.jumi. and thus ensuring a permanent mechanism within Mas.jumi for the perpetuation of difference and factionalism. The Ifahammadi.jah with its concern for social progress and its modernist viewpoint in religious matters was almost the exact opposite of the Nahdlatul Ulama. which wanted to preserve the traditional religious system that had been dominant in Indonesia before the entry of modernist thought* These two groups formed the nucleus for two wings or factions within the party, with the Mnhammariljah representing what came to be known as the moderate wing and the Nahdlatul Ulama representing the conservative wing. It was typical of the Persatuan Islam that while it was fundamentalist in religious matters, and thus frequently allied with the reforming or moderate wing on many points, it was so uncompromising on other matters that it often was regarded as an arch-conservative faction.! Persis manifesto in 1953 called its own viewpoint "revolutionaryradical," and described itself as "wanting to change society to its very roots," and wanting to "shatter the illness of the Muslims in a radical and revolutionary manner; clearly, without disguise, without hesitancy, 13 with firmness." The Persis mission, although termed "revolutionary-radical" by some of its leaders, can perhaps best be described as an effort to ensure that what it regarded as the fundamentals of religion were operative throughout society. Persis emphasized— even as it had before the war— that the performance of basic religious obligations, i.e., prayer, alms giving and the pilgrimage, and particularly the performance of these Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 245] === obligations in the prescribed manner, free of all "innovations," was an essential step in creating a strong, healthy and effective Muslim body politic* Persis leaders believed that an important purpose of Mas.jumi was to bring Muslim factions together where differences of principle (khilaflyah) and associated problems (funt*) between the various groups might be solved through consultation.^ Several Persis manifestos noted that solutions to problems dividing the Muslim community could easily be found and a d e a r and effective Muslim viewpoint established, if all Muslims would accept the Qar>an and Sunnah as the ultimate guides in their consultations There was a sizeable group within Masjumi that believed that dis cussion of religious differences would produce no result and were likely to produce ill will that would harm Muslim political unity. This group, called the "liberal-moderate" element by Isa Anshary, generally con trolled Mas.jumi and usually headed off a tt em p t s to discuss points of religious difference, whether they came from the Persatuan Islam or from more traditionalist groups. Persis congress resolutions noted this desire to block discussion on the part of the "liberal-moderate" element and stated that the Persis willingness to cooperate with other Muslim groups could never mean a halt in its efforts to cleanse religion of innovation and to resolve matters of difference in the Muslim community.^ "The Persatuan Islam cannot accept the standpoint that to strengthen unity, questions of furuc and kMlafTyah should be frozen. The Persatuan Islam cannot remain quiet toward any such betrayal (of its religious 17 principles),” Nor was the Persatuan Islam's insistence on debating Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 246] === -236religious differences with other Muslim groups much different from the practice of several other Muslim groups within Masjumi. The policy, formulated by the Central Leadership Council, even cut across Muhainmadi.lah interests at times, and on at least two occasions there 14 was consideration by Muhammadi.jah leaders of whether to leave Masjumi. The Nahdlatul Ulama as well, for as long as that organization remained in Mas.jumi. believed that its own viewpoint was made subservient to that of other factions. Eventually it became convinced that it suffered too much for the cause of Muslim unity, and left the organization.19 Like Persis leaders, both the jab and Nahdlatul Ulama leaders maintained the right to speak out for their organizations1 interests, and rejected the contention that to contest issues destroyed Muslim unity. The challenging tone of Persis manifestos in maintaining the organi zation*4 right to speak out on religious differences within the Muslim, community may have been politically oriented as well as religious in nature. Isa Anshary was frequently criticized in Mas.jumi for striking too hard a line in politics, particularly in his vitrolic attacks against secularists which made working relationship with them difficult for Masjumi leadership. He received further criticism for implying that those Muslims who did not completely agree with his line of 20 thinking were apostate (murtadd). While the issues of furuc and khilafxyah was only a minor controversy within Mas.jumi. Isa Anshary, who was the principal drafter of Persis manifestos, may have directed the statements on furuc and khiliflvah primarily as a riposte to his critics, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 247] === •whom he probably saw as desiring to stifle all his religious and politi cal pronouncements. While the majority of Persis members did follow Isa Anshary's approach in politics, there were many who chose the more moderate approach of Moehammad Natsir. Even this latter group and Hoehmmad Natsir himself agreed, however, that the matters of furu and khilafjyah should not be frozen in the interests of political unity, but implied that discussions could be two-sided and friendly, whereas Isa Anshary's approach often conveyed the impression of an ultimatum. Polemic against the Nahdlatul Ulama. Factionalism in Masjumi reached its peak in 1952 when the Nahdlatul Ulama. the Pergerakan Tarbl.jah Islami.jah (Perti) and the Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia withdrew from the party. The primary complaint of the seceding groups centered on party leadership, which they claimed was dom inated by the Western educated and modernist-inclined faction to the virtual exclusion of conservative leaders. Nahdlatul Ulama leaders were particularly bitter concerning the 1949 reorganization of Mas.jumi in which party control was centered in the modernist dominated Central Leadership Council. The reorganization stripped all but advisory functions from the conservative dominated Madjelis S.luro. which conser vatives claimed had been established in 1945 to function as a senate of prominent culama> to review the Leadership Council's decisions and policies against Meslim legal standards. Nahdlatul Ulama leaders also complained that the considerable influence of NUculama> among the rural populations of Java and Borneo warranted their organization a greater Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 248] === voice in Mas.jumi and in the formulation of party policies. The NO leaders charged that their organization's role during the Bevolution was unapprecia ted, when its ^ a m a? provided leadership in the towns and villages, and when its young men were the mainstay of Hizbullah. Masjumi's paramilitary < organization. The Nahdlatul Ulama concluded that the modernist faction was actively seeki ng to keep Nahdlatul Olama members out of party leadership and from Mas.jumi posts in the government. 21 Nahdlatul Olama leaders, particularly on the highest levels, were *ulama* steeped in traditionalist religious teachings. The graduates of the NU school system with its somewhat liberalized curriculum had not in 1952 yet begun to emerge in the party. Consequently, there were few NU leaders who would have been suited by education to assume a cabinet position or a principal party post. The modernist faction, on the other hand, had an abundance of persons with Western-based educations who were interested in authority and, in Indonesian terms, capable of exer cising it. The actual NO decision to break with Mas.jumi centered on the selec tion of a Muhammadi.jah calim for the post of Religious Affairs minister in the Mas.jumi-Nationalist Party(PNI) coalition cabinet formed by WLlopo. The NU candiate, Wachid Hasjim, who had held the post in two previous cabinets was opposed by the modernist faction led by Moehammad Natsir because of charges circulating at that time that Wachid Hasjim had been involved in the mismanagement of funds during his previous appointment as minister. 22 The Nahdlatul Ulama regarded modernist Muslim refusal to allow Wachid Hasjim to be appointed as another in a series Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 249] === of modernist discriminations against the traditionalist elements of Mas.jumi. and decided to withdraw from Mas.jumi. Within several months the Nahdlatul Ulama and several other seceding organizations established the rival Liga Muslinmn IndonesiaClndonesian Muslim League). The Nahdlatul Ulama congress at Surabaja in 1952 cited its many compliants against Mas.jumi. and emphasized that the Madjelia S.juro-Central Leadership Council dispute and the Mas.jumi refusal to reorganize as a federation were actually the reasons for the NU withdrawal. That congress also reaffirmed the traditional NU position on the importance of the madhhaba as the source of Islamic teachings and doctrine. A resolution was passed declaring that Muslims must follow a madhhab. that talflq was not permitted, and that Muslims could only enter political parties 23 that followed the teachings of the madhhab8. The Persatuan Islam, more sensitive to the religious differences of the dispute than to political differences and long annoyed with the persistence of the NU in emphasizing the traditional importance of the madhhabs. saw this NU resolution as the chief issue in the dispute between the Nahdlatul Ulama and Mas.jumi. In Risalah al-Madz-hab Ahmad Hassan stated that the Nahdlatul Ulama knew— "and knew quite well"— when it joined Mas.jumi in 1945 that many other organizations and persons in Mas.jumi did not share the NU regard for the madhhabs. Ahmad Hassan pointed out that Hadji Muhammad Hasjim Asj'ari Tebu-Ireng, the noted NU leader who had brought the NU into Mas.jumi. had agreed that religious decisions would be made by the Madjelis S.juro. composed of competent culama». some of idiom followed a madhhab Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 250] === and others who did. not. Ahmad Hassan wryly noted that six years was certainly a long time for the Nahdlatul Ulama to be a member of Mas.luai if the NU leadership really could not tolerate Mas.luai refusal to accept the madhhabs as final authority on religious matters?^ He suggested that if membership in Mas.luai was as reprehensible as stated in NU resolutions and statements made after NU separation in 1952, then the NU leaders responsible for bringing the Nahdlatul Ulama into Masjumi were guilty of 26 sin, at the very least. Realizing that the NU leaders would not denigrate Hadji Hasjim Asj'ari for taking the NU into Masjumi Ahmad Hassan implied that the NU decision to leave Masjumi was not based on a regard for correct religious principles, but only as a political expedient. In Risalah al-Madz-hab Ahmad Hassan rejected the new Nahdlatul Ulama declaration on the importance of the madhhabs. and reiterated arguments he had used twenty years earlier in debates with NU leaders to prove 27 his case. As in his earlier debates he declared that Qur an and Supnah did not even mention the madhhabs. and again outlined his theory on how the madhhabs actually came into being..28 His presentation severely cas tigated all groups that regarded the madhhabs as the final arbiter of religious matters, and he implied that anyone who followed a madhhab was wrong and a misinterpreter of religious doctrine, whether or not such a Muslim belonged to Mas.lumi. Ahmad Hassan did stats, however, that despite differences on the madhhab issue that political cooperation by all Muslims was desirable and possible. He pointed out— correctly— that even after the Nahdlatul Ulama withdrawal Mas.lumi still had many traditionalists among its members and that Mas.lumi attempted to accomo- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 251] === date the religious views of those members as well as those of the modern ist Muslims.^ In 1956 K« H. E. Abdurrahman, then Secretary General of the Persatuan Islam, published a well written and well argued article in the Fersatuan Islam's theoretical journal Hmjldjatul Islam which also attacked Nahdlatul Ulama refusal to cooperate politically with Masjumi* Abdur rahman lamented that the Nahdlatul Ulama had taken the term ahl al-sunnah wa al-djamaeah (the traditional term used for orthoprax Sunni Muslims) as a party symbol and by using it in its propaganda had "spread slander and calumny, divided the unity of the Islamic ummah and generated a feud among the Muslims themselves." Abdurrahman maintained that by playing upon the religious implications of the phrase and claiming Mas.jumi did not belong to the ahl al-sunnah wa al-djamacah. the Nahdlatul Ulama sought to slander Maa.jumi and suggest that Mas.jumi was outside the pale of Islam. The epithet, he maintained, "is not a guaranty for entering paradise; the name is only a name without any special value... (and if it has any value, it) lies in the behavior, actions, 31 capabilities and energy which fit the title." Abdurrahman then con sidered the historical origin of the term and stated that it had been assigned by al-Ash ari to those persons who based their faith on the S»nnah of the Prophet rather than on unbridled reason as the Muctaailah 32 did. Abdurrahman concluded that the term ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama*ah should not be applied to any group that followed a madhhab since the legal formulations of the madhhabs were the product of man's reason and did not have the sanction of Qur^an and Sunnah. He restated the Persia Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 252] === stand that Muslima could only make decisions regarding religious matters on the revealed lav as found in Qur^an and badlth?^ He concluded that the Persatuan Islam, and not the Nahdlatul Ulama. belonged to the ahl alsunnah va al-.1amatah. because Persia had always worked against the perpetuation of bid ah in religious matters, while confirming correct religious doctrine and behavior,^ The call to unity of all Muslims continued to be a Persatuan Islam slogan throughout the constitutional period. Particularly in the period before the general elections in 1955 Persia leaders tended to deemphasize the madhhab issue, which they realized was a'source <tf contention unlikely to be easily resolved. In a speech at Bandjarmasin in February 1955, Tor example, Isa Anshary urged political cooperation of all Indonesian Mus lims in the face of the approaching elections. He ignored the madhhab problem and stated that Muslims were divided only on minor problems (furuc) such as talqln and ushalli. and that these were not great enough to cause division in the Muslim community.35 His speech was explicit, however, that there could not be a moratorium on attempts to resolve these differences between kaum muda and kaum tua. and that he was only asking that both groups cooperate politically while working for the resolution of differences within the Muslim community. There were many differences that militated against an NU return to Mas.jumi— personality problems, political issues, and in general a dif ferent Weltanschauung. While all Muslim elements spoke of eventual M m U m reunification no real progress was made throughout the constitu tional period. Even such cooperation as was achieved among Muslim Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 253] === parties is the Constituent Assembly sessions is 1956 was tenuous and functioned only on the common goal of establishing an Islamic state. No real attezapt was ever made to resolve basic political and religious differences so that an accomodation would have been possible. Persia insistence on a resolution of differences of religious principles on its own terms typified the general attitude among all Muslim groups. The statements of Ahmad Hassan, Abdurrahman and Isa Anshary certainly did clarify the "revolutionary-radical* position of the Persatuan Islam, but all three writers demonstrated that what Perais really wanted was adoption of its viewpoint by the opposition, not any sort of compromise. Attitudes toward an Islamic state and the Darul Islam. In the parliamentary period, most politically active Muslim groups maintained that their political goal was the establishment of an Islamic state (negara Islam). In the years prior to the 1955 elections and even afterward in 1956 when the Constituent Assembly considered the issue, these Muslims saw the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly as the way to establish the principle that Islam would become the guiding philosophy of the Republic of Indonesia. There were two basic viewpoints prevalent among the Muslims as to just how Islamic principles and behavior could be placed into practice in Indonesian society so that an Islamic state could be said to exist. The first viewpoint, bald by the Muhammadijah. maintained that an Islamic society wherin Islamic principles and practices functioned, was all that was really important, and that after a proper society had been founded the spirit generated by that society would directly determine the content and form of an Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 254] === Islamic state. Although the Muhammadi.tah argued that the basic principles of Islam should be the basic guide for an Indonesian state, it was less concerned than many other Muslim groups by the necessity of living under secular law for a temporary period, since it believed that with the development of an Islamic society the outlook of the state would change as well and eventually an Islamic system of law would be fully operative.37 The second viewpoint, espoused by the Nahdlatul Ulama and most other traditionalist groups believed that the declaration of an Islamic state had necessarily to come before creation of an Islamic society, and that only after such a state had been formally established would it be possible to give it real religious content. Adherents of this viewpoint believed that a declaration calling an Islamic state into existence would create an atmosphere which would allow Islamic law to be more easily established throughout society and the nation. These groups, moreover, believed that Islamic law as defined in the books of SKaficI jurisprudence— some would say books of the four madhhabs— could immediately become operative in the courts,without any discussion of the difficul38 ties of such a move. The Persia viewpoint regarding an Islamic state was similar to that of the Muhammadijah in that Persis leaders believed society had to first be molded before an Islamic state could really be strong and effective. Isa Anshary stated that Muslim goals, whether political, religious, social or economic, would be successful only if a society, developed spiritually by its individual members, was created first.39 Persis saw political activity as useful in promoting religious principles Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 255] === throughout society and for combatting what it regarded as confusing ten dencies of secularism promoted by non-Muslim political parties. Persia believed that certain clear commands and prohibitions spelled out in the Qur*an and Sunnah— prohibition of alcoholic drink, gambling, and immor ality— should be placed in operation in the state immediately.^ The remainder of the law of an Islamic state, stressed Persis culama*. would, be defined by legislatures and courts, learned in religion, who would 41 make law by applying religious principles to contemporary situations. Not stated, but obvious here, was that the *ulama*. as the interpreters of religious sources would have to play the leading, and perhaps the dominant, role in councils and courts. Regardless of which viewpoint the various Muslim groups ascribed to, most were convinced that the ultimate establishment of an Islamic state could be achieved by democratic means in the Republic of Indonesia. From the beginning of the Indonesian Revolution the Muslims had generally regarded the secular government established in 1945 as an expedient for gaining political independence. Most Muslims believed that general elections would give the Muslims control of the government and allow steps to be taken for implementing Islamic principles as part of the Indonesian government's official policy. This policy of cooperation in a secularist state in hope of changing the existing order was not shared by all Muslim groups, A small but significant number refused to recognize the Republic of Indonesia as the legal government of Indo nesia. The Darul Islam in West Java, the Persatuan Olama-ulama Seluruh At3eh (Union of <ulama> from throughout Atjeh— PUSA), Kahar Mudzakkar's Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 256] === Momoc Ansjarullah (Spirits of the Helpers of God) in Central Celebes and Ibnu Hadjar's Kesatuan Rak.jat Jang Tertindas (Union of Oppressed Peoples— KRJT) in South Kalimantan, all believed that the imediate declaration of an Islamic state was necessary, and that to lire in a non-Muslim state was contrary to religious principles.^2 Each of these groups declared itself to be a government based on Islam— the Darul Islam in 1948, and the others between 1951 and 1954* Except far the Darul Islam, these groups attached themselves to regional autonomist goals so that the support received from local populations was not always strictly for religious reasons* All thesa movements were able to exist despite the Indonesian government's military operations against them because they operated in mountainous and tropical terrain and enjoyed the covert support of the populations in those regions in wbich they operated. This essay will treat briefly only the Darul Islam because it existed in West Java in the area where the Persatuan Islam had several branches and schools, and because several Persatuan Islam leaders were accused of supporting Darul Islam goals. During the first few years after the proclamation of Indonesian independence (1945)> the Darul Islam, then only a paramilitary unit of Maa.lunri.. had fought against the Dutch in the mountainous West Java area. The Renville Treaty of January 1943 defined the territories of the Republic of Indonesia and the Dutch forces, and the cease-fire left this particular unit in an area assigned to the Dutch, S. M. Eartosuwirjo, the unit's commander, then dissociated the unit from both Maajuml and the Republic of Indonesia,presumably so as not to embarass them, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 257] === continued to fight the Dutch. Kartosuwirjo had voiced strong beliefs on the necessity of declaring an Islamic state in Indonesia by force of arms if necessary even prior to the war, and after the Benville Treaty he apparently decided that the moment had arrived for such a state to be established. In March 1943 he declared the area of West Java that his forces occupied to be a provisional Islamic state with himself as head of state (imam). When hostilities between Dutch and Indonesian forces began again in late 1949 Kartosuwirjo received support from several other Indonesian Islamic groups, but his forces were hostile to any military forces, whether Dutch or republican, that attempted to enter his area of occupation. 45 By late 1949 Kartosuwirjo apparently believed his influence was strong enough to declare an Islamic state embracing the whole of Indonesia and on August 7, 1949 he issued his proclamation establishing the Islamic State of Indonesia (Negara Islam Indonesia). The proclamation declared that the aim of the new state was to establish its power "one hundred percent de facto and de jure in all of Indonesia,"^ and that the laws of Islam would be operative within all the territory held by this state. Even as early as 1943 the Republic of Indonesia had trouble with the Darul Islam. In that year the government decided to create a national amy responsive to central control, and as a first step decided to disarm all guerilla groups. Like the Communists at Madiun that year, the Darul Islam, by then heavily infiltrated by bandits and adven turers, refused to lay down their arms and announce support for the Republic of Indonesia. Eventually the republican government decided Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 258] === -248that the terroristic activities, the announced goals, and the refusal to recognize the republican government constituted rebellion and declared the Darul Islam to be an illegal organization* A parlia mentary investigation in 1948, led by Moehammad Natsir, was less severe in its judgments and recommended that the government differentiate between renegade groups conducting terror in the countryside and the true Darul Islam with its concept of an Islamic state.^ Natsir's recommendation reflected the viewpoint of many Muslim groups within the Republic, in that they did not support Kartosuwirjo and disapproved of his approach to the problem of an Islamic state, but were reluctant to either condemn him or have the government take decisive action against his movement. Many Muslims feared that to condemn the Darul l3lam was really a move against the principle of an Islamic state and believed that persuasion could ultimately bring Kartosuwirjo into the republican fold. Throughout the 1950's Moehamaad Natsir, speaking as the Mas.lumi leader, deplored the many government attempts to resolve the Darul Islam problem by foroe of arms. In 1952, for example, he stated that the rebels should not be dealt with harshly since they had aided in the struggle against the Dutch and that the very existence of the rebel groups was due to the revolution. Natsir recognized that the atti tudes and actions of the rebel groups did conflict with those of the Indonesian Republic, but stated his belief that through discussion and a sincere effort to understand the rebel problem on the part of the government a solution acceptable to both sides might be found.^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 259] === Hatsir was strongly criticized by Nationalist Party (PKE) leaders who believed that negotiations with rebels was useless. Although the Nationalist Party government of Ali Sastroamidjojo (1953 to 1955) made occasional attempts to negotiate differences with several rebel groups, the Nationalist Party and the Ali government appear to have preferred a policy of military action to halt guerrilla activity. The Communists charged that Natsir and Masjumi followed a conciliatory approach toward the rebels because Maajumi was in fact in league with 50 Darul Islam and other Muslim dissident groups. Although Masjumi spokesmen constantly reiterated that it was not connected with the Darul Islam. its soft stand on the rebel issue allowed Communist propa ganda to build a popular image that Masjumi and the rebel movements were connected in some way. Where Moehammad Natsir only favored reconciliation between rebels and the government, Isa Anshary attempted to show that the rebel problem was a fault of the unresolved political problems facing Indonesia. Dur ing Constituent Assembly hearings in 1957 he contended that the adoption of Islam as the state philosophy would satisfy rebel demands, and that the fighting, which had no prospect of ending as long as Indonesia was 51 a secular state, could then be halted. Throughout the early 1950's when elections were stalled for various political reasons Isa Anshary remarked on several occasions that the delays were disappointing to the Muslims and made many Muslims wonder if the Darul Islam was not correct in its contention that the nationalists would never permit an Islamic state to be established in Indonesia.^ Such statements, made by Ahmad Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 260] === Hassan and. Isa Anshary, was probably the reason for their arrest in August 1951 when the Sukiman government conducted a general razzia against the Communists and against Muslima believed to be conspiring with the Darul Islam. Ahmad Hassan and Isa Anshary were released within three days of their arrest and charges against them were never 53 substantiated. There may have been some contacts between the Darul Islam and Persis members from time to time throughout the constitutional period but it is highly unlikely that Persis actually aided the Darul Islam. committed as it was to achieving its goals through peaceful means and having considerable reason prior to 1956 for believing that peaceful means could be successful. Contact with the Darul Islam, if it occurred, would have been as a means of keeping lines of communication open, with an eye toward promoting eventual rebel reconciliation with the govern ment. Even such contact must have been exceedingly limited. In 1949 Moehammad Natsir led a Muslim sponsored education program in territory controlled by the Darul Islam 54 and there may have been later attempts by Persis members to contact Darul Islam groups for similar activity. There is no evidence, however, to suggest that Persis efforts ever extended beyond this exploratory stage. It is unlikely that Persis branch membership in West Java, coming as it did from middle class Muslim traders, had much to do with the Darul Islam, which was given to brigandage and disruption of security, whatever religious principles were involved. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 261] === Quarrel with the secularists. All political parties, regardless of ideology-, looked forward to the first national elections which were finally held after many delays in 1955. The Muslims, when united before 1952, were in favor of immediate elections, believing that the Muslim complexion of Indonesia would give Mas.jumi a majority in parliament and in the Constituent Assembly* After 1952 the split in Muslim ranks led Muslim parties and Muslim con trolled governments to be more cautious about elections, yet believed that Muslims would still increase their parliamentary strength in a fair election* Since a Muslim victory depended on a solid Muslim front, most Muslim parties based their election campaigning on religion, and attempted to convince anyone who regarded himself as a Muslim that it was a religious obligation to vote for Muslim candidates.^ The secularists, less sure of their support among the populace in 1950, favored elections at a later date, believing that a delay would strengthen their position.^ Since a secular government was already in existence and Nationalist Party participation in early governments assured secularists of a number of administrative posts, these secular nationalist groups saw no pressing need to hold immediate elections* The Nahdlatul Ulama1a secession from Mas.jumi in 1952 and its cooperation with the Nationalist Party allowed the Nationalist tParty to form a government without Mas.jumi support, and the entry of President Sukarno into active politics on the secularists side in 1953 considerably improved the Nationalist Party's position* The Nationalist Party, as the chief representative of the secularists, bolstered its popular image in the pre-election period by urging chauvinistic nationalism, particularly the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 262] === - 252acquisition of West Irian by force, and. severance of remaining InclonesianDutch ties. 57 Differences between Mas.jumi and the nationalist Party rapidly strained working relations between these two parties after 1953* The excessive derogations and insinuations made by both sides during this period dashed any prospect of post-election cooperation and in large measure contribu ted to the antagonistic atmosphere of 1958 that prompted elements of Mas.jumi to join the Outer Areas rebellion in that year. The differences covered a host of subjects, including the basic differences on the form of state Indonesia should have. The prime cause of the dispute, however, seemed to center on political control of the government and the patronage that went with that control. Members of the Persatuan Islam were quite active in polemic against the Nationalist Party, particularly those who subscribed to Isa Anshary1s "revolutionary-radical" approach. While Isa Anshary*s arguments were not greatly different in fundamentals than those of the more moderate faction of Mas.jumi led by Natsir, they contained a strain of radicalism and often intolerance less evident in the arguments of the moderates. The "revolutionaiy-radicals" pointed out that Muslims were permitted by their religion "to treasure race and land" and that Indonesian Mas58 lims held just as high a regard for Indonesia as did the secularists. Isa Anshary stated that Islam commanded Muslims to demonstrate their support of the land in which they lived by actions, "with jihad, with struggle and sacrifice." He stated that the secular nationalists and Muslims had the same outlook "toward social justice, prosperity of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 263] === “253society and national security," but that the two groups differed on the exact approach needed to achieve such goals. 59 The point at which Haslims and secular nationalists parted, stated Isa Anshary, was on the type of law that was to be operative in the Indonesian state. Like Ahmad Hassan before the war Isa Anshary argued that Muslim law had to be made operative in society and that Muslims were opposed to any movement which rejected religious law and advocated secular law for Indonesia. The "revolutionary-radical" group believed that the struggle for independence would not be complete and the revolution would not be ended until some sort of Muslim control over the state was established. In Bevolusi Islam for example, Isa Anshary stated that the "Islamic revolution" was not a national revolution, limited to national boundaries, but rather was a revolution "to release man from physical and spiritual exploitation." "The theory, character, nature, characteristics and philosophy of this revolution" he maintained, "were determined by God through revelation in the form of the Sunnahl”^0 The Indonesian revo lution, Isa Anshary exhorted, had stopped before it had completed its task because it had fallen under control of "unbelievers" (kafirs) and hypocrites (munaficj)."^ He urged that the Indonesian revolution be continued, but that it be given spiritual content to achieve its goal of establishing Islam and its laws in the state and society. In 1953 President Sukarno, who had until then avoided taking a public stand on the issue of an Islamic state, declared in a speech at Amuntai that "if we establish a state based on Islam, many areas whose Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 264] === “25hr population is not Islamic... will secede," and made several other speeches of a similar nature designed to play down the Islamic state. Host Muslim leaders made restrained responses, but several secondary Masjumi leaders including Isa Anshary responded with harsh invective. Despite efforts from Masjumi leadership to quiet him, Isa Anshary stated that "there is a cold war between Islam on the one hand and on the other are those who call themselves Islamic and are not."^ In a ref erence widely interpreted as aimed at Sukarno, Isa Anshary stated that the Islamic state, as it had been established by the Prophet at Madinah, insured the rights of members of other religions but gave no protection to munafiq Muslims. 64 As might be expected, thi3 sort of invective was not well received by either Sukarno or by the Nationalist Party, and there were many Muslims who believed that Isa Anshary had overstepped the bounds of propriety. While some elements in Masjumi favored dis ciplinary action against Isa Anshary for this and similar statements, there was a sizeable group that saw Sukarno at fault and a showdown was avoided in the interests of party unity. Isa Anshary's outburst, however, came under strong attack by the Nationalist Party and by the Communists, and was presented by them as evidence of Muslim political and religious intolerance. Another source of dispute between Muslims and secularists centered on the unique and peculiar position in Indonesian politics occupied by Sukarno's Pantja Sila concept. All groups, including the Muslim com munity, had accepted the Pantja Sila as a symbol of cooperation among Indonesians and as a statement of Indonesian goals during the Revolution. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 265] === Consequently, after the Bevolution there had been considerable senti ment for its retention as a state motto or expression of national ideals. Hoehamoad Natsir for example, spoke highly of Pant,1a Sila in a speech at Lahore, Pakistan in 1953 and referred to it as containing the founding principles of the Indonesian nation. 65 After 1953> those elements in Indonesia that preferred the reten tion of a secular based state— the secular nationalists, the Communists and the Christians— began to promote Pant.1a Sila as the philosophical basis of the state. An organization was founded for the "Defence of Pant.1a Sila." and when Sukarno returned to active politics in 1953 Pant.ja Sila was promoted in opposition to the concept of an Islamic state. By 1956 when the Constituent Assembly met, Muslim support for Pant.la Sila had almost entirely disappeared and the terms Pant.ja Sila and "Islamic state" were mentioned as diametrically opposed concepts. It was typical of Persis that its members saw Islam as an ideology with a transcending claim to loyalty, and also saw Pant.ja Sila as a competing ideology and hence a false ideology, in a society that could rightly be only Islamic. In his address before the Constituent Assembly Moehammad Natdir stated that Pant.ja Sila was not suitable as a state ideology because it consisted of five relative terms, because no one of the five could be considered to be absolute in nature, and because the silas were all relative, in themselves and one to another. He stated that in contrast to Pant.ja Sila. Islam had laws, given to man by Qod through revelation, which provided an absolute criterion by which to regulate human affairs. Natsir noted that Sukarno himself did not Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 266] === -256viev Pant,1a Sila as a deep rooted philosophy, but only a compromise or meeting place for all the viewpoints of differing Indonesian factions. It was Natsir*s judgment that as pore concepts the silaa were incapable of shaping reality in actual situations, and argued that if they did, they would no longer be neutral. The vagueness and sterility of Pantja Sila. Natsir concluded, could not convince Muslims who already had a clear ideology to support Pantja Sila instead of Islam, for to "go from Islam to Pantja Sila... is the same as springing from earth... into a vacuum." 66 As Natsir stated, the principles enumerated in Pantja Sila were vague terms and deliberately so, since they had been intended from the first as a compromise which would rally all political groups regardless of ideology to the republican government. The interpretation and -definition of each of the five principles was left to each faction, and because of differing ideologies and outlook there was no consensus on any of the five points. Isa Anshary and his "revolutionary-radical" following with their fixed views regarding the role of Islam in politics, were among the first Muslim groups to attack this vagueness as weakness. In Umntftt Islam menghadapi PMriHhan Umum (The Islamic Community faces the General Elections) Isa Anshary charged that Pantja Sila was a vague ideology with no real interpretation, used only as a slogan. 67 cited the sila of democracy, and asked whether such democracy was to be "Western democracy or the democratic centralism of Eastern Europe, and whether it would operate on the principle of majority rule." 68 stated that Islam placed many restrictions on democratic action and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 267] === -257that Islam did not allow "total submission to the majority" on all questions since many matters had already been decided by the Qu^Sn and were not open to debate. He noted the same vagueness in the first sila. "Belief in God," and suggested that this sila was not the same "belief in God" confessed by Muslims.^ The belief in God mentioned in the Pantja Sila. he stated, was not concerned with undertaking good and shunning evil, establishing the Shari*ah. "establishing tawhld" and "destroying shirk." nor could it be used as a measure by which to resolve all matters and settle all disputes.^ Isa Anshary*s remarks illustrate the great gulf that existed after 1953 between the two leading factions in Indonesian politics and explain in part the inability of these groups to cooperate for the solution of the urgent national problems then facing the nation. Attitudes toward Cq™ » ^ The bitter feelings that reemerged during the parliamentary period between Muslim and secular nationalists was excelled only by the total distrust of the Muslims for the Conmunists. The Coamunist Party, driven underground in the 1920's, had become a part of the nationalist move ment during the early revolutionary years but in 1948 the Communist Party suffered another setback when it directly challenged the republi can government and was defeated by the republican army at Madiun in East Java. Under the leadership of D. N. Aidit the Communist Party adopted a policy of creating a national unity front with other "progressive groups" and by 1952 had again begun to play an active role in Indonesian politics.71 The Communists were able to cooperate with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 268] === "a* Telements of the Nationalist Party, partly because parallel interests existed and partly because several Nationalist Party leaders were willing to use Cosmmnist support to improve their own political position. President Sukarno as well was favorably disposed toward a Communist Party that would be loyal to the government and participate openly in the Indonesian political system. Muslim groups were generally out spoken against Communism, but the intensity of the opposition varied toward a Communist Party seeking accomodation and offering support for the programs of some Muslim parties. Several Perti leaders for example, were sympathetic toward many goals espoused by the Indonesian Comnunists in the 1950's and Perti leader Hadji Siradjuddin Abbas was active in the Communist-dominated international peace movement of that period. The Nahdlatul Ulama'a membership remained generally anti-Coamunist, but its leaders found Communist Party support for some of its parliamentary programs advantageous and frequently downplayed its own anti-Commnnist orientation, such as it did in 1957 when NU leadership avoided confron ting Sukarno on his plan to allow PKIparticipation in the government. Masjumi, however, was openly anti-Communist and saw no room for com promise or cooperation with the Indonesian Communist Party. The Per satuan Islam was equally adamant in its complete rejection of Communism, and its members issued a large number of books, manifestos and fatwas that spelled out the basis for that rejection. The March 1957 manifesto of the Persatuan Islam stated that the "theory and practice of Communism is not only opposed to all religions, but has only enmity and opposition toward inner faith as taught by all Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 269] === religions." 72 On the same line of thought Isa Anshary remarked that the Communists rejected God, revelation and prophets, 73 and that Com munists saw religion as a "superstition shackling man's reason. Isa Anshary noted that the Communist rejection of religious belief and absolute values revealed itself in a lack of morality vhich permitted Communism to use terror as a fundamental instrument of control. "The practice of Communist governments in lands they control," stated a Persis document, "is to cruelly exterminate religious life, tear down the places of mrship, and terrorize religious leaders and culama? inhumanely, as was done in Turkestan, Caucasia and Hungary. The document concluded that the Communists of Indonesia were no different than Communist parties in other lands and were also guilty of resorting to terror as was apparent "by the slaughter of Muslim leaders" at Madiun in 1948 "when the Comamist Party was in open revolt against the Republic of Indonesia."^ Isa Anshary stated that the Communists were internationalist:is'orien tation and received aid and orders from the Kremlin to further Communist 77 efforts. He maintained that Communism1s real aim was the introduction of a new kind of colonialism which would replace the imperialism of the 78 West, and it was only in order to achieve this goal that the Communists masqueraded as a staunchly nationalistic group. The 1957 Persis mani festo expounded this argument and stated that Indonesian Communist strength in the 1955 elections had been attained through deception and deceit, and warned that "promises from the mouths of Communists to the Indonesian masses have no validity and no meaning in Communist ideology."^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 270] === -260- Persatuan Islam manifestos issued in 1953* 1954, 1957, 195® and I960 all devoted considerable space to a condemnation of Communism* The 1954 declaration, for example, stated that any Muslim who,.having heard the evidence against Communism and secular nationalism, still adhered to either of them politically, would "be considered an apostate" (murtadd) and would not "receive Muslim prayers or a Muslim burial after death. The 1957 manifesto gave a brief resume of Qur anic references on which Muslims could base their opposition to Communism. Al-Imran 117 recalls that kaflra— anti-religious and antiGod— are always causing and undertaking destruction of every iimmah that believes properly and follows religion; al-Mu.jadilah 22 contains the explanation that the Islamic ummah may not co operate with groups opposed to Allah and His Prophet; al-Nisa* 140 clearly forbids Muslims to remain together with people who reject religious teachings; al-MaHdah 2 commands Muslims to work together for accomplishment of taqwa and forbids coopera tion for the purpose of committing sin and injustice. Fatwis issued by individual Persis *ulama* presented similar arguments and accurately reflected the arguments and attitudes toward Communism of a large segment of Indonesian Muslims. One particular fatwa, appear ing in Al-MuaHmin in 1955, declared that marriage between a Muslim 82 woman and a Communist could not be valid. A fatwa by Ahmad Hassan condemned the Communist united front policy and stated that Muslim cooperation with Communists was not permissible since such cooperation 83 would lead only to destruction of religion. In 1957 the Persatuan Islam issued a rebuke to President Sukarno in a joint resolution of all Persis culama* entitled "The Persatuan Islam rejects Sukarno*s "concept""(Persatuan Islam menolak konsepsi Bung Kara©). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 271] === The Persis resolution rejected Sukarno's plan, called upon the Presi dent to reconsider and called upon all non-Communists to close ranks and combat the "anti-God and anti-religious basis which is Communism and aetbism."^ Again in I960 the Persatuan Islam at its annual con gress called upon Sukarno to abolish the Communist Party which "openly chooses sides with the Communist Bloc... and assumes the position of a fifth column for the Soviet Union and Red C h i n a. T h i s I960 state ment demanded that the army take action against the "subversive Com munist Party" which "like the rebels" in the Outer Islands "endangers the safety of the country," 86 In the period from 1953 through 1958 Isa Anshary conducted a vigor ous crusade against the Indonesian Conminist Party, as was exemplified in his periodical entitled Anti-Komunis (Anti-Communist). All of his writings during this period haul a strong warning to Muslims against ideologies not compatible with Islam, and in Bahaja Merah di Indonesia (The Red Menace in Indonesia) and again in his speech before the Constitu ent Assembly he outlined his specific objections to Communism and rejected it as incompatible with Islam and with Indonesian nationalism. In 1954 along with Muslim leaders Vfibisono and Sjarif Usman, he formed the Front Anti-Komunis (The Anti-Communist Front) which was intended to became a national political pressure group, organized on lines similar to the Communist cell system, that was to combat Communism on all levels of 87 society. ' It was intended to cross party lines but depended heavily on local Masjumi groups, and consequently was regarded by other political groups as a Masjumi front organization. While it gathered considerable Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 272] === -2 6 2 strength in some areas such as Djakarta and Surabaja, it never really caught on nationally, and was finally banned sometime after 1953. Political attitudes toward Christians. Another important political problem faced by the Muslim political groups in the pre-election period was the relationship between Christians and Muslims on the political plane. The four million Christians in Indonesia, like Christian minorities in other predominantly Muslim lands, generally believed that Muslim political aspirations would directly dis criminate against Christianity and make Christians second class citizens. Christian political leaders from Protestant Party (Partai Kristen Indo nesia— Parklndo) and the Catholic Party (Partai Katoliek Indonesia) stressed that Christians had fought for independence from colonial rule and, like Muslims, had spilled considerable blood to achieve that goal. They argued that the secular basis for the state was more equitable for all Indonesians and that Pantj -y Sila with its guaranty of religious belief was sufficient to allow both Muslims and Christians to undertake their religious obligations without discriminating against Christianity. The Christian leaders stressed that Islam as the guiding force of the state would have an adverse impact on the Christian population, and some Christian leaders even threatened that predominantly Christian areas such as the Celebes and the South Moluccas would not accept such Muslim domination. 90 The Persatuan Islam followed the general lead of Masjumi on the Christian issue, and the 1953 Persis manifesto mentioned that in an Islamic state Christians would be protected, and that Muslims would be Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 273] === -263tolerant of Christian teachings. 91 Two different approaches to the matter were apparent, however, in the writings of Persis leaders. Isa Anshary, reflecting his "revolutionary-radical" approach, stated in Islam dan Nasionalisme that Muslims and Christians were alike in that they both worshipped God, and that if each followed the lessons of their respective religions there was no reason why the followers of the two religions should not live in friendship and without friction. 92 Freedom of religion, Isa Anshary pointed out, was clearly observed in Islamic history, and was "more guaranteed and of much wider scope than the 'freedom of religion' observed in several of the great states of Europe."^ Like many Muslim writers dealing with Muslim relations with Christians, Isa Anshary implied that the "religious freedom" that was to be guaranteed religious minorities was to be determined by Muslim standards and inter pretation and that the Christian interpretation would be accepted only if it did not conflict with the Muslim viewpoint in the matter. Moehammad Natsir's approach accepted Isa Anshary's formulation, but made an additional effort to overcome Christian fears of Muslim political power. In "Keragaman hidup Antara-Agama" (Religious tolerance among religions) Natsir maintained that Muslims were commanded to spread the true faith, but that in performing this religious obligation Muslims were "to give summons in a manner free of all force” and that under no circumstance were they to attempt to solve the problem of religious dif ference by resorting to the dictates of passion. Muslims, Natsir argued, were not to be passive in following a policy of religious tolerance, but were to constantly undertake to remove irritations among religious groups, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 274] === ~264" and to coma to the aid of other religions whenever there was a threat to those religions. "Whenever freedom of religion is threatened and sup pressed, even if Muslim religious rights are not involved, Muslims are obliged to aid the 'people of the book* (and allow them) to worship God according to their various religions, even by pledging their own lives if necessary. Despite assurances by Natsir and other responsible Indonesian Muslim leaders, Christians saw their religious obligations as best served by a secular state, and consequently developed both political and religious arguments to support their choice. During the Constituent Assembly debates on the nature of the Indonesian state, the Christian political parties supported Pant.ja Sila as a state ideology. The radical approach of Isa Anshary and his intolerance of muriaflq Muslims, and the anti-Christian activities of the outlawed Muslim rebel groups in West Java and the South Celebes, made rapport between Muslims and Christians difficult regardless of Muslim assurances of friendship and tolerance. Muslim efforts to join forces with the Christians, however, continued even after the general elections and occasionally the Persatuan Islam made unsuccess ful appeals for Christians to join with Muslims and form an anti-Communist front. 95 The importance of the 'ulama*. In the Persatuan Islam there was general recognition that the 'ulama* had a major role in political affairs. The 'ulama* of the organization— Ahmad Hassan, Isa Anshary, Ahmad Abdullah and Abdulkadir Hassan— all for mulated many fatwas on political subjects intended to determine the direc- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 275] === -2 6 ^ tion of Muslim political activity. These fatwas, without exception, urged Muslim political unity, and passed judgment against Muslim aid to the secularists and communist parties because such parties wanted a state not based on Islamic principles. Persis writers made occasional references in their books and articles concerning the role they considered appropriate for the ti»iani5> to play in society and in national affairs. In an article entitled Funkai UIa w a dalam Maajarakat dan Negara (The cUlama,,a Function in Society and the Nation). Moenawar Chalil explained that the fAlim was the transmitter of the word of God to subsequent generations following the Prophet. Through their role as transmitters of the message and as guardians of its pristine truth, Moenawar Chalil stated, the ‘ulama* have built up consid erable respect among lay Muslima. He maintained that lay Muslims would often respond to the words of the ‘ulama* when they would not respond to similar orders from state officials. He concluded that since ulama had such considerable influence over the faith and morals of the Muslim population and were listened to on political and social matters as well that the ‘ulama*had a great responsibility to act with prudence and wisdom. 96 Isa Anshary developed a similar line of reasoning, perhaps to explain his own considerable participation in political activity. He recognized that the well-being of MusliB-s, whether political, religious, social or economic, depended on the individual, and that it was ultimately "autoactivity” (auto-acktivitat) that determined the success or failure of Muslim efforts. He stated that it was the duty of the ‘ulama* And other Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 276] === -2 6 6 Muslim leaders to educate ordinary Muslims in the ttlessons of religion, laws of God" so that they would follow a course of action that would 97 bring reward to the Muslims in this world and in the Hereafter.n Isa inshary's own political activity was guided by such considerations, and he apparently believed that his own activity would have considerable impact on lay Muslims and determine the direction of their political activity. Moehammad Natsir also believed that the rulana> had a signifi cant role to play in political affairs, and in a number of speeches called on *ulama* to give guidance to lay Muslims on political as well religious affiirs. This stress on culama* was made by many other Muslim groups as well. Cellarliber has stated in his thesis on the Masjund. Party that the (u]ama* in Indonesia could not be ignored as a political factor and that who ever gained their approval would consequently gain a large fallowing, 98 particularly in the rural areas.7 It was generally recognized among Masjund. activists that the fulama* did wield considerable political as well as religious influence among much of the rural population. The Nahdlatul Ulama. for example, was particularly strong in East Java and on Kalimantan where the local culama* tended to follow traditionalist Islamic patterns. Mas.lumi itself was organized so that the culama* were on all levels of the party structure, and at least one calim was on the control board at each level of the organization. Even though the Nahdlatul Ulama quit Mas.lumi on the charge that the 1ulama* in the Mad.1elis S.luro were denied leadership responsibilities, the charge was that the Nahdlatul Ulama1a leaders felt slighted that its own. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 277] === -267culama7 did not dominate the Central Leadership Council. Several members of the Central Leadership Council were in fact culama* by recognized SunnT Muslim standards, and the NU implication that culaaia> had no voice in Mas.lumi was misleading. Like the Nahdlatul Ulama and Mas.lumi Persia emphasis on the culama* reflected the general view that *ulama*were to be active in political affairs and serve as leaders and guides for the Muslim population. Moreover, the political activity of Isa Anshary and the political statements of Ahmad Hassan and Moenawar Chalil appears to have been an expression of that ideal. The end of Persis political activity. The Indonesian political situation went badly throughout the parlia mentary period when governments resting on weak parliamentary coalitions were unable to form stable governments or to resolve basic economic and political problems facing the nation. The failure of a single party to win a majority in the 1955 elections and the consequent deadlock in both parliament and the Constituent Assembly offered only the prospect of further political immobilization and deterioration. Sukarno's decision in 1957 to resolve the stalemate by instituting presidential rule con sequently had considerable support throughout Indonesia, and most importantly was favored by the military leadership. Sukarno's move was adamantly opposed by Mas.lumi and by several other political parties. Although several regionalist movements had actively opposed the central government since 1950, by 1957 disillusionment with the Djakarta government was widespread in several of the outer areas and local army commanders established local governing councils and refused to recognize Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 278] === the authority of the central government. In 1958 a group of dissident political leaders, mostly from the Mas.lumi Party, formed a Revolutionary Republic of Indonesia (FRRI) and attempted to bring together all dissident units in a move to win basic political concessions from the Djakarta government. The Revolutionary Republic demanded more autonomy for the Outer Areas, insisted that a greater portion of the finances that the Outer Areas' exports earned abroad be returned to the Outer Areas, and demanded the removal of several leftists widely believed to be cryptoconsnunists from cabinet and sub-cabinet posts. The economic strength of the areas under rebel control— Sumatra, parts of Kalimantan and the Celebes— the support of the armed forces stationed in those areas, and a responsible and well-known leadership appeared at first to give the Revolutionary Republic a good chance of attaining its goals. The rebellion was easily defeated, however, when contrary to expectations the Indonesian army conducted a quick and effective cam paign against the rebel heartland in central Sumatra. Rebel units held severalareas on Sumatra, Kalimantan and the Celebes until 1961 when a m y leaders offered a general amnesty and convinced most military units and many civilian leaders in the rebel cause to surrender. 99 There was considerable hesitation by Nbehammad Natsir before he joined the rebels in 1958 even though several other leading Mas.lumi personalities had already done so. Ultimately he gave way, apparently because he believed that insurrection was the only way left to correct the slide to the left and steady deterioration of politics which had marked Indonesia's parliamentary period. In the several weeks prior to Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 279] === -269his defection he was threatened with physical violence by Communist youth groups seeking to discredit him as loyal to the Outer Areas cause,1®0 and it must have been apparent to him that Mas.lumi was widely regarded as responsible for the rebellion. In August 1958 he was given the posi tion as vice president in the rebel government101 and for the following three years attempted to revive the dissident forces which the govern ment forces had been unable to crush after their initial campaign had outstripped their logistical capacity. Anally in 1961 Natsir surren dered to central government forces under terms of the general amnesty offered that year and since that time has been under detention at various places on Java. The Masjund. organization Natsir left behind continued to exist until 1961 when Sukarno banned it by decree, but the institution of presidential rule and a number of state of emergency decrees had put an end to Mas.lumi activity as early as 1959. Anticipating its demise the extraordinary members of Masjund, including the Persatuan Islam, all dissociated themselves from Mas.lumi in October 1958. 102 Some of these member organizations continued to perform a political role, but many like the Muhammadijah and the Persatuan Islam backed away from political life and concentrated on the educational and social welfare aspects of their programs. Isa Anshary, although from Sumatra, did not join the rebels but continued to play an active political role on Java. By 1961, however, his Front Antl-Komunis had taken on a more clandestine appearance and was rumored to be anti-Sukarno as well. Shortly thereafter Isa Anshary Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 280] === 103 was placed under detention. His arrest and the banning of Ma8.1uai marked an end to political activity by Persis members, although some Persatuan Islam leaders, such as Ali Alhamidy, hare continued to stress that Muslims must play an active role in the political affairs of the nation, are obliged to combat Communism, and are commanded by Islam 1QJL to make Islamic principles operative in nation and society. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 281] === -271Footnotes for Chapter 11 1 Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam. 1956, p. 24. 2 The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia was actually placed in effect in August 1950, some seven months after the transfer of sovereignty. For a detailed study of that constitution, and some information on the Indonesian plans to convene a constituent assembly, see Prof. Dr. R. Supomo, The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (translated by Garth N. Jonesji Ithaca, Cornell University, 1964, esp. pp. 10, 78-81; for a brief discussion of the prob lems facing the nation and the political parties see Herbert Feith, "Toward Elections in Indonesia," Pacific Affairs. XXVII, No. 3 (September 1954), pp. 236-254; for the Muslim understanding of the purpose of the Constituent Assembly see Manifes Perdjuangan Persa tuan Islam. 1956, p. 22. 3 Ibid.. 36. 4 Aboebakar At;)eh, K. H. M. Wahid Has.lim. p. 216. 5 Kern membership is discussed in Ibid.. 285* 6 Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam. 1956, p. 24. 7 Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, p. 30. 8 Mbehammed Isa Anshary, Islam dan Nasionali3me (Islam and Nationalism). Bandung, Pustaka Djihad, 1954, p. 59; Cf., Moehammad Natsir, "Revo lusi Indonesia" (Indonesian Revolution) in Capita Selects, II, pp. 136-137 for use of these terms in a broader context. 9 Isa Anshary, Islam dan NasionaHsme. pp. 59-60. 10 Moehammad Natsir, "Agama dan Politik" (Religion and Politics), Capita Selecta. II, p. 157. 11 This essay will not deal with the Natsir cabinet since a study would shed no light on the Persatuan Islam. Natsir regarded his cabinet as an administrative cabinet with the responsibility for correcting many administrative weaknesses in the state, a task the cabinet was unable to fulfill because of its short duration. See Herbert Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1962, pp. 146-176. 12 Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam. 1956, p. 26. 13 Ibid. 14 Khllafiya is literally "differences of principles" and among Indo nesian Muslims the dispute concerning taqlid and ijtiHad (see above Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 282] === pp. 67-78) was considered to be a difference of principle. Furuc is the consequent disputes growing out of the differences of prin ciple, but not differences of principle themselves. The disputes concerning talqin and ushal1-i, for example, were considered to be furuc. that is, an outgrowth of the dispute over taqlZd and ijtihad. In a short essay on the subject Ahmad Hassan attempted to provide guidance for eliminating many of the differences among various Mus lim groups. 1) When there are contradictory views on a religious subject it is necessary to examine the Qur^an and Sunnah. Whatever these sources confirm "we accept" and "that which has no basis we reject." _ 2) In a matter in which conflicting views are supported by badith (with no Qur>anic clarification), it is necessary to reject the weak hacSths. and to take the viewpoint of the badTths which have the better claim to be genuine. 3) When Qur^Sh and badith conflict on a matter, it is necessary to reject the badith. Paraphased from Ahmad Hassan, "Mas-alah Chilafiyah” (Matters of principle), Hikmah. IX, Nos. 37-38 (October 12, 1956), p. 34. Acceptance of Ahmad Hassan1s suggestions would of course follow the doctrine of the Persatuan Islam and would exclude the commentary of the madhhabs. 15 Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam. 1956, p. 64; Isa Anshary, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam. p. 73. 16 Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam. 1956, p. 25. The Persatuan Islam charged that the "liberal-moderate" group was fully aware of what constituted bid*ah but did not "actively and positively combat bid ah." believing that to discuss the differences in furu^and khllafiyah "only divides Muslim unity." The Persatuan Islam believed that dis cussion could have led to a resolution of the differences. 17 Ibid.. 36. 18 Times of Indonesia. July 7, 1956; Merdeka. April 12, 1956. 19 Naim, The Nahdlatul Ulama Party, pp. 1-11. 20 Haluan. April 5, 1957. 21 The following works discuss the Nahdlatul Ulama1s action in with drawing from Masjumi: Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, pp. 233-237; Naim, The Nahdlatul Ulama Party, pp. 1-25; Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, "Pedoman Kampanje Penrilihan Umum untuk Madjlis Konstituante, 20 Oktober 1953(Guide for the general election campaign for the Constituent Assembly, October 20, 1953)> Risalah Politik. No. 5 (1955); Deliar Nur, Masjumi. pp. $0- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 283] === 22 Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia. PP. 234-235. 23 See above pp. 75-76 for definition of these terns. 24 Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab. p. 117. There is a discussion of Hadji Asj'arie Tebu-Ireng and his school, considered to be the first of the modern pesantrens (yet kaum tua I) in Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, pp. 204-208. 25 Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab. p. 20. 26 Ibid., 118. 27 See above Chapter 4. 28 See above pp. 77-79. 29 Ahmad Hassan's statement was correct, since even after the secession of the Nahdlatul Ulama many individuals and organizations remained with Masjumi who favored the madhhab position. Al-Djam'iatul Wash11.1ah, lor example, remained a special member of Masjumi until 1958 when all the special members left the organization. 30 K. H. E. Abdurrahman, "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah," Hudjdjatul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 12. This article was incorporated into2 the Persatuan Islam's 1956 manifesto; see Manifes Perdjuangan Per satuan Islam, pp. 28-35. 31 Abdurrahman, "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah," Hudjdjatul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 12. 32 Ibid.. 14. See footnote 12 page 96 above for a brief identification of the Mu<tazilah. 33 Abdurrahman, "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah," Hudjdjatul Islam. I, No, 1 (August 1956), pp. 15-16. 34 Ibid.. 20. 35 Suara Masjumi. March 1, 1955> p. 1. 36 The term negara Islam (negara meaning state or nation) was common among Indonesian Muslims during this period. Occasionally there was reference to Par al-Islam. but this was usually avoided because of possible identification with the rebel group of the same name. Sometimes, apparently to assuage the feelings of non-Muslims, Mus lims spoke of a "state based on Islam" (negara berdasarkan Islam). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 284] === ■274- 37 See A. R, Sutan Mansur's discussion of state and society in "Ringkasan Fidato Ketua Pusat Pimpinan Muhammadijah Indonesia A. R. Sutan Mansur" (Summary of the speech of A. R. Sutan Mansur, Chair man of the Central Leadership of the Mnhammadl.lah) in Unlversitas Muhammfldijah PftfflhnVaan PakultaS Falsafah dan Hukum MuhaTrnnadi.jah (The Muhammadi.lah University inaugurates a Faculty of Philosophy and Law). Sumatera Tenggah, 1955 or 1956, pp. 43-44; Pusat Pimpinan Muhammadijah, Tafsir Anggaran Dasar yuhommaHiiah (Commen tary on the Statutes of the Mqhammadi.lah). Djogjakarta, 1954, pp. 23-24. 38 ^engurus Besar Partai Nahdlatul Ulama, Pokok-pokok Uraian didalam Pidato Kampanle Pemllihan Umurn untuk Konstituante. 20 Oktober 1955 (The theme cf campaign speeches for the general elections for the Constituent Assembly on October 20, 1955) in Risalah. No. 5 (1955), P. 11. 39 Isa Anshary, Rerolusi Islam, pp. 18-24. 40 Moehammad Natsir, Islam aebagai ideologie. p. 53* 41 Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan. p. 36. 42 An analytical study of these groups as to motive, support and degree of success is found in Donald Dickson Jr., "Guerrilla Warfare in Indonesia." Lansing, Michigan State University term paper, June 1964« Further sources on the Darul Islam of West Java are listed in several following footnotes. For further details on the Atjehnese group see A. H. Gelanggang, Rahsia Pemberontakan At.leh dan Kegagalan PoUtik Mr S. M. Amin (Secrets of the Atjehnese rebellion and the failure of the politics of S. M. Amin). Kutaradja, Murni Hati, 1956; A, J. Piekaar, "Atjeh," Encyclopedia of Islam (New Edition). For further details on the Celebes group see 'Abdul Qahar Mudzakkar, "Konsepsi Negara Demokrasi Indonesia," I960 (typescript); Herbert Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, pp. 212-214; and Kementerian Penerangan, Sekitar Pemeriksaan Perkaraperkara Affandi Ridhwan dan Achmad Buchari (Concerning the trials of Ridhwan and Achmad BucharlJ^ Djakarta, 1954. There is reference to Ibnu Hadjar's group in "Indonesian Army report on the restoration of security," Selected Translations on Indonesia. No. 4. Washington, U.S. Joint Publication Research Service, May 1961 (JFBS #8286), pp. 5-6. 43 C. A. 0. Van Nieuwenhuijze, "The Dar ul-Islam Movement in Western Java," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia, pp. 168-170. 44 "Testimony of Kiyai Jusuf Taudjiri" as quoted in Republik Indonesia: Propinsi D.lawa Barat. p. 215. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 285] === 45 In 194^ during the Second Dutch Police Action, for example, the Siliwangi Division, loyal to the Republic of Indonesia, retreated into Darul Islam territory because of the press of the Dutch action at Djogjakarta, and was attacked by Darul Islam guerrilla units throughout their stay. Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indo nesia. p. 409. 46 "Keterangan ringkas. Dari Proklamasi Karto Suwirjo" (Brief Explanation. From the Proclamation of Kartosuwirjo), found in A. H. Gelanggang, Rahsia Pemberontakan Atjeh dan Kegagalan Politik Mr S, M. Amin, p. 29. 47 "Peraturan Panglima Tentera dan Territorium III Djawa Barat, No. 25, December 9, 1950" (Order of the Army and Territory H E West Java commander, No. 25, December 8, 1950) in Republik Indonesia: Propinsi Djawa Barat. p. 215. 48 Van Nieuwenhuijze, "The Dar ul-Islam Movement in Western Java, Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia, pp. 173-174. 49 Moehammad Natsir, "Soal 'Gerilja'" (The "Guerrilla" question), Capita Selects. II, p. 196; See also "Lagi Soal 'Gerilja'" (More on the "guerrilla" question), Capita Selects. II, pp. 198-200. 50 See for example, D. N. Aidit, "Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Indonesian Communist Party Central Committee on November 8 and 10, 1954," Harlan Rakjat. November 11, 1954 (unknown translator), 51 Isa Anshary, "Kami menndju Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Islam" (We strive to have an Indonesian Republic based on Islam). Speech in Komisi II Konstituante. Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante, II, pp. 205-206. 52 Ibid. 53 H. Slradjuddin Abbas, "Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 20 Oktober 1951" (Speech in Parliament on October 20, 1951) in Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesia, Risalah Perundingan 1951. XIV, p. 7142. 54 George Kahin, "Indonesian Politics and Nationalism" in William L. Holland (editor), Asian Nationalism and the West. New lork, Mac millan, 1953, p. 109. 55 Willard Hanna, "Indonesia's Political Parties" I, American Universi ties Field Staff Reports. December 27, 1956, p. 18. 56 Herbert Feith, "Toward Elections in Indonesia," Pacific Affairs, XXVII, No. 3 ^September 1954), pp. 236-254. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 286] === 57 Willard A. Hanna, "Indonesian Political Parties, I," American Universities Field Staff Report. December 27, 1956, pp. 4-13, outlines the Nationalist Party's program, attitudes and tenden cies. 58 Isa Anshary, Islam dan Nasionalisme. p. 59* 59 Ibid.. 60. 60 Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, pp. 15-16. 61 Ibid.. 12. 62 Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, p. 281. 63 Ibid.. 283; see also Boyd R. Compton, "President Sukarno and the Islamic State." Newsletter of the Institute of Current World Affairs. March 8, 1953. 64 Feith, The Deci trm of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia; see also Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, p. 52. 65 Moehammad Natsir, "Some Observations Concerning the Role of Islam in National and International Affairs." Ithaca, Cornell University, 1954. 66 Moehammad Natsir, "Pidato KornLsi II Konstituante", Tentang Dasar Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante. p. 129. See also Moehammad Natsir, "Bertentangankah Pantja Sila dengan Al-Quran" (Does Pant,1a Sila oppose the Qur>an). Hikmah. VII, Nos. 21-22 (May 29, 1954), pp. 6-7, 37. This essay also appears in Capita Selecta. IE, pp. 144-154. 67 Moehammad Isa Anshary, Ummat Islam menghadapi Pemilihan Umim (The Islamic Community faces the General Elections). Surabaja, Hasan Aidid, 1953, P* 7* He stated elsewhere: "We hear people sloganize Belief in God... whose actions are contrary to the laws of God; people who propagandize humanity but whose actions show bestiality; people who sloganize social justice but work only for their own comfort and satisfaction; people who sloganize democracy, but who promote only the interests of their own parties, Pantja Sila is used only as a slogan, for agitation and demogogery, a gadfly of the people. Pantja Sila... has become tanpa sila (without principle)." Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, pp. 13-14. 63 Isa Anshary, Ummat Islam menghadapi panriHhan Umum. p. 18. 69 Ibid.. 19. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 287] === 70 Ibid.. 8. 71 Donald Hindiey, The Comnmn-t at Party of Indonesia 1951-1963* Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1964, pp. 46-59. 72 Persatuan Islam, "Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karoo" in Suara Mas.lumi. March 15, 1957, p. 6. 73 Isa Anshary, Jusuf Wibiaono and Sjarief Usman, Baha.la Merah di Indonesia, p. 11. 74 Ibid: see also Isa Anshary, "Kami menudju Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Islam" in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante. II, pp. 227-22^7^29-231. 75 "Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karoo," Suara Mas.lumi. March 15, 1957, p. 8. 76 Ibid* In 1948 the Indonesian Army ordered the Communist and Social ist youth fronts, who served as paramilitary units against the Dutch, in the M&diun area to lay down their arms. The youth fronts refused and attempted an insurrection in which the Cosmunist Party leader Masso joined. In the Communist takeover of Madiun Mas.lumi leaders were the particular targets of the insurrectionists. The revolt was completely crushed by the Indonesian Army within a matter of weeks. Bindley, The Indonesian Communist Party, p. 21. 77 Isa Anshary, Jusuf WLbisono and Sjarief Usman, Baha.la Merah di Indonesia, p. 25. 78 Ibid.. 27; Isa Anshary, "Kami menudju Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Islam" in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante. H, p. 234. 79 "Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karoo," Suara Masjumi. March 15, 1957, p. 8. 80 "Fatwa hIaim* ‘Persatuan Islam'" (adopted by the Conference of the Persatuan Islam at Bandung on November 9, 1954) appearing in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante. U, p..288. A partial English translation of the fatwa appears in Compton, "Muslim Radicalism: The Anti-Communist Front," p. 8. Compton mistakenly translates the term martadd as excommunicated, which has a papal connotation and is not known in Sunni Islam. 81 "Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karoo," Suara Masjumi. March 15, 1957, p. 8. 82 Abdulkadir Hassan, "Kawin dengan orang komunis" (Marriage to a Com munist), Al-Mualinnm. I, No. 12 (March 1955), PP» 7-8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 288] === -278- 83 Ahmad Hassan, "Kerdjasama dengan qaum-qaum jang berfabam sosialis” (Cooperation with socialists), Pembela Islam (New Series), I, No. 2 (April 1956), p. 32. 84 "Persatuan Islam menolak konsepsi Bung Karno," Suara Mas.lumi. March 15, 1957, p. 8. The 1957 statement was issued when Sukarno, seek ing to build a united front of his own in Djakarta with which to oppose the disaffected Outer Regions threatening Sukarno's position, raised the possibility of placing Cossnunists in the cabinet. 85 "Persatuan Islam menuntut Penghantjuran Partai Komunis Indonesia," Harlan Abadi. September 7, I960, p. 1. 86 Ibid. 87 There are only a few readily available materials on the Anti-Commun ist Front. Boyd R. Compton, "Muslim Radicalism: The Anticommunist Front," American Universities Field Staff Report. March 5, 1953J "Front Anti Komunis menudju Djalan Djihad" (The Anti-Communist Front aims the way of jihad), Suara Masjumi. December 10, 1954, p. 3; "Statemen Front Anti-Komunis, Djakarta" (Statement of the AntiCommunist Front in Djakarta), Suara Masjumi. September 1, 1956, p. 8. In late 1957 the Anti-Communist Front changed its name to Liga Anti-Komunis Rakjat Indonesia (The Indonesian Peoples Anti 88 See below pp. 269-270. 89 J. B. Kawet, "Speech in Committee H of the Constituent Assembly," in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante, n, P. 13. 90 Ibid.. 12. 91 Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam. 1956, p. 55. 92 Isa Anshary, Islam dan Nasionallsme. pp. 61-62. 93 Ibid.. 61. 94 Moehammad Natsir, "Keragaman hidup Antar-Agaoa" (Religious Toler ance among Religions), Hikmah. VII, No. 6 (February 6, 1954), p. 6j also in Capita Selecta. IE, pp. 225-230. 95 See for example, "persatuan Islam menuntut penghantjuran Partai Komunis Indonesia," Harian Abadi. September 7, I960, p. 1. 96 Moenawar Chalil, Funksi Ulama dalam Masjarakat dan Negara, pp. 27-28, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 289] === -279- 97 Isa Anshary, Ummat Islam tnanphariapi pmm*i-than Ummn, p. 69* 98 Dellar Noer, Mas.lumi. p. 50. 99 Leslie H. Palmier, Indonesia. New York, Walkers and Co., 1965, pp. 180-198 succinctly describes the main events of this period. See also Willard Hanna, "The Rebel Cause," American Universities Field Staff Reports. October 9, 1959* The central government viewpoint is given in It. Col. Rudy Pirngadi, Peristiwa PRRI: ditind.jau dar Sudut Sed.jarah TNI. Djakarta, N. V. Sadang, 1958. Trans lated into English with the title The PIRRI Affair (as seen in the light of the history of the Indonesian Armed ForcesTT Djakarta, Nusantara, 1958. The rebel viewpoint appears in The Birth of New Indonesia (Sim months PRRI). Frankfurt a/Main. PRRI Mission in Europe, 1958, and in RPI Monthly Review. No. 1 (March I960). 100 Herbert Feith, "Dynamics of Guided Democracy" in Ruth McVey (edi tor), Indonesia, p. 321. 101 This essay will not include a study of Natsir's role in thePRRI because it is removed from our real subject, the PersatuanIslam. Natsir*s views during this period are recorded in "Moehammad Natsir*s views on Sukarno," Bulletin PRRI: Voice of New Indonesia. No. 8 (February 1959), p. 4, and "Ercerpts of Natzir's speech" (broadcast over Radio PRRI from Central Sumatra), PRRI Bulletin: Voice of New Indonesia. No. 2 (November 1958), p. 2. 102 Harian Abadi. October 14, 1958, p. 1. 103 Interview with Abdurrahman and Junus Anis on July 21, 1963* 104 Lecture by Ali Alhamidy at the Univer3itas Pesantren Persatuan Islam on July 13, 1963. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 290] === Chapter 12 Conclusions The Persatuan Islam was significant because it attempted to define for Indonesian society what constituted Islam, what were basic Islamic principles, and what constituted proper religious behavior for Muslims. The Persis attempt to define Islam came at a crucial point in history, at a time when new ideas from the West and from other Muslim areas clashed with each other and with cultural and religious traditions already esteemed in Indonesia. The importance of the Persatuan Islam lay in an examination, critical in its time and context, of the prob lems created by the interaction of these diverse influences and in attempts to judge what was religiously permissible and what was not. The Persatuan Islam presented a religious ideal that prescribed worship and the other obligations of the Sharicah as the focal point of life, and it insisted that Muslims excise all beliefs and prac tices that it regarded as contrary to Islamic teachings. This attempt to make Islam the most important influence in the lives of Indonesians was not new in Islamic history, for Islam has always demanded such commitment. The Persis message was significant precisely because it wa3 a reiteration of the historical Islamic ideal within a nation which had been converted to Islam for only a relatively short time, where indigenous religious institutions had not developed to a point where they could facilitate such an ideal. The message of the Persatuan -280- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 291] === Islam intended to hasten the development of new and needed "Islamic" institutions, to deepen and broaden faith and practice in Indonesia and thereby make Islam the dominating influence on Indonesians and on Indonesian national life. Exposition of basic beliefs. Perhaps the most important Persis contribution to the development of Indonesian Islam was its description of the fundamentals of religion. Persis *ulema* defined Sunni Muslim beliefs that they regarded as basic. They avoided controversy on matters of belief that have long been issues of debate among Muslims, such as God's eternal existence, and determinism (qadar), and noted that man was not to spend his time on earth idly speculating on matters beyond bis ability to understand. The reduction of Sunni Muslim doctrine to simple, readily understandable forms set a mark for other religious educators in Indonesia and redounds to Persis credit, while the Persis ability to express those beliefs in a context meaningfUl idfchtthe contemporary world was equally laud able. This exposition of Sunni doctrine led directly to the publication of textbooks easily understood by students and interested lay Muslims. Pengadjaran Shalat. At-Tauhied and Al-Furqan among others, were a considerable contribution to the Indonesian Muslim community since they presented an exposition of Muslim beliefs and practices written in Bahasa Indonesia, and included the appropriate religious texts in Arabic with an Indonesian translation. -Such texts marked an obvious advance over the Arabic texts in use in Indonesian religious schools Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 292] === at the turn of the century. These books outlining basic Sunrri MimUm beliefs were well received when first published, have retained their popularity as religious texts to the present, and compare very favorably with more ambitious teats written in recent years. The Persatuan Islam's exposition of the obligations placed on every Muslim was well made and showed considerable insight into the problems confronting Indonesian Muslims when their loyalty is conflictingly demanded by religious law, by secular law and by custom. Ahmad Hassan18 exposition of the various systems oflaw and their relationship one to another helped Muslims to better understand their religious obligations. Persatuan Islam insistence that the Sharlfah take precedence over *adat and secular law, and its refusal to seek accomodation with these systems except on its own terms did little, however, to reconcile these three diverse trends in Indonesian social and political life or to give Muslima a genuine understanding of the problems facing adherents of other systems. Presentation of modernist Muslim principles. With its exposition of indispensable Sunni doctrine the Persatuan Islam presented cogent arguments for modern fundamentalist Muslim principles and for. the reforms which such principles would entail. While the principles of modern Muslim fundamentalism were not original to Indonesia— having originated with the Salaflyah movements of the Middle East— the Persis presentation was valuable since it placed both principles and reform in an Indonesian context. The introduction of modernist principles was made easier by the changes in the character Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 293] === of Indonesian Islamic life after the beginning of the twentieth cen tury. While the older syncretic patterns were still predominant, a minority of Muslims adhering to aharici patterns existed, and modernist Muslim principles assisted many from this group to make explicit their religious ideals. On the one hand modernist Islam allowed a reinterpretation of religion in order to bring it into harmony with contemporary conditions, and on the other hand it urged that removal of syncretism from Indonesian Muslim practices which the 3harici group favored and vdiich traditionalist Muslims were reluctant to undertake. As it happened modernist Islamic thought also made a considerable contribution to the development of the Indo nesian nationalist movement by religiously justifying political action and ultimately helped develop leaders in several of the early governments of independent Indonesia. On the negative side the adoption of modernist principles led to a greater cleavage between the santri and abangan segments of Indo nesian society. Muslim traditionalists had always helped minimize this split in the population by their considerable contact with the abangan population. Unlike the traditionalists, modernist Muslims (and particularly the Persatuan Islam) were hostile to and removed from the abangan population because of abangan concern with beliefs and practices that were unacceptable for the modernist position. This hostility and drawing apart which modernist Muslims intensified perpetuated a dichotomy marking Indonesian society that is perhaps most evident in Indonesian political life. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 294] === The depth and breadth of Persis exposition of t«qHri and ijtihad, the two central concepts involved in the traditioaalist-modernist dispute, was thorough and illustrated the Persatuan Islam's ability to justify its program within the terms of SunnT Muslim doctrine. Its attacks on taqlld and its defence of ijtihad were vigorously argued and backed by apposite religious texts, and the opponents' counterarguments were well answered. While traditionalist Muslims charged that modernist Muslim thinking emasculated religion by ignoring tradition, to replace it with unbridled reason, Persis culama* appear to have arrived at their conclusions through a scrupulous application of the principles of ugul al-flqh, a religious science recognized as valid (if not always used) by Sunni Muslim fulama* since the third century. The Persatuan Islam appears to have been within the Ashcarite tradition in its use of reason, for it used reason to apply religious principle to specific problems, but there was certainly no instance in which Persis ‘ulama* reached conclusions oh the basis of reason alone, because their method involved a fundamentalist return to primary texts. The Persatuan Islam's unique contribution to Islam in Indonesia was the role it assigned to lay Muslims in determining their own religious behavior. Both traditionalist and modernist Muslims placed heavy emphasis on the religious scholar, generally leaving little for the lay Muslim to do but make his own religious belief and practice conform to the views of the calim he listened to. While reserving primary research on religious matters for the ‘ulama*. the Persatuan Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 295] === Islam still gars lay Muslims a limited role through ittibl* by which they were to choose between the decisions of various culama* on matters affecting their religious behavior and belief* Persis critics were correct in stating that ittlba* did not allow great freedom in religious research, but certainly it did encourage lay Muslims to examine religious texts and use some discretion in choosing the religious decision that would affect their own religious behavior. This would appear to be a genuine contribution to Muslim religious practice, and a suitable solution to the age old problem of assigning the rank and file some responsibility in religious matters while retaining for the { ulama* a control over the direction and scope of such effort. Persatuan Islam reforms. Persis reform of certain practices in worship appear to have con tributed to the strengthening of Sunni Muslim thought and behavior in Indonesia. Recitation of the khutbah in the vernacular was intended to deepen Musi lm knowledge of religion, a goal traditionally favored among *ulama*. Reform of burial practices aimed at separating basic Islamic belief and practice from the folk custom and superstition that have been a fecund source of contention among * ulama* for centuries. The demand that the recitation of niyah be removed from worship was aimed at removing from ritual worship a practice not actually commanded in Qur’an and Sunnah and this was a stand that Sunni ‘ulama* have always regarded as theoretically correct, even when they have not adhered to the principle. Insistence on the abolition of taqbil and other acts of deference paid to certain Arab ‘ulama* was in accordance with the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 296] === -286commonly held Islamic principle of the equality of believers. Whether the reforms were popular or not, and whether the traditionalist 'ulama* agreed or not, is not really germane, the reforms do seem bo have been justified within the Sunni Mast-tm tradition. The Persatuan Islam.maintained that as a general rule all things outside the area of cibadat were permitted by Islam unless specifi cally prohibited and that change was permissible so long as certain broad limitations established by Islam were not transgressed. some areas such as economics, modern medical practice and scientific advancement, Persia *ulama* interpreted this principle in a wide sense and showed considerable ability in relating Muslim principles to new developments. This broad interpretation was apparent, for example, in Ahmad Hassan'8 discussion of riba which he defined as excessive interest, and in his explanation that Muslims were permitted to use banks and cooperatives because these-institutions charged and paid normal rates of interest. The same liberal attitude was also present in Persis decisions permitting blood transfusions and birth control measures, and illustrate the Persatuan Islam's attitude of attempting to relate religion to the thought, goals and developments of the twentieth century. In some matters not related to worship the Persatuan Islam opposed pressures for change and moved contrary to the direction of developments in the contemporary world. Persis 'ulama* opposed basic changes in the traditional status of Muslim women and chose a rigid interpretation of scripture to oppose what they saw as radical, unwarranted change. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 297] === Persis insistence on traditional dress and limitation of women's move ment in society preserved what Persis regarded as positive M n n U m social values* At the same time Persis cul m m * sought to overcome critics' charges that women held a subservient position in Islam rather than an equal but separate position as Muslim apologues maintained, by granting greater educational opportunities for women and allowing con siderable freedom for women to contact other women for social, edu cational, political and religious purposes* These limited concessions show an effort to correct, apparent inequities without opening the way to what the Persatuan Islam regarded as destructive tendencies inherent in the radical changes advocated by the secularists and other groups favoring emancipation for women. It was not inconsistent for the Persatuan Islam to approve some contemporary developments while rejecting others. Scripture was the final authority on what could and what could not be accepted, and in the case of women's role in life the Persatuan Islam believed that the progressive emancipation of women of the past century is not condoned by scripture. The Persatuan Islam was apparently satisfied that the limited liberalization of women's role in society it advocated achieved the proper adjustment of religious principle and contemporary development. In this matter, the Persatuan Islam appears to have been guided by prejudgment since it was not consistent with its own principles. Thus Persis 'ulama* stated that in the problem of women's status the matter was limited to what was permitted in Qur’an and badith. but this stand contradicted the Persatuan Islam's stated position: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 298] === -288-* that change is permissible in matters not related to worship. This was one of the few contradictions by Persis cni a m ’ of the theoretical principles they themselves defined. Defence of the established system regarding women is obviously not wrong in itself, but the conservative arguments used in defence of their position on womanhood indicate that Persis ‘ulama* had not made the deep, careful examination of the role of women in society that they claimed to have made. Its condemnation of secularism again showed Persis refusal to accept a contesgarary trend it believed was not permitted by Islam, even though the nation-state based on non-religious factors and rele gating religion to a lesser role in national affairs has been the trend over the past sixty years. Persatuan Islam resistance to this trend was not unusual considering that historically most Muslims have insisted that Islam must dictate the policies of the government of any Muslim area, even though one can find few Muslim governments in history where this was wholly true. The Persatuan Islam formulated many of the arguments against secularism that were taken up by other Muslims to defend their con victions against the attacks of the secularists. Persis political statements were a clear argument that Muslims must not abandon their faith as a means of achieving independence, and that the retention— indeed the intensification— of religious values was essential to give national independence real meaning. Persatuan Islam writers clouded their arguments somewhat with their stress on pan-Islandc beliefs and their rejection of national boundaries, and their objections to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 299] === “289" the flag and other trappings of a national state was too cautionary. Their arguments for the inclusion of Muslim values in the operation of an independent Indonesia were justifiable; certainly within the Muslim tradition, but also by the fact that many secular states are guided by religious principles. In fact, religiously-based morality does appear to be called for in the operation of a state, as Isa Anshary pointed out, to maintain proper governmental behavior and to avoid the use of terror and immorality as deliberate state policy. It does appear that the Persatuan Islam was over-intransigent in its insistence that Indonesia must have an Islamic state to be governed according to Islamic law. Not only is "Islamic state" a vague term, in Indonesia during the 1930's and 1950's it raised disagreeable reactions in the minds of many Muslims as well as among non-Muslims. It was generally believed among non-Muslims that Islamic law would be harsh and onerous; and Persis insistence on the stern laws of punishment (budud) did little to dispel this apprehension. Seeing that Persis realized that there was as yet no law code that could be characterized as Islamic, and implemented immediately, and that there was even a great measure of disagreement on basic principles, Persis efforts might have been better directed toward a fuller explanation of its view concerning the content of "Islamic law" and the nature of an "Islamic state." Of the leading Persis writers only Moehamnad Natsir attempted such an explanation, while most Persatuan Islam effort was expended on insisting that "Islamic law" was required by religion and condemning as apostates those who did not agree. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 300] === Shortcomings in the Persis argument. There were several shortcomings in the Persatuan Islam's efforts to define Islam and its proper mode of operating in twentieth century Indonesia. Host outstanding was an attitude of non-compromise that marked the statements of Persis leaders and hindered the establishment', of unity the Indonesian nation has so badly needed. Persis arguments were almost without exception directed against concepts and generalized actions of its opponents, and only rarely against individuals and their specific actions. Ahmad Hassan's use of etymology to refute the concept of Christ1s divinity in Jesoes menurut Bi.lbel. Abdurrahman's presentartion of Islamic history to challenge the viewpoint of traditionalist Islam in "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah" and Moehasmad Natsir's reconcilia tion of Islamic and Indonesian values as a basis for an Indonesian Islamic state in his Constituent Assembly speech are polemic at its best, containing well-reasoned, pertinent arguments, worthy of an answer. These works reflect the trait usually found in Persis writings of keeping arguments centered on the issue at hand and hitting hard against what the organization regarded as objectionable and unacceptable. Since Persis arguments were sharp and to the point, this characteristic— not conmon in much of Indonesian argumentation and writing— clearly alienated many persons, both non-Huslim opponents and people associated with the Indonesian Muslim movement. Persis writing, moreover, offered no quarter and accepted no compromise, but demanded complete submission to its viewpoint by both Muslims and non-Muslims. The demand for sub mission encompassed all matters on which the Persatuan Islam chose to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 301] === pronounce judgment, whether in matters of worship, in matters of social behavior, or problems of political action* Deliar Noer, speaking of Ahmad Hassan's approach prior to World War II, makes an analysis that holds generally true of all the leading writers of the Persatuan Islam either before or after the war. Persis seemed to create antagonism, if not enemies every where, first among the traditionalists, then the "emancipated" nationalists and even within the Muslim reform group.... It would be difficult to state with precision who started this hostility first... but Hassan was hard in his judgments, and his writing style might upset his opponents, although he remained in general objective and avoided personal criti cisms he considered the application of his fatwa. whether on furu1 or questions of principles, as something not to be compromised with.^ A genuine Islamic sense of catholicity, of acceptance of disagree ment, was lacking among Persis culamaJ. nor could they envisage a society where the opposition would have the right to disagree for all time. There was at best tolerance for only a limited period, since Persis members were convinced that finally all other viewpoints would inevitably conform with their own. than religion. This is Islam as ideology, rather Persis maintained for example that Christianity was tolerated, but on closer examination it appears that what was to be tolerated was Christian action conforming to the Persis interpretation of what it believed Christian action and behavior should be. Little wonder then that Christians were suspicious of Muslim intentions and preferred a secular to an Islamic state. Toward the secularists there was even less tolerance as illustrated by the brands of fasiq. zalim. kafir and munafiq applied by Ahmad Hassan and Isa Anshary to persons in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 302] === -2 9 2 the secularist movement. This attitude, vhich suggested that the Mus lim dispute with the secularists could only be resolved by a complete Muslim victory, and implied further that secularist beliefs had to be eradicated as evil, certainly contributed to the failure of Indonesian political leaders to find a common modus operand! for Muslim and secu larist political factions. Since Indonesian democracy failed in great part because these two factions could not cooperate politically, Persis as an opponent of accomodation shares in the blame for the failure of parliamentary democracy in Indonesia. Even toward fellow santris Persis remained uncompromising on matters of difference, demanding that its own viewpoint be accepted without change as the basis of reconciliation. This attitude made it difficult to build the strong nmmah the Persatuan Islam wanted, since differences between traditionalists and modernists were considerable and an atti tude of intolerance worked counter to an accomodation. One cannot con sider the Persatuan Islam wrong to have defined its own religious principles, or for Persis to refuse to surrender on matters of prin ciple. It was unfortunate, however, that the Persatuan Islam decided only to expound its viewpoint without seeking to understand the views of the opposing faction and look for an accomodation on those matters that could be acceptable to both sides. In its effort to clearly define Islam, the Persatuan Islam made little use of history, either Muslim or Indonesian, to amplify and explain its arguments. Its statements usually made references only to the "glorious past" of Islam. All the same, Abdurrahman's discussion Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 303] === of the tena ahl al-sunnah va al-d.1anacah. Ahmad Hassan's formulation of the history of Muslim jurisprudence and Koehammad Natsir's succinct presentation of Indonesian history to explain Islam's place in Indo nesian politics, were notable exceptions and show how historical perspective might have been effective in other arguments as well. While several other Persis works have had some discussion of the Muslim past, particularly events during the lifetime of the Prophet, these were always presented as part of belief, or as raw material to be utilized in fiqh. but seldom viewed as history itself, or even given historical perspective. It was this point that prompted Hoehammad Rasjidi in his dissertation for the Sorbonne to conclude that the Persatuan Islam was not sufficiently aware of "historical evolution and development" and was unable to find answers to fundamental problems facing Indonesian Muslims in the modern world. A better understanding of history might have enabled Persis writers to use religious sources with even greater understanding than they have. This could have had considerable impact, for example, on their attempts to extract religious principles from hadlth, where they too often were literalists and often did not separate the religious message from its historical setting. The interprefetion of woman's role in society, for example, is the product of a literalist irrterpreation of religious sources that historical perspective might have changed considerably. The Persis practice of reviewing decisions of earlier <ulama> on par ticular religious problems would also have been considerably enhanced by an awareness of history and might have enabled Persis *ulama* to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 304] === see how contemporary factors could Influence decisions in the age in which they were made. Finally, a study of history would hare made the Persatuan Islam more aware of the processes of time and change themselves and how man's thinking and actions are affected by them. This awareness could perhaps have enabled its members to better cope with the changes that were taking place in twentieth century Indonesia, and aided the analysis of the problems confronting them. A third shortcoming of the Persatuan Islam's formulation of its religious program was its failure to take sufficient cognizance of tke Western advances and culture that have made such a great impact on the non-Western areas. Not unlike Muslims throughout other parts of Asia Persis gulamaT believed that many aspects of the culture generally referred to as the "West" were inimical to Islam and destructive of Islam's moral and ethical principles. Persis writing contained a strong distrust of the West and condemned those Indonesians who appeared to be exponents of Western ideas, such as the secularists. On occasion Persis writers examined individual ideas, institutions and processes developed by the West, but never undertook a deep and penetrating study of the West in an attempt to analyze the true values of the West or to find the source of the West's vitality. Two of the Persatuan Islam's most capable writers— Ahmad Hassan and Moehcusmad Natsir— were capable of providing greater explanation.of the West to Indonesian Muslims. Ahmad Hassan, with his considerable ability in stripping a problem to its rudiments and analyzing it accord ing to religious text and principles, showed in the several instances Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 305] === where he examined practices developed by the West— modern medical practice and interest-granting financial institutions— that he could sanction some as acceptable with Islam. Mbehammad Natsir, with his own secularist education, should have been able to act as a bridge and better explain the West to Indonesian Muslims. More attention to the West was needed, because the West has had an undeniable impact on Islam and Indonesia. This is not to suggest that all Persis arguments on women and nationalism would necessarily have been different had Persis fularaaa been better informed about the West, but the Persis position on many matters would have reflected greater understanding of the concepts it opposed, and possibly dif ferent solutions would have emerged as a result. The educational effort. Connected with the attempt to define Islam has been the Persatuan Islam's emphasis on education. Since its establishment in 1923 Persis has maintained that only an educated umnah could really understand fundamentalism and practice ittibac. and only a highly trained culama> could be capable of correctly consulting religious sources and practicing i.ltihid. Persatuan Islam insistence that education be based on religion is a principle with considerable support in both East and West, and it would seem that there is considerable merit in an educational system that aims at producing a body of educated lay Muslims with a solid understanding of Islam. While emphasis is on religious subjects in Persis elementary and secondary schools, general subjects are not neglected and the quality of the education appears consistent with that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 306] === -2 9 6 of other Indonesian Muslim schools and the Indonesian national educa tion system. The training offered at the Persatuan Islam's teacher courses and seminaries reflects the organization's emphasis on Islamic law. It is difficult to criticize an educational course intended to train religious officials for placing too much stress on religion. let given the Persis statements of intent to equate religion with every aspect of life it is apparent that in addition to their detailed knowledge of Islamic sciences these future culama’ need broader understanding of people, society, traditions, history, and developments, whether indigenous, Western or Muslim. Some graduates of the Pesantren Persatuan Islam have gone to Al-Azhar in Cairo for further training, and this may prove beneficial by broadening the knowledge and experience of the participants. It would also be useful if other graduates would go on to other universities that specialize in religious studies in both Asia and the West. The Islamic Institute at McGill University, the Center for Comparative Religions at Harvard University and a number of Muslim schools of higher education in Pakistan, India and the Near East for example could aid the participants and the Persatuan Islam in develop ing a broader viewpoint, and perhaps greater perception in their own concerns. This is not to suggest that Persis *ulema’ should lose their identity as Indonesian Muslims, but only that the Persatuan Islam have among its members those who are knowledgeable with other parts of the Muslim world, with the West, and with other Asian areas as well. The Persatuan Islam has led in giving young men and women who are Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 307] === interested in religious careers the necessary training during an era when adequate training in the religious field was difficult to attain* When it is realized that the pesantren operated on modern lines had only a twenty year history when Persis began its work, and that the first university offering full-time studies in Islamics appeared in Indonesia only in 1956, Persis educational efforts in the religious field take on more significance. The Persatuan Islam helped develop the new educational system and its Pesantren Persatuan Islam was a leading center for religious training in the pre-World War II era. With the rise of state financed institutions to train ‘ulama* the Persatuan Islam must maintain the quality of its own training to compete with these new institutions, yet it is reasonably certain that this educational effort will remain an important contribution of the Persatuan Islam for some time to come. Prognosis. It is difficult to ascertain just what the future of the Persatuan Islam will be. The Persatuan Islam is no longer the small, elite group of modernist Muslim crusaders it was during the 1930's and 1950's and its current leadership has abandoned the intense activity formerly undertaken h jr the society. For the past seven years the Persatuan Islam has stressed organizational improvements and built up its educa tion system, and refrained from any political activity. It is diffi cult to ascertain whether this particular emphasis really reflects the real attitude of its leaders, or whether the political domination of the left in Indonesian politics during the period of Guided Democracy Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 308] === (1958 to 1966) forced the Persatuan Islam with its Mas.jumL associa tion into a period of more limited activity. The relative inactivity of the past seven years may be analogous to the limited activity of the Japanese period, and it is possible that if a new period of comparative freedom again emerges in Indonesia as recent events would seem to indicate, the Persatuan Islam may return to its former broad range of activities, The Persatuan Islam has a distinguished and eventful past in Indonesia, and given opportunity it caua make a valua ble contribution to the future. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 309] === -299Footnotes for Chapter 12 Hoar, The Modernist Metalia Movement. p. 149* Mohamad Easjidi, L'Erolntion de l'lalaa en Indoneaie (Java) on Consid eration Critique dn Livre Tfenttrri 7 t h « evolution of Islam in Indo nesia (Java) and consideration of a critique of a book by Tjentird). Paris, University of Paris dissertation, 1956, p. 167. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 310] === -300- Glossary of terns This glossary of terms is intended only to briefly identify foreign words and terms appearing in the text of this essay. More detailed definitions can be found in basic works on Islam in books on Indo nesia. The definitions given below are taken chiefly from the Encyclop edia of Islam, the Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-IndiB, and T. P. Hughes, A Dictionary of Islam. abangan (Javanese) The general term applied to Javanese who are nominally Muslims, but who do not follow strict.religious practices, and often are syncretic toward religion, incorporating Islam into surviving Javanese, Hindu and Buddhist beliefs and practices. adat (Indonesian from Arabic {ada) In Islamic law a legal term desig nating a custom which is recognized by Muslim jurists as valid in some instances. The word has been taken into Malay and other languages of the Indonesian Archipelago to mean all things Indo nesian that are custom, usage or practice. adhin (Arabic) The call to prayer given for the five daily prayers and for the Friday community worship. ahl al-sunnah wa al-damatah (Arabic) An epithet used by Sunni Muslima to describe themselves, usually in apposition to the Shlcah and other sects regarded as heretics by the Sunni Muslima. Generally speaking the criteria for being able to use this epithet is to adhere to the religious teachings of al-Ashcarl and/or al-MaturicLL, and the legal teachings of one of the recognized legal schools (madhabs). cal.im. pi. culam5'> (Arabic) Those Muslims who are considered knowledge able in religious learning, particularly in jurisprudence and theological matters. The Indonesian equivalent is ki.1ai. which often, with the term hadji. is included as an honorific before an an ‘alia1a name. <aqidah (Arabic) A statement of doctrine, or an article of faith. In Islam the theory of revelation has precluded the composition of a creed with divine aid, but many have been written as statements of Islamic faith and have been useful for purposes of teaching. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 311] === asrama (Sanskrit) dormitory. ayah (Arabic) A verse of the Qur^an. Bahasa Indonesia. The official language of Indanesia. It was adopted as the language of Indonesian nationalism at the All-Indonesia loath Congress of 1928. It is based on Malay, which has been a lingua franca throughout the archipelago for centuries. barzand,1i (Indonesian from Persian) A special prayer usually recited on the occasion of the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet (MawLud). batik (Javanese) Wax-resist technique of pattern dyeing on cloth. bedoeg (Javanese) A great drum that is played in the gaaslan orchestra. It is also used at some mosques for the call to worship. bidfah (Arabic) Innovation; a view, thing or mode of action that has formerly not existed or been practiced. The term has come to suggest change in religious belief or action that leads to heresy, but not necessarily to disbelief. dhikr (Arabic) A Muslim practice, conaonly associated with gufism in which a formula is incessantly repeated as a means of removing extraneous thoughts from the worshipper is mind, and to prepare it for religious contemplation. A common form of dhikr is the repe tition of the ninety-nine names of God, The name is also applied to the performance of litanies by groups of sufls. Dhikr is widely believed among Muslims to give religious merit to the per former. dirham (Arabic) A unit of silver coinage in the Arab monetary system. djawi (Malay) Malay written in an Arabic script adapted to accomodate Malay letters and sounds. It is still in use in Malaysia, but was dropped for a Romanized script in Indonesia in the early twen tieth century. duca } (Arabic) In Indonesian doa. The prayer of petition or aspiration, which may be made at any place or time, as distinct from galat the ordained ritual prayers. dukun (Javanese) A practitioner of magic who claims to possess secret powers which he employs in a variety of functions. The dukun*s chief employment is the treatment of illness with herbs and native medicines. Some classes of dukuns foretell the future, others cast spells to create good or bad fortunes, and some are prac titioners in black magic. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 312] === fard (Arabic) In Islamic lav that which is strictly prescribed and obligatory, the omission of which will be punished, while the execution will be rewarded. Muslim lav distinguishes fard al*ain, to which everyone is bound, and fard al-k±fayah in which it is only demanded that a sufficient number of Muslims should ful fill the religious duties concerned (holy war, performance of common prayer). fard al-*ain See fard. fard al-kifayahi. See fard. faaiq (Arabic) A transgressor; in Muslim lav a term applied to a person who behaves contrary to practice established by the sharltah. fatibah (Arabic) The first and most popular surah in the Q m ^ an.very often recited as a short prayer. fatwa (Arabic) A decision of sacred lav made by a religious scholar (calim). or a legal scholar (mufti) or a judge (cjai£L). The decision is intended to aid individual Muslims, and religious courts, in determining just what constitutes proper religious behavior. The fatwa itself is not legally binding on any believer, but is considered only to be an advisory opinion. furu* See khilaflyah. gamelan (Javanese) An ensemble of stringed and percussion instruments which provides accompaniment for the wayang (shadow) plays, and for other occasions. garuda (Sanskrit) A mythical bird which carried the God Vishnu. The garuda as an eagle is the official seal of the Republic of Indonesia. guru (Indonesian from Sanskrit) Teacher; this term is used in the general sense as a teacher in any_school. It is also the equivalent of guide (plr) in the nystical (sufl) orders in Indonesia. badlth (Arabic) A narrative concerning the Prophet Muhammad as passed on orally from one generation of Muslim to another until recorded in the second century A. H., by the great collectors of badlth. These collectors attempted to check the authenticity of the badlths. and label those clearly spurious, by recording the chain of relators of the badlth. The term badlth is sometimes used in writings_on Islam as synonymous with sunnah. §ab±b frfldlth are those that pass all the criteria laid down by the collectors and are regarded as particularly fit for legal of examining and using established in Sunni Muslim jurisprudence. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 313] === •303hadji (Indonesian, from Arabic ba.1i) Honorific often included as part of the title of address for those Indonesian Muslima who have under taken the pilgrimage to Makkah and participated in the prescribed ceremonies there during the month of dLhfa al-hijjah. ba.1.1 (Arabic) The pilgrimage to Makkah in the month of dbu al-hijjah and participation in prescribed ceremonies held over a series of days. The ba.1.1 is the fifth command of practical religious be havior and in incumbent at least once in the lifetime of the believer whose wealth and health allow him to undertake the journey. Hari Ra.1a See _Id al-fitr. ‘ibadat (Arabic) The ordinances of divine worship in Islam. In books on Islamic law cibadat comprises the first subject matter and in cludes tahlrah (ritual purification), salat (ritual prayer), gawm (fasting), bajj (pilgrimage), zakit (almsgiving), and some times jihad (holy war). {Id al-fitr (Arabic) The feast marking the end of the fasting month, one of the chief feastdays of Islam. 1 A special ritual service marks the celebration of this festival. cId al-fitr is known as Hari Raja in Indonesia. ijma< (Arabic) One of the four sources from which Muslim law is derived. It is frequently defined as the agreement of the mujtahids of the people (i.e., those who have a right, in virtue of knowledge, to form a judgment of their own), in any age, on any matter of faith. It is also defined by some as "agreement of the Muslim community." ijtihad (Arabic) A term used in Muslim jurisprudence to designate the process of arriving at new judgments in a rule of law in a par ticular case by drawing conclusions from basic sources of Islam (i.e., the Qur*an and badlth). as opposed to_acceptance of tra dition. In Indonesia the adherents of ijtihad have been referred to as the kaum muda. ikhlls (Arabic) A term, used in all modes of Islamic religious practice, to define "absolute devotion to God." Bchlas is often used as a contrast to shirk (disbelief). Ilham (Arabic) Revelation in an individual sense as opposed to revela tion to men in general. In Sunni Islam many saints have been said to have been recipients of ilham. It differs from intellec tual knowledge in that it cannot be gained by meditation and rational deducation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 314] === -304film (Arabic) A broad term for knowledge, which in Muslim history has come to mean sciences, and particularly the religious sciences. It is knowledge of definite things in contrast to innate know ledge or perception (ma*rlfah). imam (Arabic) 1-the leader of Muslim ritual prayer; 2- the title given to the spiritual_and secular head of a Muslim political unit, also called khallfah. iman (Arabic) A theological term denoting proper religious belief and faith. The term is generally described as "belief of the heart and confession of the lips to the truth of Islam." Injll A variation of the Greek word for gospel (t'va»£.xwv). Islam holds that the Injil was, like the Qur*an. originally a holy book containing divine law, revealed to a prophet (here,cIsa) for the guidance of mankind. iqamah (Arabic) The second call to ritual prayer (salat) which is pronounced by the mu*adhdhin in the mosque before each of the prescribed prayers. Ismaciliyah (Arabic) A sect of Shicah Islam, which itself is divided into differing subsects. The Ismacill3 believe that its leaders (imams) receibe divine guidance, and that religion has inner mys teries which are revealed only to those believers with sufficient intelligence and proper indoctrination. istighfar (Arabic) Begging for (divine) pardon. ittiba* (Arabic) Literally "following"; the Persatuan Islam maintained that those Muslims not trained to undertake ijtihad might make a decision on religious behavior by deciding between the fatwas of several mujtahids. Jahillyah (Arabic) The age of ignorance. The name given to the state of things that existed in Arabia before the arrival of Islam. Jamacah prayer (Arabic) The Friday community prayer, obligatory for the community. It has a public sermon (khutbah). jihad (Arabic) Holy struggle. Everting oneself for Islam, and defence of it by arms is a religious duty for Muslims in general. Many have believed it includes spreading Islam by conquest. Others emphasize means of achievement short of resort to arms. iinazah (Arabic) The funeral rites in Muslim law, which has rather detailed prescription for the preparation of the body, and prayers for the deceased. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 315] === -305Kacabah The "House of God." and center of Islam, constructed of layers of gray stone situated almost in the center of the great mosque at Makkah, Muslims pray toward the Kacabah. and circumambulation of the Kacabah is part of prescribed ritual for the pilgrimage (ten). kifir (Arabic) Literally "rejecter"; used in Muslim theology and law to define the unbeliever, kaHmah (Arabic) Actually kali mat al-shahadah. The expression "There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is the apostle of God." This is the first tenet of practical religious practice, and is generally recognized by Muslim theologians and jurists as separating believers from unbelievers. kaum muda (Indonesian) "The young group." A term applied to those Muslims in Indonesia in the twentieth century who advocate changes in religious ritual, belief and practice, on the basis that such change purifies Islam of accretions taken on over the centuries. The Persatuan Islam, the Mohammadi.lah and Al-Irs.jad were the major kaum muda groups. kaum tua (Indonesian) "The old group." The term applied to those Mus lims in Indonesia during the twentieth century who defend tradi tionalist Islam against reforms by the modernists. The kaum tua hold that the madhhabs are the-proper interpreters of religious behavior. The Nahdlatul Ulama, Perti and several Ba cAlawi groups have been major kaum tua organizations. keirei (Japanese) Slight bowing in use among the Japanese as a form of greeting. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia the keirei was required of all inhabitants, free or jailed, vis-a-vis ary Japanese. Not to be construed with sai keirei. which had ceremonial aspects. kenduri (Persian) See slametan. A communal feast noted in ShafigI law books in Indonesia, that became confused with a local animistic feast meal. khallfah (Arabic) Literally "successor." Title of the supreme head of the Muslim community, usually regarded as successor of the Prophet Muhammad. kMlaflvah (Arabic) Differences in the Muslim community in matters of doctrinal importance. In Indonesia the dispute concerning the correct use of taolid and ijtihad was considered to be a ktrilafiyah dispute, while^other differences such as pronouncing the khutbah in the vernacular or in Arabic, which was dependent on the tadULd-ljtihad debate, was considered an associated dispute (furu*). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 316] === -306khutbah (Arabic) The sermon delivered on Fridays at the time of the zuhr or meridan prayer*. The khutbah is also given in the morning after suhrise at the ^Id al-Fitr and ^Id al-Adha festivals. ki.lai or kiai (Indonesian from Persian) *ulang> in Indonesia. See caHm. A title of respect given kufr (Arabic) A legal and theological term denoting rejection of any of the tenets of Islam, and connoting disbelief in Islam itself as the religion of God. madhhab (Arabic) A jurisprudential school among SunH Muslims. At the present tiioe there are four major nadhhabs in the Muslim world— Shaficl. Malik!. BanafI and BanhniTdAithough a number of others were of considerable importance in the past. The formulations of each madhhab are intended to regulate in considerable detail the religious acts of its followers. There are only relatively minor differences existing among the madhhabs. madrasah See pesantren. Mahayana Buddhism (Sanskrit) One of the two major divisions of Buddhism. The Hinayana school stresses an individualistic search for salva tion while the Mahayana stresses the importance of universal salva tion as integral to the good life. mabram (Arabic) A male with whom a woman could not marry because of their close family relationship. He may accompany her on journeys and be in her presence alone and when she is unvp^Led. al-MasTh (Arabic from Aramaic) with 4Isa b. Maryam. nm>adhdhin (Arabic) The messiah. Identified in the Qpr^Sn One who gives the summons to worship. See adhan. mu(allim (Arabic) A teacher, specifically a Muslim learned in the Muslim sciences of religion. Usually an fallm. muballigh (Arabic) A Muslim propagandist who, in Indonesia, has a func tion somewhat similar to that of a Christian missionary in spreading the religious message among non-Muslims or among Muslims of a dif ferent sect or outlook. mufti (Arabic) A Muslim, learned in science and methodology of Muslim jurisprudence, who issues advisory opinions (fatwas) on matters of Muslim sacred law. Some countries in the Middle East have salaried muftis as part of the judicial administration, but any qualified person may give ifta*. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 317] === ■307muhaddithun (Arabic) Collectors of hadith in the second and third cen turies A. H. who collected all traditions available concerning the Prophet_and laid down procedures for judging their authenticity. Al-Bukharl, Muslim, AbC Dawud, al-Nasa*!, al-Tirmidhl and Ibn Maja were the major collectors of hadith in Sunni Islam. mukhatarah contract (Arabic) A double contract whereby more money or goods is repaid than originally borrowed in order to afeoid formally violating the Islamic prohibition on usury (riba). MULO (Meer Uitgebreld Lager Onderwijs— More Extended Lower Instruction) (Dutch) Lower secondary school system (three years) established by the Dutch for Indonesians in 1903. MULO schools gave instruc tion in Dutch, English, German, history, science, mathematics and drawing, and graduates were eligible to attend a higher course in mathematics or literature. Private groups could found MULO schools and were eligible for subsidy from the Colonial1 Administration so long as they maintained minimum standards. munafiq (Arabic) Hypocrite; the term has been used in Islam, especially during the time of the Prophet, to designate those persons who, while outwardly professing to accept Islam, have secretly denied the faith. Mu.nkar (Arabic) According to popular Muslim belief, one of two angels who asks pertinent questions of the recently deceased to determine whether he Is truly a If the deceased fails to answer the questions satisfactorily Munkar and his associate Nakir inflict painful punishment. murtadd (Arabic) An apostate to Islam. Apostasy may either be verbal by denying a principle of belief or by action in treating things religious with disrerpect. mastalab hadith (See badlth) nabl (Arabic from Hebrew) Prophet. In Islam a prophet is a messenger sent to a particular people— or in Mubanmad's case to all mankind— with a revealed message to indicate what is light and wrong, and to serve as a guide for human behavior. Sunni Muslims hold that Muhammad was the final or seal (khatam) of the prophets. Naldr (Arabic) An angel; see Munkar. negara Islam (Indonesian) A general term in use in Indonesia by Muslims since the early part of the century to express their ideal of an independent Indonesian state base** on the principles of the Islamic religion. The defining of these principles by various groups led to several distinct views of just what should constitute an Islamic Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 318] === state, such as the liberal-democracy advocated by 7-ainai Abidin Ahmad and the totalitarian Darul Islam of S. M. Kartosuwirjo. nlyah (Arabic) A short declaration of intention pronounced audibly or mentally, immediately prior to prescribed religious ritual in which the performer states his intent to perform the act. Padri (HLnangkabaui) A religious sect in the Minangkabau area of Sumatra at the beginning of the nineteenth century which sought to replace local custom (Shat)'with a severe form of religious law (sharl^ah). The Padri wars, during which Dutch control was ex tended over the west coast of Sumatra, lasted from 1795 to 1838* Pant.la Sila (Indonesian from Sanskrit) A formulation of five prin ciples put forward by Sukarno in 1945 as the philosophic basis for an Indonesian state. The principles were Belief in God, tiumanitarianism, nationalism, democracy, and social justice. perdjamauan (Indonesian) Ritual meal; see slametan. pesantren (Javanese) A seminary for students of theology. The pondok (Sundanese) is usually the lodging place of the students at a religious school. The pesantren is known as a surau in Minang kabau and panjantren in Madurese. The madrasah is a school com bining religious and general courses in its curriculum* pesta (Javanese) Ritual meal; see slametan. pitrah (Indonesian from Arabic fitrah) The tax on rice according to the laws of zakat. which is traditionally divided among the poor in time for the Hari Raja (cId al-Fitr) celebrations at the end of the fasting month. pondok (Javanese) A lodging place for students; see pesantren. prijaji (Javanese; variant prijayi) A set of cultural values among the aristocratic elements of Javanese society that emphasizes refinement and polite form. Clifford Geertz describes the abangan as Java's pedantry and the prijajis as its gentry. qiblah (Arabic) The direction toward Makkah. The Qur?an commands Mus lims to face toward Makkah while performing ritual prayer. qiyas (Arabic) prudence. Analogy; one of the four sources of Sunni Muslim juris See ugfiL al-fiqh. Qurain (Arabic) In Islam the word of God revealed to the Prophet Muhammad, containing a guide for proper religious action. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 319] === -30*. Quraysh (Arabic) A tribal grouping in Arabia at Makkah into which the Prophet Muframmad was born. Many Muslims consider the Quraysh to form an aristocracy among Muslims. rak<ah (Arabic) shipper. In Islamic prayer the act of prostration by the wor Ramadan (Arabic) The holy month in which the Qur*an was revealed. It is the fasting month in which Muslims may not eat, drink or have sexual relations during the daylight hours. rasul (Arabic) Messenger or apostle from God. to mankind, originally distinct in meaning from a prophet (nabi) who brings a message. Historically rasul has been confused and identified with the term for prophet (nabi). riba (Arabic) Usuryj in general any unjustified increase of capital for which no compensation is given. sadakah (Indonesian from the Arabic sadaqah) Generally the giving of alms. In the Indonesian context sadakah retains it3 association with alms at ritual meals where the food given to the poor, in vited for this purpose, is considered to be alms which redound to the religious merit of the giver of the meal. safrib (Arabic) See badlth. sai keirei (Japanese) The deep bow toward Tokyo as a token of obeisance to the emperor that marked the comnencement of every official Japanese function prior to the end of World War In Indonesia this was part of a daily brief morning ceremony in all government offices during the Japanese Occupation. The sai keirei was similar in form to the prostration (rukuc) of Muslim ritual prayer and several <ulanMlP objected to the sai keirei on that basis. The Japanese maintained that the two prostrations were entirely dif ferent in purpose. salam prayer (Arabic) A litany, which is pronounced from the minarets every Friday about half an hour before the adhan of the community prayer (jam5cah). This part of the liturgy is repeated inside the mosque before the beginning of the regular ceremonies by several people with good voices. sama* (Arabic) Heaven, or the heavens. santri (Javanese) Those Indonesian Muslims who strive to fulfill their religious obligations, as opposed to the abangan element that is only nominally Muslim. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 320] === -310sayyid (Arabic) A title commonly taken by persons elaiming descent from the Prophet Mnframmad, particularly through his grandson Husayn. At the turn of the twentieth century the term sayyid came into use in some parts of the Arab world as a title of address equivalent to the English "mister." shahadah (Arabic) Literally "witnessing"; in the religious use of the word it is the profession of faith— "There is no god but God; Mu^amnad is the Prophet of God." Shaivism (Sanskrit) One of the three chief sects of Hinduism, centering on the worship of Shiva. Shaivism has two main systems which are theistic in that they admit to a personal God, but are monistic in that they hold Shiva to be the ultimate Reality, with other realities in some sense identical with him or his creative power. sharicah (Arabic) The sacred law of Islam. An amorphous term since it has a different meaning to various groups of Muslims. Traditional ist Muslims view the shari ah as the legal systems defined by the various madhhabs, while modernists speak of the principles and clear conmands from Qur’an and Sunnah as constituting the sharlcah. sharifah (Arabic) Feminine form of a title commonly taken by persons claiming descent from the Prophet Muframad, particularly through his grandson gasan. According to some Arabic writers of the ShaficX madhhab in Indonesia, a sharifah might only marry a Muslim who was likewise descended from the Prophet, in order to perpetuate the purity of the line. shayfcan (Arabic) Generally an evil spirit, including bad djinns (spirits) and Lucifer (Iblls). Shlcah (Arabic) The general name for a group of different Muslim sects, the starting point of all of which is the recognition of cAlI as the legitimate khalifah after the death of the Prophet Muframmad. It constitutes a second orthodox community in Islam, separate from the Sunni Muslim tradition. shirk (Arabic) "Associating" something or someone with God; worshipping someone other than God; hence polytheism. slametan (Javanese from Arabic) A communal feast, popular among the nominal-Muslim (abangan) population on Java, given to cosmsmorate important events in an individual's life. The ceremony attached to the meal has an animistic, and shamanistic flavor. stupa (Sanskrit) In architecture a specific type of Buddhist building, consisting of a solid mass of masonry built above a receptacle containing a sacred relic. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 321] === sual-djawab (Indonesian from Arabic su3al and jawab) Literally "question and answer." A device used by Ahmad Hassan to expound his viewpoint. A question was posed and then an answer given. Thia was the general format of most of Ahmad Hassan's works, and is a recognized method employed in all fatwas issued by the Persatuan Islam. Muhammad Rasjidi believes that this is Ahmad Hassan's attempt to apply the Socratic method to Indonesian Muslim problems. Sufi (Arabic) A Muslim mystic; see tagawwuf. sunnah (Arabic) Used in Muslim theology and jurisprudence to refer to the "acts, words and pattern of life" of the first three generations of Muslims, which have relevance in explaining the Prophet Muhammad's actions and behavior. Sunnah applied to the Prophet is the words, behavior and pattern of life of Muhammad which is considered to be divinely inspired and augmenting the Qur’an as a patterrt.of conduct for Muslims. In this respect often synonymous with badlth. surah (Arabic) The name given to the chapters of the Qur3an. tabicun (Arabic) That generation that came after the Companions (agfaab). The Tabjtun also include those of the generation of the Prophet who did not know him personally but knew one of his Companions. tabicul tabicin (Arabic) Followers of the followers. In Muslim juris prudence the third generation after Muhammad who related traditions about the actions and deeds of the Prophet. ^Traditions related by them have been historically accepted by Sunni Muslim jurists in the formulation of jurisprudence, but are of less authority than those related by persons who have actually known the Prophet. tad.1hlzi.1.1ah (Indonesian from Arabic tajhlzi) In Indonesian Muslim edu cation a preparatory course for a specialized subject, such as for teachers or for religious propagandists. tahlll (Arabic) The act of repeating the ejaculation la ilaha ilia llahl. i.e., "There is no god but AllahF It is believed by many Muslims that repetition of the tahlll will cleanse a per son' s 8ins and gain him religious merit. takblr (Arabic) The act of pronouncing the formula Allah akhbar, i.e., "God is great!" talfiq (Arabic) Following the regulations of a madhhab other than that one usually followed. Traditionalist Muslims in Indonesia main tained that a Muslim might not perform talfiq but might only fol low consistently the regulations of a single madhhab. talqln (Arabic) A term used to denote an instruction given by a religious teacher, and generally denoting instruction given to the deceased at graveside at the close of the burial service. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 322] === tagbTl (Arabic) A practice whereby a Muslim not descended from the Prophet Muhammad kneels and kisses the hand of the sayyid or sharif, i.e., those descended from the Prophet. In considerable use in the Malay-Indonesian world earlier, the practice was originally intended to show respect for the Prophet, but came to be the mark of Arabic superiority over non-Arab Muslims. tandor (Arabic) The Islamic doctrine of fate or predestination. taqlld (Arabic) A term used in Muslim jurisprudence for uncritically accepting legal and theological decisions of a teacher or teachers. In Indonesia the adherents of taqlld were referred to as the kaum tua. tacrwa (Arabic) Fear of God in the sense of reverence, and shame of man's shortcomings in the presence of God. tagawwuf (Arabic) The act of devoting oneself to the mystic life. A great number of mystical brotherhoods have appeared in Islam. In Indonesia the most important of these "paths" have been the NaqshabancSyah. the Qadlrlyah and the Shattarlyah. tasblh (Arabic) The act of repeating the formula subban Allah, i.e., tawhld (Arabic) A theological term used to express the unity of the Godhead. It is a fundamental tenet of Islam, and is generally believed by Muslim theologians to contradict the Christian doc trine of the Trinity. Tawrah (Arabic from the Hebrew Tora) In Islam the name of the holy scripture revealed after the time of Ibrahim and Isra'il and after ward confirmed by eIsa which contains the "laws of God" (hukum Allah). ^ulama* (Arabic) Religious scholars; see calinu nmmah (Arabic) "Community," hence also nation and sect. The term is primarily used to denote the community of believers among Muslims. ushalli See nijyah. ugul al-fiqh (Arabic) The science of the methodolpgy of Muslim juris prudence. It concentrates on extraction of principles and data for the formulation of religious law. In SmuiT Islam the tra ditional sources (ugul) are Quraan, sunnah, qiyas (analogy) and i.1mac (consensus). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 323] === -313- Volksraad (Dutch) The legislative council established by the Dutch Colonial Administration in Indonesia in 1917. It consisted of both appointed officials and members chosen by indirect suffrage. Since it had no power to legislate, but only advised the Gover nor-General Indonesian nationalist groups used it alternately as a sounding board or boycotted it. it was abolished at the begin ning of the Japanese Occupation in 1942. waby (Arabic) Revelation, by which a message i3 given to mankind through a Prophet. The Tawrah. Injil. Zabur and Qur^ah are con sidered by Muslims to have been revealed for man's general guid ance. Waby differs from ilharn which is inspiration given to an individual rather than to mankind in general. wall (Arabic) Literally "near one," or "friend." Especially a friend of God, a title generally involving mystical practices and forms. In Javanese folklore nine walis. or saints, supposedly introduced and propagated Islam in Java. waqf (Arabic) Pious endowment. wayang (Javanese) A play or performance depicting legendary stories, both of Javanese origin and from the Hindu Ramayana. The wayang kulit is a shadow play whose dialogue and action highlights moral and ethical lessons, given usually to celebrate important events in the village, city or person's life. The wayang orang is performed by human actors. Specialized forms exist as well. Zabur (Arabic) The Psalms of David, which the Qur*an defines as a scripture to the Jews containing a religious law like that con tained in the Our*an. zakat (Arabic) A religious duty imposed on all Muslims to give a portion of their wealth, as prescribed by religious law, in alms to the poor. It is one of the five commands of practical relig ious behavior. In Indonesia its most important application is the pitrah. commonly referred to as the rice tax, used by the poor to celebrate the festival of Hari Ra.1a (cId al-Fltr). giria (Arabic) Fornication, or any sexual intercourse between persons who are not in a state of legal matrimony or concubinage. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 324] === Bibliography I The Persatuan Islam Manifestos, reports and fatwaa issued by the Persatuan Islam and associated organizations. Front Anti-Konnnis, "Front Anti-Komunis menudju djalan Djihad" (The Anti-Communist Front aims the way of.jihad). Suara Mas.juml. December 10, 1954, p. 3. . "Statemen Front Anti-Komunis, Djakarta, August 14, 1956" (Statement of the Anti-Communist Front of Djakarta, August 14, 1956), Suara Masjumi. September 1, 1956, p. 8. Pembela Islam, "Kebangsaan" (Nationalism), Pembela Islam. No. 29 (July 1931), pp. 2-6. The article consists of an undated letter from a PSIer (Partai Sarikat Islam) and a response by the Pembela Islam's editors. Persatoean Islam, Boekoe Verslag Debat Talqien antara t. A. Hassan dengan H. Abdoel-Wahhab dl T.jledoeg(Cheribon) (Record"of the debate concerning talqih between Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Abdoel Vahhab at Tjledoeg (Cheribon)). Bandoeng, 1932. ________, Boekoe Verslag Openbaar Debat antara P. S. I. I. dan kaoem foeroe (Record of the public debate between the-Sarekat Islam and the adherents of furue). Bandoeng, 1932. . Debat Kebangsaan antara pem-impin-pnmimpin Islam di Bandoeng dengan t. H. Moechtar Lubis (The debate on nationalism betwaani.the Muslim leaders in Bandung and Moechtar Lubis). Bandoeng, (n.d.). ________, (Fatwa ordering local religious leaders to refuse a Muslim burial to Communists), Abadl. February 28, 1954, p. 1. . Kitat-kitab jang di-terbitkan oleh Persatoean Islam. Bandoeng (Books published by the Persatoean Islam, Bandung). Attachment to Pembela Islam. No. 42 (January 1932). ________, Kitab Talqien: Djawaban "Persatoean Islam" atas Tulisan t._H. Hoesain T.jit.jalengka (Book on talqih: answer of the "Persa tuan Islam" to the writing of Hoesain Tjitjalengka). Bandoeng, ________, Lasjkar Islam (Islamic Defender). Bandoeng, 1937. Selections of articles appearing previously in Pembela Islam. -314- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 325] === -315I The Persatuan Islam. 1. Manifestos, reports and fatwgs (continued). Persatoean Islam, Perslag Opisil darl Perdebatan "Pembela Islam" - "Ahmadi.1ah Qadian" (Official' record of the debate between the Pembela Islam and the Afrmadlyah Qidiyan). Bandoeng, 1933* Also given in serial form in Pembela Islam. No. 61 (May 9, 1933) to No. 63 (July 1933). ________, Risalah D.loem'ah (Book of Friday community prayer). Ban doeng, 1931. ______, Sual-D.1awab (Question-answer). Bandoeng, 1931-1940, 19561958, 15 vols. Collection of fatvaa appearing previously in Pem bela Islam. Al-Fatwaa and Al-Lisan. . Verslag Debat antara "Pembela Islam" - "Ahnwdl.jah Qadian" di Gang Kenari 3/4 Nobenfcer 1934 (Report of the debate between Pembela Islam and the Abmadfrjrah Qadiyan at Gang Kenari, November 3-4, 19347* Bandoeng, 1934* Also given in serial form in Pembela Islam. No. 66 (December 1934) to No. 69 (March 1935)* _________, Verslag Debat Luar Biasa 1934 antara "Pembela Islam" dengan Ahmadyah.1ang mempoen.1ai Nabi baroe di Batavia-Cantrum (Record of the special 1934 debate between the pembela |slam and the Abmadlyah who have a new prophet, in the Batavia Centrum). Bandoeng, 1934». Verslag Debat Taqlied— A. Hassan dan H. A. Wahhab (Record of the debate on taqlld between Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Abdoel Wahhab). Al-Lisan (Extraordinary number), December 27, 1935. Persatuan Islam, "Fatwa ulama "Persatuan Islam" (adopted by the Confer ence of the Persatuan Islam at Bandung on November 9, 1954), in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstltuante (Toward a National Philosophy for the Indonesian Republic in the Constit uent Assembly). Bandung, 1958, H, pp. 285-288. A partial English translation appears in Boyd R. Compton, "Muslim Radicalism: The Anti-Communist Front," American Universities Field Staff Reports. March 5, 1955, p. 8. ________, Bangil, Bahagian Pustaka, Daftar Harga (Catalog of prices). May 13, 1950. . Jajasan Pesantren, Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri (Pesantren: Sections for boys and girls). Bangil, 1960. ________, Pusat Pimpinan, Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam (Struggle Manifesto of the Persatuan Islam), drafted by K. H. M. Isa Anshary, General Chairman, and adopted at the VI Congress of the Persatuan Islam, December 18, 1958. Bandung, (n.d.). It appears in serial Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 326] === -316I The Persatuan Islam. Manifestos, reports and fatwas (continued ), articles in Hikmah. X, Nos. 1/2 (January 12, 1957) through No. 6 (February 9, 1957). One part appears under the title "Kejakinan dan Perdjuangan “Persatuan Islam" (Belief and Struggle of the Persatuan Islam), Hud.1d.1atul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 4-11. Persatuan Islam, Pusat Pimpinan, Manifes Perdfluangan Persatuan Islam (Struggle Manifesto of the Persatuan Islam), drafted by K. H. M. Isa Anshary, General Chairman, and adopted at the V H Congress of the Persatuan Islam, September 5, 1958. Bandung,1956. .___________, "Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karno" (The Persatuan Islam rejects the conception of Bung Karno), Suara Masjumi. March 15, 1957, p. 8. 7IH Kongres, "Persatuan Islam menuntut Penghantjuran Partai Komunis Indonesia" (The Persatuan Islam demands dissolution of the Indonesian Communist Party), being a decision of the Congress at Bangil on September 4, I960, in Harlan Abadi. September 7, I960, pp. 1-2; translated into English by the Joint Publication Research Service of the United States Department of Commerce, JPRS #4369, February 1, 1961 Monographs written by Persatuan Islam members Alhamidy, Moehammed All, Islam dan Perkawinan (Islam and Marriage). Djakarta, Al-Ma'arif, 1951. _, Rukun Hidup (Principles of Life). Djakarta, Al-Ma'arif, 1951. . and Usman, Sjarief, Allahu-akbar adalah komando perdjuangan (^''Almighty Allah''is the command for the struggled Djakarta, Badan Kontak Organisasi Islam, 1955* Aziz, Hadji Mahmud, Hukum Perkawinan Islam (The Islamic Law of Marriage). Bandung, Sulita Bookstore, 1954. ________, and Bakri, H. M. K., Peladjaran... musthalah hadits dalam bahasa Indonesia (Lessons concerning examining badlths in Indonesian). Bandung, Pustaka Sulita, 1962. , and Junus, Mahmud, Tlmu musthalah hadis (Science of exam ining badlths). Djakarta, Djajamurni, 1961 Dimyatie, Mohammad, Anak Jatim (fifpbasj^ c a l l d ). Bandoeng, Persatuan Islam, 1932. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 327] === The Persatuan Islam. Monographs by members (continued) Hassan, Abdulkadir, Msalah Biaaa-^ (Book of Fasting). Djakarta, Tin tamas, I960, , Risalah Zakat (Book on almsgiving). Djakarta, Tintamas, 19517 ________, U-Shul-Fiqih (Principles of jurisprudence, ugul al-fiqh). Surabaja, "Al-Muslimun," 1956. Appeared in serial articles in Al-Muslimun, I, No. 1 (April 1954; through HI, No. 28 (July 1956). Hassan, Ahmad, Aga dia Islam? (What is Islam). Djakarta, Al-Ma*arif, 1951. ________, Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul? (Is Muhammad a True Prophet?). Bangil, Persatoean Islam, (n.d.). Translated into English in part by K. A. Abdul Wahid under the title Is Muhammad a True Prophet? Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1951* The Indonesian version is contained in its totality in Ahmad Hassan1s An-Nubuwwah. , Al-Boerhan (The Proof), being a commentary on the Qur’an. Bandoeng, Persatuan Islam, 1933* (Indonesian and Sundanese). . Al-Djawahir (permata2) a.jat dan hadits (Clarifications of Svahs and badlths). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1957. ________, Edjaan (Orthography). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, (1929). , Al-Faraa-idl (inheritance). Bangil and Batavia, Persatuan Islam, 1949. , Al-Furqan (TafsTr Qur'Sn). Surabaja, Salim Nabhan, (1956) and Djakarta, Tintamas, 1962. . Hai Tioetjoe-koe 1 (Nasihat seorang tua jang telah hidoep lama, banjak melihat. banjak mendengar dan banjak mengalami halhal doenia kepada t.loetjoenja jang laki-lakl dan jang perempoean dan kepada kanak-kanak jang se'oemoer dengan mereka (0. my grand children! The advice of an adult, who has lived long, seen much, heard much and experienced many situations, to my descendants both male and female, and to all children who are the same age as they are). Surabaja, Salim Nabhan, 1948. _________, Al-Hidajah (djuz1 amma) (Guidance on juz3 amma). Bandung, Al-Ma1arif, (n.d.). ________, Islam dan Kebangsaan (Islam and Nationalism). Bangil, Per satoean Islam, 1941. There is a translation of chapters one Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 328] === I The Persatuan Islam. 2. Monographs by menders (continued). through seven by Howard M. Federspiel. Montreal, McGill Univer sity term paper, 1961. Hassan, Ahmad, Kedaulatan (Sovereignty). Malang, Toko "Timoer,",1946. ________, Kesopanan TinggL (High Civilization), Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1930. Translated into Sundanese under the title Kitab Kasopanan Islam. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 193-. ________, Ketoehanan Jeaoes menoeroet Bi.jbel (The Divinity of Jesus according to the Bible). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islafc, 1940. _________, Kitab Ribaa (Book concerning usury). Bandoeng, Persatoean l3lam, (1932). Originally published in two parts in Pembela Islam. Nos. 51 and 52 (October 1932). _________. Kitab Talqien orang wet (Book of law concerning burial practices). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1931. ______. Mereboet Kekuasan (Seizing Power). Malang, Toko "Timoer," 194C ________, An-Nubuwwah (Prophethood). Bangil, Persatoean Islam, 1941. Contains Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul? as its second part. ________, Pemerintahan T.lara Islam (Government according to Islam). Malang and Bangil, "Toko Timoer", 1946. ________, Pengad.jaran Shalat (Teachings on ritual worship). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1935-1937, 4 vols. ________, Perempoean Islam dl Dewan dan Podium (Muslim women in coun cils and assemblies)"! Bangil, Persatoean Islam, 1940. ________, Qamoes al-Ba.ja1 (Dictionary of Clarification of Arabic term3 in Indonesian). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1928. ________, Qamoes Rampaian A sampai Z tammat (Dictionary of terms A through z). Malang, Indian League, 1950. _________, Risalah al-Madz-hab (Study of the jurisprudential schools). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1956. . Risalah Pendjawab Debatan T. Soelaiman Thojlb... terhadap Kitab Ribaa (Bookof the answering debate of T. Soelaiman Tho.jib... toward Kitab Ribaa). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1936. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 329] === -319I The Persatuan Islam. Monographs by members (continued). Hassan, Ahmad, Risalah Zakat liwat setahun.(Book on ZskSt at the end of the year)! Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1955* ________, Sedjarah Isra1 dan Mirad.1 (Story of the iarV and ndfraj). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1949. , Sharaf (Grammar). Bangil, Persatuan Islam,. 1949* ________, Tafsier surah Jaaien dengan keterangan dan ringkasan (Com mentary of Surah la Sin with clarifications and summaries). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1951* ________, At-Tauhied (Divine xmity— tawhld). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1937. This monograph appears in ’both Roman and Diawi scripts. ________, Wadjibkan perempuan berdjum'ah? (is it necessary for women to attend Friday worship?). Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1959. . and Aziz, Hadji Mahmoed, Al-Mochtar. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1930, 2 vols. ________, Sabirin, and al-Kahiri, Fachroeddin, Kitab Zakat (Book on almsgiving). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1934. Isa Anshary, Moehanmad, Beberapa Fakta P. K. I. (Several facts about the Indonesian Communist Party). Djakarta, Badan Kontak Organisasi, 1955*. Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam (The Philosophy of Islam* s Struggle). Bandung, Pasifik, 1949. . Islam dan Nasionalisme (Islam and Nationalism). Bandung, Pustaka Djihad, 1954. ________, Revolusi Islam (Islamic Revolution). Surabaja, Hasan Aidid, 1953. ________, Sebuah Manifesto (A Manifesto). Bandung, Pasifik, 1952. ______, Ummat Islam menghadapi PnnrfUhan Umum (The Islamic Conmunity faces the general elections)! Surabaja, Hasan Aidid, (1953). . and Usman, Sjarief, Mari merebut kemengangan j[Let us achieve victory). Djakarta, Badan Kontak Organisasi, 1955* and Xlbisono, Jusuf, y Baha.ja Merah di Indonesia (The Red Menace in Indonesia). Bandung, Front Anti-Komunis, 1955 q liU nA U <L9vU U j U U 3U A D u lO jtt n.O lO U U lU y iiC P A o Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 330] === -320I The Persatuan Islam. Monographs by members (continued). Moenawar Chalil, Moehammad, FunWai piama dalam masjarakat dan Negara (Function of thefulania> in society and nation). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1957. Also appeared in Hikmah. VU. Nos. 21-22 (May 29, 1954), pp. 34-37, 40. , Kelengkapian Tarich nabl Muhammad, s. a. v. (Complete study of the Prophet Miijyuanad). Djakarta, Bulan-Bintang, 1954. Kembali kepada Al-Qur'an dan As-Sunnah; suatu muqaddamah bagi himpunan hadits-hadits pelihara (Returnto Qur'an and the Sunnah; an introduction for a guide of cherished badlths). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1961. Peristiwa l3ra» dan Mirad.1 (The event of the isra* and ndtra.1). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1961. _, Al-Qur'an darl masa ke masa (The Qur'an from age to age). Djakarta and Groningen, J. B. Wolters, 1954. Ringkasan riwajat Sa.jjidah Chodidjah dan Sa.1.1idah Alsijah; permaisuri nabi Muhammad (The short story of Khadidiyah and Aisiyah, the wives of Muhammad). Solo, Sitti Sjamsijah, 1964. ________, Tafsir Qur'an hidaa.1atur-rahmaan d.1ug 1 (Commentary on the first,1uz> of the Qur'Sn). Solo, Sitti Sjamsijah, 1958. In Javanese. M. S., Kitab Pepetah (Proverbs). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, (n.d.), 2 vols. Natsir, Moehamnad, Capita Selecta (Major Works), edited by D. P. Sati Alimin. Bandung and the Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954 and 1957, 2 vols. _, Dltasik Hikmat (In the Sea of Wisdom). Djakarta, Djawaban Penerangan Agama, 1951* _, Islam dan Akal Merdeka (Islam and Freedom of Thought). Tasikmalaja, Persatuan Islam, 1947. , Islam sebagai ideologie (Islam as an ideology). Djakarta, Pustaka Aida, 1958. Same as his speech delivered in.Committee H of the Constituent Assembly. j Operas! D.liwa Sari dan nilai pidato2 Mohammed Natsir (Opera tion of the Spirit: essence and basis of Moehammad Natsir's speeches), edited by Ghazali Hassan. Medan, Menara Islam, 1956. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 331] === The Persatuan Islam. Monographs by members (continued) Natsir, Moehaamad, Some Observations concerning the role of Islam in national and international affairs. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1954. __________, Isa Anshary, and Ahmad, Zainal Abidin, Intisari: Chutbah Natsir. Isa Anshary dan Z. A. Ahmad (Victory: sermons of Natsir, Isa Anshary and Z. A. AhmadJ. Medan, S&iful, 1951* Sabirin, Keka.jaan Basa dan Pengetahoean Oemoem (Vocabulary and general terins). BaMoeng, C. T. Van Dorp, 193d. __________, Memerangi Boeta Hoeroef (Combatting illiteracy). Visser &~Co., 1935. Bandoeng, _________, Organlsatie Dunia (Political structure of the world). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1934. . Poeasa. mengandoeng pendidikan hygiene (kesehatan Toebuh) physiek (Tabl'at) moreelediscipline (boedl pekerti) psychologie (ruh).(Fasting, containing the lessons of hygiene, nature, moral discipline and psychology). Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1934. . Riwa.jat Marhoem H. 0. S. T.lokroaminoto, harga dan d.1asan.1a (The story of the late H. 0. S. Tjokroaadnoto, his value and merit). Bandoeng, Soemberilmoe, 1935* Significant fatwas. articles and parts of books written by Persatuan Islam members. A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba-'Alwi tentang ketinggian dirinja dan bahaja-bahaja i'tiqad itoe" (The belief of the Ba cAlawI concerning their own importance and the dangers of that belief), Pembela Islam. No. 34 (September 1931) to No. 61 (May 1933). _________, "I'tiqad Al-Ba 'Alwi tentang ziarah qoeboer dan bahajabahaja i'tiwad itoe" (The belief of the Ba Alawi concerning visit ing graveyards and the dangers of that belief). Pembela Islam. 61 (May 9, 1933), pp. 23-2?. _________, "Letter from A. to K. H. M.A.Sanusi,"Al^Muslimun. IV, 38 (November 195$), p. 23. Abdurrahman, K. H. S., "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah," Hud.1d.1atul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 12-20. _________, "Amanat K. H. E. AbdurrahmandimukaTjabang Persatuan Islam Kotapradja Bandung (Address of K. H. E. Abdurrahman before the Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 332] === -322I The Persatuan Islam. Fatwaa and articles by members (continued) Bandung branch of the Persatuan Islam on July 8, 1962), Risalah. I, No. 6 (August 1962), p. 56. Abdurrahman, K. H. E., "Bab Warisan dan Kemerdekaan Agama" (Inheritance and freedom of religion), Aliran Islam. No. 4 (February 1949), PP. 237-239. Ahmad, Abdullah, "Bolehkah wanita berbitjara dihadapan umum?" (May a woman speak publicly?), Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), p. 26. _, "Hukum Islam terhadap orang-orang jang beragama Islam tetapi mereka tidak mengikuti pemilihan umum" (The law of Islam concerning persons who adhere to Islam but who do not partici pate in the general election), Pembela Islam,(New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), p. 25. Alhamidy, Moehammad All, "Daulah Muhamnad s. a. w.n (Mu^amBad's state), Hikmah. VIII, Nos. 43/44 (October 26, 1955)> pp. 7-8. _, "Hubungan Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Mungkar dengan perkombangan negara dan Masjarakat" (The relation of the "promotion of good and limiting evil" to the development of nation and society), Hikmah. VII, No. 1 (January 2, 1954), pp. 20-21. , "Membela Islam" (To protect Islam), Hikmah. V U, No. 10 (March 13, 1954), p. 21. Aziz, Hadji Mahmoed, "Haqiqat, Ma*rifat, Sjari'at dan Thariqat" (baqlqah. matrlfah, sharicah and tarlqah). Sual-Djawab. No. 1, pp. 30-32. __________. "Main dan Lihat Toneel" (Performing in and viewing stage plays), Sual-Djawab. No. 1, pp. 27-28. , "Member! salam kepada bendera dan mentjium batu" (Saluting the flag and kissing stones), Sual-Djawab. No. 1, pp. 34-36. , "Tachaijul, 'Azimah, Keramat" (Superstition, charms, bless ings), Sual-Djawab. No. 4, pp. 24-28. , "Tokok dan Beduk" (Drums), Sual-Djawab. No. 5, pp. 28-30. Dj», "Penjakit ke-Baratan" (Sickness of ‘Westernism), Pembela Islam. No. 55 (December 1932), pp. 8-10. Hamka (Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah), "Kemanangan" (Victory), Pembela Islam. No. 46 (May 1932), pp. 16-23.- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 333] === The Persatuan Islam, 3» Fatwas and articles by members (continued). Hamka, "Persatuan" (Unity), Pembela Islam, No, 24 (September 1931), Hassan, Abdulkadir, "Gendang di Perkahwinan" (Drums at a wedding), Sual-Djawab. No. 14, pp. 79-80, __________, "Kawin dengan orang komunis" (Marriage to a Communist), Al-Musllmun, I, No. 12 (March 1955), pp. 7-8. __________, "Perempuan tidak wadjib Djuma'at" (Women do not need to attend Friday community worshin), Al-Hikmah. VII, No. 41 (October 9, 1954), pp. 18-19. Hassan, Ahmad, "Bahasa Chuth-bah" (Language of the Friday Sermon). SualDjawab. No. 7, pp. 21-23; also Pembela Islam. No. 22 (March 1931), pp. 33-34* ________ "Baldatun Thajibatun" (Fair Land), Hikmah. VIII, Nos. 43/ 44 (October 26, 1955), pp. 4-6. . "Berdoa kepada jang lain dari Allah" (Praying to someone other than God), Sual-Djawab. No. 1, pp. 20-22. . "Bertaqlid kepada 'ulama'" (Imitation of the tulama>). SualDjawab. No. 1, pp. 12-16. . "Binatang jang haram dimakan menurut Qur-aan dan Hadiets" (Animals forbidden to be eaten according to Qur*an and fradith). Sual-Djawab. No. 8, pp. 45-54. _______ __, "Cfaabaran jang tidak betul" (Incorrect reports), Al-Muslimun. I H, No. 31 (September 1957), p. 2. _________, "Chuthbah Bahasa Melayu" (Friday sermon in Malay), SualDjawab. No. 4, pp. 3- 5. . “Darihal meng-qadla sembahjang" (Concerning the fulfilling of worship), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, pp. 43-57. . "Gambar" (Pictures), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, pp. 1-3. _________, "Hukum Perempuan Islam berpergian (safar) tidak dengan Mahramnja" (Law of women travelling without their male relatives), Al-Muslimun. No. 28 (July 1956), pp. 5-9. _________, "Kerdjasama dengan qaum2 jang berfaham sosialist" (Coopera tion with socialists), Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 2 (April 1956), p. 32. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 334] === The Persatuan Islam. Fatvas and articles by members (continued). Hassan, Ahmad, Kulit ular" (sn^keskins), Sual-Djawab, No. 2, pp. 4-8. . "Laki-laki pakai emas (Men wearing gold ornamentation), Pembela Islam. No. 56 (December 1932), pp. 39-40. . "Makan-makan di rumah orang mati dan batas terlarangnja" (Eating in the house of the deceased and the limitations of the prohibition), Sual-Djawab. No. 8, pp. 64-66. __________, "Mas-alah Chilafijah" (Matters of principle), mionah, H, Nos. 37/38 (October 12, 1956), p. 34. __________, "Mas-alah membagi bid'ah kepada lima bahagian" (The question of dividing bid"ah into five types), Sual-Djawab. No. 7, p. 37. f "Malafazhkan niat" (Pronouncing aloud the nHjrah). SualDjawab. No. 1, pp. 8-12. . "Memakai mas" (Wearing gold), Sual-Djawab. No. 6, pp. 5-8. . "Memasukkan obat di djalan buang air dan di djalan darah, waqtu puasa" (Taking medicine through an anema or in the blood during the Fast), Sual-Djawab. No. 3, p. 1. __________, "Mambongkar Qubur" (Destroying a grave), Al-Muslimun. V, No. 43 (November I960), pp. 4-6. . "Memegang ubun-ubun lepas salam" (Touching the forelock in greeting), Sual-Djawab. No. 3, pp. 22-26. . "Mengadjar orang mati" (Educating the dead), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, pp. 13-16. . "Menghaluskan kening, merenggangkan gigi" (Thinning the eye brows, spacing the teeth), Sual-Djawab. No. 11, pp. 5-6. "Meng-kafirkan" (To consider a person an unbeliver), SualDjawab. No. 3, pp. 30-32. . "Nabi 'Isa berbapa?" (Did the Prophet*Isa have a father?), Sual-Djawab. No. 4* PP. 16-17. __________, "Nabi jang masih hidup" (Prophets who are still living), SualTPjawab. No.. 12, pp. 80-82. . "Nasib" (Fate), Sual-Djawab. No. 12, pp. 84-85. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 335] === I The Persatuan Islam. 3 Fatwis and articles by members (continued). Hassan, Ahmad, "Perempoean berpakaian laki-laki" (Women dressing like men), Pembela Islam. No. 60 (April 1933), p. 33. __________, "Ribaa" (Usury), Pembela Islam. No. 51 (September 1932) and No. 52 (October 1932). Also appeared under separate cover with the title Kitab Ribaa. __________, "Riba Bank" (Bank interest), Sual-Djawab. No. 13, pp. 72-73. __________, "Saijid, Raden, ‘Arab" (titles), Sual-Djawab. No. 3, pp. 4-5. . "Sedekah, pasang lampu, lailatul-qadar dan ziarah kubur" (Feasts, lighting lamps and the night of power, and visiting graves), Sual-Djawab. No. 2, pp. 19-22. . "Selamatan hamil" (Feast celebrating pregnancy), Sual-Djawab. No. 7, pp. 6-7; also Pembela Islam. No. 20 (February 1931), PP. 36-37. __________, "Tahliel"(recitation), Sual-Djawab. No. 8, pp. 61-64. __________, "Tahlil dan Chandoeri" (Recitation and feast), Pembela Islam. No. 59 (March 9, 1933), p. 39. __________, "Talkienkan orang sudah mati" (Prompting the confession of faith from a person who is already dead), Sual-Djawab. No. 1, pp. 18-20. . "Tanda Perawan" (Evidence of virginity), Sual-Djawab. No. 13, p. 72. . "Tawassul" (Intercession), Sual-Djawab. No. 3, pp. 11-16. . "Titel Hadji" (The title "Hadji"), Pembela Islam. No. 60 (Ai^Il, 1933), p p. 31-32. , "Tonel" (Plays), Pembela Islam. No. 60 (April 1933), P» 33. "Urusan dalam qubur" (Matters concerning the grave), Sual-Djawab. No. 6, PP. 75-95. Isa Anshary, Moehammad, "Dari Mesdjid ke Masjarakat dan Negara" (From mosque to society and nation), Suara Masjumi. February 10, 1956, p. 3. . "Funksi Mesdjid dalam Islam" (Function of the mosque in Islam), Suara Masjumi. January 10, 1956, p. 5* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 336] === -326I The Persatuan Islam. 3« Fatwas and articles by members (continued). Isa Anshary, Moehammad, "Garis Perdjuangan Kita" (Outline of our struggle), Aliran Islam. No. 3 (January 1949), pp. 122-125. . "Kami menudju Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Islam" (We strive to have an Indonesian Republic based on Islam), speech in Kondsi Konstituante II, in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indo nesia dalam Konstituante. n, pp. 175-296. ________, "Peranan Ulama" (The role of the tulami*). Suara Islam. February 20, 1956, p. 1, 8j March 1, 1956, p. 1. . "Perdjuangan Kita" (Our Struggle), Hikmah. V H, Nos. 21-22 (May 29, 1954), pp. 12-14. ________, "Republik Indonesia Serikat" (Unitary Republic of Indonesia), Aliran Islam. No. 2 (December 1948), pp. 69-74. _________, "Pidato di Parlemn, tanggal 19 Oktober 1951" (Speech in Parliament on October 19, 1951), in Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Repub lik Indonesia, Risalah Perundingan. 1951, HV, pp. 7007-7025. al-Kahiri, Fachroeddin, "Selama Moeslimin Indonesia... " (So long as Indonesian Muslima.;.), Pembela Islam, No. 59 (March 1933), p. 25. Moenawar Chalil, Hadji Moehammad, "Air Jaa-sien" (Water of Ya Sin), Sual-Djawab. No. 3, pp. 39-41. , "Halal berkahwin dengan Sjarifah" (Is it permitted to marry a sharlfah). Sual-Djawab. No. 6, pp. 52-65. ________, "Lafadz Ushalli" (Pronouncing the uahalli). Sual-Djawab. No. 8, pp. 36-38. . "Manoesia" (Mankind), Pembela Islam. No. 22 (March 1931), pp. 7-10. . "Tahliel dan makan-makan dirumah orang kematian" (TahUl and eating in the house of the deceased), Sual-Djawab. No. 5, PP. 37-39. M. S., "Agama djangan di bawa-bawa" (Islam should notbe involved), Pembela Islam. No. 57 (January 21, 1933), P* 30. . "Bid'ah" (Innovation), Pembela Islam. No.29 (July 1931), p. 9. , "Kebangsaan djangan di bawa bawa" (Nationalism should not Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 337] === I The Persatuan Islam, 3* Fatwas and articles by members (continued), be involved), Pembela Islam. No. 57 (January 21, 1933), p. 30. ________ _, "Kembali Lagi" (Return again), Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), pp. 6-7. . "Madz-hab Sjafi’ie" (ShafiTX madhhab). Pembela Islam. No. (August 1932), p. 21. . "Perempuan" (Women), Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), p. 10 and No. 2 (April"l95^), p. 35. __________, "Perempoean Panda!" (Intelligent women), Pembela Islam. No. 20 (February 1931), p. 30. "Pergerakan— Agama" (Movements— religious), Pembela Islam. $o. 56 (December 30, 1932), p. 6. . "Permadoean" (Polygamy), Pembela Islam. No. 55 (December 1932), p. 11. . "Selamat Hari Raja" (cId al-Fifrr greetings), Pembela iBlam. No. 41 (January 1932), p. 35. M. I, "Andjing, alcohol, vrijomhang d. s. b.11 (Dogs, alcohol, free association, etc.), Pembela Islam. No. 20 (February 1931), pp. 6-8. Natsir, Moehammad, "Agama adalah unsur mutlak didalam nation-building" (Religion is an absolute requirement in nation-building), Pamphlet issued by Kementerian Agama. Djakarta, March 1952. ________, "Agama dan Negara" in Isa Anshary’s Falaafah Perdjuangan Islam. Bandung, Pasifik, 1949, pp. 216-237. under the pseudonym A. Muchlis. Article is written . "Agama dan Politik" (Religion and Politics), Capita Selecta. II, pp. 157-159. _________, "Bertentangankah Pantjasila dengan Al-Quran" (Does Pantja Sila oppose the Qui*ah). Hikmah. V H, Nos. 21/22 (May 29, 1954), pp. 6-7, 37- This essay also appeared in Capita Selecta, II, pp.144-154. ----------- __________, "Excerpts of Natsir's speech" (broadcast over Radio FRRI from Central Sumatra in late October 1958), FRRI Bulletin: Voice of New Indonesia. No. 2 (November 1958), p. 2. , "Hadji, zakat, fithrah, riba, kawin-tjerai, d.1.1." (Ha.1.1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 338] === -328I The Persatuan Islam. 3* Fatwas and articles by members (continued). zakat. fitrah, marriage-divorce. etc.), Pembela Islam. No. 26 May 1931), pp. 6-16. Natsir-, Moehammad, "Keadaan Oedara Moesim sekarang" (The prevailing atlnosphere), Pembela Islam. No. 47 (June 1932), pp. I-IX. , "Kebangsaan Moeslimin" (Muslim nationalism), Pembela Islam. Nos. 41-45 (December 1931 to April 1932). "Keragaman hidup Antar-Agama" (Religious tolerance among religions), Hikmah. VII, No. 6 (February 6, 1954), pp. 5-6; also in Capita Selecta, II, pp. 225-230. , "Lagi soal 'gerilja'" (More on the "guerrilla" question), Capita Selecta. pp. 198-200*. "Marhaenisme dan Islam" (Proletarianism and Islam), Pembela Islam. No. 56 (December 1932), pp. 3-6. _, "Mbehammed Natzir1s views on Sukarno," Bulletin FRRI; of New Indonesia. No. 8 (February 1959), p. 4. Voice , "Meninggalkan tahun 1931, menudju tahun 1932" (Leaving 1931 and entering 1932), Pembela Islam, No. 39 (December 1931), pp. 1-6. j "Pemandangan tentang buku-buku Roman" (Viewpoint toward novels), Capita Selecta, I, pp. 41-49; originally published in Pedoman Masjarakat and in Pand.1l Islam in early 1940. _, "Persatuan Agama dengan negara" (Unity of religion and nation), Pand.1i Islam. VI, Nos 27 (July 8, 1940) to No, 37 (September 16,1940). "Pidato di Komisi II Konstituante" (Speech in Committee II of the Constituent Assembly), Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indo nesia dalam Konstituante. I, pp. 109-141; also published separately under the title Islam sebagal ideologic. _, "Pidato di Parlemen, tanggal 31 Mei 1951. Menjambut Keterangan Pemerintahan Babak Pertama" (Speech in Parliament on May 3, 1951. Given at the first reading of the Government's program), in Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesian, Risalah Perundingan. 1951, X, pp. 4231-4242; also in Capita Selecta. II, pp. 19-27. ., "Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 28 Augustus 1953* Pemandangan umum babak ke-I" (Speech in Parliament on August 28, 1953* General clarification (of the Government's program) at the first reading), Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 339] === I The Persatuan Islam. 3. Fatwas and articles by members (continued). Dewan Perwakilan Hakjat Republik Indonesian, Risalah Perundingan. 1950-1951; also in Capita Selecta. H, pp. 28-38. Natsir, Moehammad, “Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 6 September 1953* Peman dangan umum babak ke-H" (Speech in Parliament on September 6, 1953. General clarification (of the Government's program) at the second reading), Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesian, Risalah Perundingan. 1950-1951; also in Capita Selecta. II, pp. 39-50. . "Revolusi Indonesia" (Indonesian Revolution), Capita Selecta. II, pp. 124-139. of "Islam" toward "freedom of thought"), Capita Selecta. I, pp. 206-229; originally published in PandLli Islam. 1940. Selecta. H, pp. 195-197* _________, "Tjinta Agama dan Tanah Air, bersimpang dua dan berpahitpahit" (The values of religion and nationalism, the dividing of the two and embitterment), Pand.1l Islam. VI, No. 4 (January 23, 1934) to No. 8 (February 20, 1939). __________, "Zending contra Islam" (Missions opposed to Islam), Pembela Islam. No. 21 (March 1931) > pp. 24-29. (non-Arab), "0, itoe tjoema keldai kital" (0, that is merely our asal), Pembela Islam. No. 50 (August 1932), pp. 20-21, Sabirin, "Marhaenisme dan.Islam" (Proletarianism and Islam), Pembela Islam. No. 56 (December 30, 1932), pp. 3-6. ________ j'^Non1-.atau 'Co'— PSH Baru jang pintjang" ("Noncooperation"or "cooperation"— The new PSH is crippled!, Pemandangan. January 5, 1937. Si Goblok (pseudonym), "Doenia Islam masa 3ekarang" (The Islamic world at present), Pembela 131am. No. 29 (July 1931), pp. 15-16. "Agama Kristen di-Indonesia bekerdja dan Islam boleh nganggoer" (Chris tianity in Indonesia works and Islam merely gapes), Pembela Islam. No. 71 (May 1935), PP. 3-5. "Bantuan atas batjaan untuk orang jang sudah mati" (Conflict on the question of readings for the deceased), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 10 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 340] === I The Persatuan Islam. 3. Fatwas and articles by members (continued). (January 1956), pp. 4-10. "Beberapa Pertanjaan” (Several questions), Al-Muslimun. IE, No. 5 (August 1955), P. 4. "Berdjabatan tangan dengan perenpian” (Shaking hands •with a woman), Al—MusH^nn. II, No, 7 (September 1956). pp. 8-10, "Bolehkah uang zakat-wadjib diberikan untuk keperluan masdjid-masdjid dan sekolah-sekolah?" (May compulsory zakat be used for schools and mosque essentials), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 4 (June 1955), pp. 8-12. "Bund. Bulat” (The earth is round), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 4 (July 1955), ”Dapatkah hukum polygami berobah?” (May the law of polygamy be changed? ), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 1 (April 1955), PP. 7-8. "Darihal makan-makan di-rumah orang mati” (Concerning eating in the house of the deceased), Sual-Djawab. No. 12, pp. 29-34. ”Djimat,wirid, hizib” (charms), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 9 (December 1954), "Gamelan, Gambus, Orkes d.1.1”) (musical instruments), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 2 (June 1955), pp. 5-6. "Indjeksi dalam puasa” (Injection during the Fast), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 7 (October 1955), p. 7. "Islam dan Nasionalisme” (Islam and nationalism), Aliran Islam. No. 56 (January 1954). "Kenduri tjukur rambut baji” (Ritual meal for shaving the head of a baby), Al-Muslimun. Ill, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 7. "Koperasi" (Cooperatives), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 6 (September 1955), "Langit tidak ada" (Heaven does not exist), Al-Muslimun. H, No. 5*1 (August 1955), p. 5. "Makan darah (didih)” (Drinking blood-boiled), Al-Muslimun. H, No. 3 (June 1955), p. 10. "Melahirkan anak dengan mani orang lain” (Artificial insemination), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 9 (November 1954), p. 10. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 341] === I The Persatuan Islam. 3* Fatwas and articles by members (continued) "Memakai 'Azimat" (Wearing a charm), Al-Wislimun, II, No. 4 (June 1955), pp. 10- 11. “Memasuki partai selain partai Islam*1 (Entering a party other than an Islam party), Al-Muslimnn. I, No. 1 (April 1954), p. 4. "Memasukkan darah" (Blood transfusion), Al-Muslimun, I, No. 7 (October 1954), p. 5. "Membatas kelahiran" (Birth control), Al-Muslimun, H, No. 9 (November 1953), p p. 4-7. "Mendapat ilham untuk mengobati" (Receiving inspiration for healing), Al-Muslimun. Ill, No. 30 (August 1957), pp. 10-11. "Menentang propaganda Keristen" (Combatting Christian propaganda), Adil. No. 152 (April 1933), p. 152ffj reprinted in Pembela Islam. No. 6l (Kay 1933), pp. 30-33. "Mengembalikan sebanjak jang dipindjam" (Returning more than was borrowed) Al-Mus13mun. I, No. 12 (March 1956), pp. 6-7. "Mentjium tangan ‘ulama'" (Kissing the hand of the *ulama*). Al-Muslimun. V, No. 1 (April 1955), p. U. "Minum obat waktu pusasa" (Drinking medicine during the Fast), Al- MusHmun. I H, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 8. "Nasionalisme tiada bertentangan dengan Islam" (Nationalism that is not opposed to Islam), Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April 9, 1933), pp. 3-4. "Niat dalam 'ibadat" (tflyah in worship), Al-Muslimun. V, No. 43 "Obat tjampur arak ketika dlarurat" (Medicine containing alcohol during an emergency), Al-Muslimun. II, No. 8 (November 1955), PP. 5-6. "Perempuan berkudung" (Vieling of women), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 8 (Nov ember 1955), p. 11. "Perempuan berpidato dihadapan laki-laki" (Women speaking before men), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 2 (May 1954), pp. 10-12. "Perempuan tidak memperdulikan suamL" (Woman who does not obey her hus band), Al-Muslimun. H I, No. 33 (November-December 1957), p. 4. "Rukun2 Chuth-bah Djum'ah" (The pillars of the Friday community sermon), Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 342] === -332I The Persatuan Islam* Fatwas and articles by members (continued). Al-Muslimm. H, No. 6 (September 1955), p. 11. "Selamatan gerhana" (Slametan for an eclipse), Al-Muslirnun. Ill, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 4. "Sembahjang dengan al-Fatihah Melayu" (Worship with al-fatibah in Malay), Sual-Djawab. No. 12, pp. 58-59. "Sembahjang wanita dirumah/dimasdjid" (Women worshipping in the home/ in the mosque), Al-Muslimun. Ill, No. 29 (July 1957), p. U. "Surah ichlash d.1.1. untuk maijit" (Reading Surah Ikhlaa for the deceased), Al-Muslimun. I, No. 11 (February 1955), pp. 10-11. "Talqin untuk siapa?" (For whom is talqln?). Al-Muslimun. IE, No. 7 (October 1955), p. 9. II, No. 3 (June 1955), pp. 7-8. "Usaha supaja tidak hamil" (Birth control), Al-Muslimun. H I, No. 34 (January 1959), p. 5. "Ushalli sebagai tambahan" (Nlyah as supplementary worship), Al-Muslimun. No. 5 (August 1955), p. 1A2. Monographs and periodical, articles written about the Persatuan Islam and its members. A., "Pesantren Persia di Bangil," Dunia Madrasah. No. 5 (January 5, 1955), p. 17. Aboebakar At jeh, Hadji, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Has.ilm dan karangan tersiar (Biography of K, H. A. Wahid Hasjim and his essays). Djakarta, Panitya, 1957. Alamsjah, Sutan Rais, 10 Orang Indonesia Terbesar Sekarang (The ten leading Indonesians of today). Bukittingi and Djakarta, Mutiara, 1952. Benda, Harry J., The Crescent and the Rising Sun. The Hague and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1958. Compton, Boyd R., "Muslim Radicalism; The Anticommunist Front," American Universities Field Staff Report. March 5, 1955* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 343] === -333I The Persatuan Islam. 4. Writings about Persia (continued). Djaja, Tamar, Pusaka Indonesia Orang-orang Besar Tanah Air (Indonesian heritage of great national heroes).Bandung, G. Kolff, 1951. , "Tokoh kita A. Hassan" (Our prominent figure— Ahmad Hassan), Daulah Islamyah, I, No. 8 (August 1957), pp. 6-14. Dusky, Nawawi, nA. Hassan: Kenang2an kita terachir dengan ulama besar ini" (Ahmad Hassan: Our final memories of this great *51 im), Hikmah. H, No. 32 (November 1958), pp. 13-15. _, "Ulama, rumahnja terbuka buat peminat-peminat agama: Ustadz J A M rrO M 4* a v t f l rr n + m i l is 4 4 Vl II M. Ali Alhamidy dengan tenaga muda jang his house is open for those interested in religion: Ustadz M. Ali Alhamidy with the power of trained youth), Hikmah. H I, No. 6 (March 14, 1959), pp. 11-13. Federspiel, Howard M., "Aspects of Islamic Religious Lav in Twentieth Century Indonesia." Montreal, McGill University term paper, 1961. Feith, Herbert, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1962. , "Toward Elections in Indonesia," Pacific Affairs. A1VII, No. 3 (September 1954), pp. 236-254. Hamka (Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah), A.1ahku (My Father). Widjaya, 1958. Djakarta, _________, "Pengaruh Muhammad Abduh di Indonesia" (The influence of MuframmadcAbduh in Indonesia). An address delivered upon receiving the degree of Doctor Honoris Causa from Al-Azhar on January 21, 1959. Djakarta, Tintamas, 1961. Hurlela, "Perpetjahan dalam Persatuan" (Discord in unity), Hikmah. XI, No. 22 (August 2, 1958), pp. 20-21. Jasin, M., "A. Hassan: Dokumentator surat-surat Islam dari Endeh" (Ahmad Hassan: Documentator of the Islamic letters from Endeh), Gema Islam. IV, No. 74 (May 15, 1965), pp. 12-14, 26. Junus, Mahmud, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia (History of Islamic Education in Indonesia). Djakarta, Pustaka Mahmudiah, I960. Nasution, Abdul Haris (Colonel, later General), Sekitar Perang Kemerdekaan Indonesia. (Concerning the War for Indonesian independencejl Typescript, (n. d.), 8 vols. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 344] === •33V I The Persatuan Islam, 4, Writings about Persia (continued). The Netherlands. Department van Kolonien, "Mohammedaansche Eeredienst" (Muslim religious affairs), Indische Veralag. 1930, pp. 310-313. Noer, Deliar, The Rise and Development of the Modernist IfaaUm Move ment in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial Peridd (1900-1942). Ithaca, Cornell University thesis, 1963. Parlaungan, Hasil Rak.jat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen (Results of the popular elections for parliament). Djakart.C. V. Gita, 1956. Nurlela, "Perpetjahan dalam Persatuan" (Discord in unity), Hikmah, XI, No. 22 (August 2, 1953), pp. 20-21. Rasjidi, Mohamad, L 1Evolution de l 1Islam en Indonesia (Java) ou Considera tion critique du Livre T.1entini (The evolution of Islam in Indonesia (Java) and consideration of a critique of a book by Tjentini). Paris, University of Paris thesis, 1956. Sukarno, "Surat-surat Islam dari Endeh— dari Ir. Sukarno kepada t. A. Hassan, guru "Persatuan Islam" Bandung" (Letters on Islam from Endeh— from Sukarno to Ahmad Hassan, Persatuan Islam teacher at Bandung), in Dibawah Bendera Revolusi. I, pp. 315-343. Widjaya, Roebaie, "Biografia— A, Hassan: Pengarang, kritikus dan ahli debat Islam" (Biography of Ahmad Hassan: Islamic writer, critic and debater), Hud.ldjatul Islam. I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 35-41J also in Buku Kita. 1956), pp. 195-199. n, NorjlMay "A. Hassan," Ensiklopedia Indonesia. 1954. "H. Moenawar Chalil," ^inggu Abadi (February 28, I960). "Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam" (Development of the Persatuan Islam's Pesantren). Risalah. I, No. 1 (June 1962), pp. 10-11. Periodicals published by the Persatuan Islam and its members. Aliran Islam (Islamic Outlook). Bandung. from 1943 to 1955 Monthly magazine published Anti-Koiminis: Mingguan 'Perdjuangan Pembela Agama, Demokrasi, dan Kemanusiaan (Anti-Communist: Struggle weekly, defending religion, democracy and humanity). Bandung, Weekly magazine published from January 1958 to March ♦•1958,* 7 nos. Al-Fatwaa (al-fatwa). Bandung, Persatuan Islam. published from 1931 to 1933» 20 nos. Monthly magazine Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 345] === -335I The Persatuan Islam. Periodicals (continued). Al-Hikam (Maxims). Bandung, Persatuan Islam. One issue published in 1939 containing selections of articles appearing previously in Al-Llsan. Hud.id.1atul Islam: Madjallah Resnd Pusat Pempinan "Persatuan Islam" (Islamic Argument: Official magazine of the Central Leadership of the Persatuan Islam). Bandung. One issue published in August 1956. Al-Lisan (The Tongue). Bandung, Persatuan Islam. published from 1935 to 1942, 65 nos. Monthly magazine Al-Muslimun (Muslims). Surabaja. Organ of the Persatuan Islam at Bangil. Monthly magazine published from 1954 to 1958, and thereafter until I960 at irregular intervals. Pembela Islam (Islamic Defender). Bandung, Persatuan Islam. magazine published from 1929 to 1935, 71 nos. Monthly Pembela Islam (Islamic Defender). Bangil, Persatuan Islam. magazine published in 1956, 3 nos. Monthly Risalah (Narrative). Bandung, Persatuan Islam. Official journal of the Central Leadership of the Persatuan Islam. Magazine published at irregular intervals from June 1962 to the present. Suara A h U a Sunnah wal D.iama'ah (Voice of the people of the tradition and community). Djakarta, Persatuan Islam. Magazine published during 1956 At-Taqwa (Reverence). Bandung, Persatuan Islam. published from 1937 to 1941. Monthly magazine Interviews having relevance to a study of the Persatuan Islam. Interview with Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, former Indonesian civil servant and Muslim scholar, in Djakarta on July 10, 1963. Interview with Abdulkadir Hassan, Chairman of the Universitas "Pesantren" Persatuan Islam. Kijai Alauddin, Abdullah Musa, General Director of Al-MiiaHmun, Mohammad Ali Alhamidy, and several other officials of the Persatuan Islam's educational system, at Bangil on July 13, 1963. Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman, General Chairman of the Persatuan Islam, and Junus Anis, Chariman of the Pemuda Persatuan Islam, at Bandung on July 21, 1963. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 346] === The Persatuan Islam. Interviews (continued). Interview with Fakih Usman, General Secretary of the Muhammadl jab and former Minister of Religious Affairs, in Djakarta on July 10, 1963. Interview with Junus Aids, Chairman of the Pemuda Persatuan Islam, at Bandung on July 21, 1963. Interview with Mohammad Sofwanhadi, former publisher of the Surabaja daily Suara Bakjat. during an automobile trip from Surabaja to Bangil and return on July 13, 1963. Interview with Timur Jaylani, Director of the Section for Higher Educa tion of the Department of Religious Affairs, in Djakarta, July 9, 1963. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 347] === -337Bibliography II Background and Comparative Materials General Reference Works. cAlI, fAbdu-l Mu'tl, The Muhammadi.iah Movement: A Bibliogra -Meal Introduction. Montreal, McGill University thesis, 1957. Echols, John M., Preliminary Checklist of Indonesian Imprints (19451949) with Cornell University Holdings. Ithaca, Cornell, 1965. Federspiel, Howard M.,"A Reading List of English Language Materials concerned with the Study of Islam in Indonesia." Montreal, McGill University term paper, 1959. Hughes, Thomas Patrick, A Dictionary of Islam. London, W. H. Allen, 1895Republic of Indonesia. Kementerian Penerangan (Ministry of Information), Republik Indonesia. Djakarta, 1953, 8 vols. Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-IndlB. edited by D. G. Stibbe and S. de Graaf. The Hague, Hartinus Nijhoff, and Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1917-1939, 4 vols and 4 supplements. Encyclopedia of Islam. London, Luzac, and Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1913-1938. 4 vols and one supplement. New Edition, 195- and continuing. Snsiklopedia Indonesia. Bandung and the Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954, 4 vols. Shorter Encylopedia of Islam, edited by H. A. R. Gibb and J. H. Kramers. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1953. 2. Monographs, collections of writings, government and political parties records of proceedings. Abbas, Zainal 'Arifin, Peri Hidup Muhammad Rasullah s.a.w. (The Life of Muhammad the Apostle, of GodJ^ Medan, Islanyah, 1957, 3 vols. Vol. 1 was originally published under the title Tarich Nabi Mohammad (Life of the Prophet Muhammad). Sunggal, 1939. Abdur Rahim, Principles of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. London, Luzac, 1911. Abu Zayd, Muframmad, Hady al-Rasul (Guidance of the Prophet). Cairo, 1925. Ahmad ibn Sharqawi, Tawhid. Cairo, (n.d.). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 348] === 2. Monographs (continued). Adams, Charles Clarence, Islam and Modernism in Egypt. London, Oxford University Press, 1933* Aidit, Uipa Nusantara, Entstehung und Entwicklung der Koamuni stischen Partai Indonesiens (Establishment and development of the Indonesian Communist Party). Berlin, Dietz, 1956. Al-Akh Bilaj, Babr al-adab (Sea of refinement). Cairo, Al-Jawa’b al-Misriyah, 1905, 3 vols. _, Saflnat al-balaghah (Ship of language). al-Misriyah, 1907. j Saflnat al-nubat (Ship of syntax). al-MLsrlyah, 1907. Cairo, Al-Jawi’b Cairo, Al-Jawa5b Ali, Ameer, The Spirit of Islam. London, Christopher, 1922. cAlI FikrI, Adah al-fataa(Refinement for youth). 1900. Cairo, Al-Mavsucat, , Al-Samlrat al-muhazzib (Anecdotes of the parties). Cairo, Amelz, H. 0. S. T.lokroaminoto hidup dan psrd.1uangann.1a (H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto,""his life and his struggle). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1952. Amrullah, Dr. Hadji Abdulkarim, Pengantar Usui Fiqh (Introduction to principles of jurisprudence). Djakarta, Djajamurni, 1961. Arslan, Amir ShaJdb, Lima dha ta*akhkharak al-Musliman (Why the Muslims became backward). Appeared in Indonesian in Pembela Islam in 1932 and 1933 with the title Kenapa Orang Islam Mundur. and in 1957 it was published under the title Menapa Kaum Muslimun Mundur. Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1957. Aziz, M. A.. Japan1s Colonialism and Indonesia. The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1955. Benda, Harry, and KcVey, Ruth T., The Communist uprisings'of 19261927 in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, i960. Blumberger, J. Th. Petrus, De Nationalistische Beweging in Nederlandsch-Indie (The Nationalist Movement in theNNetherlands Indies). Haarlem, T. D. Tjeenk Willink & Zoon, 1931* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 349] === -33^ Background materials* 2. Monographs (continued). Bousquet, Georges Henri, A French View of the Netherlands Indies. New York, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1940. A translation by Philip E. Lilienthal of "La Politique musulmane et colonial des Pays-Bas. Paris, Paul Hartmann, 1939. ________, Introduction a l 1etude de l1Islam indonesien (Introduction to the study of Indonesian Islam). Paris, Paul Geuthner, 1938. Reprinted from Revue des etudes islaoiques. Y U (1938). pp. 135- 260. Djabar, Umar Abdul, Khulasat al-riur al-.jaqln (Resume of Nur al-.1aqln by Afemad Khudarl, Cairo, 1925). Surabaja, 1930. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Maurice, Muslim Institutions, translated from French by John D. MacGregor. London, George Allen & Unwin, 1950. Geertz, Clifford, Modjokuto: Religion in Java. Boston, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1958. Gelanggang, A. H., Rahsia Pemerontakan Atjeh dan Kegagalan Politik Mr. S. M. Amin (Secrets of the Atjehnese rebellion and the failure of the~poIltics of S. M. Amin). Kutaradja, Pustaka Murna Hati, 1958. Gibb, H. A. R., Modern Trends in Islam. Chicago, University of Chicago, 1947. . Whither Islam. London, Gollancz, 1932. von Grunebaum, G. E., Islam Essays in the nature and growth of a cultural tradition. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1955* ter Haar, Barend, Adat Law in Indonesia, translated from Dutch by A. Arthur Schiller and E. Adamson Hoebel. New York, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1948. Hakim,‘Abdul Hamid, Al-Bayin (Clarification— of ugul al-fiqh). Sumatra, (1930)r Hall, Daniel George Edward, Historians of Southeast Asia. London, Oxford University Press, 1961. . History of Southeast Asia. London, Macmillan, 1955. Hamka (Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah), Dibawah lindungan Kabah (In the shadow of the Kaeabah). Djakarta, Balai Pustaka, 1956 (6th edition). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 350] === -3*0II Background materials. Monographs (continued). Hamka, Peladjaran Agama Islam (Teachings of the Islamic Religion). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1956. . Pribadl (Wy Life). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1957. _________, Tenggelamnja Kapal Van derWyck (Sinking of the ship "Van der Wyck). Djakarta, Balai Pustaka, 1961 (6th edition). Hamzah, Junus Anis, Hamka sebagai pengarapg Roman; sebuah studio sa3tra (Hamka as a writer of navels; a study of literature). Djakarta, Mega Bookstore, 1964. __________, Tenggelamnja kapal Van der Wyckdalam polemik denganbantuan H. R. Jasin ("The sinking of the Van der Wyck" in the polemic with the followers of H. R. Jasin). Djakarta, Mega Bookstore, 1963. Hany, A. D., Kursus Bahasa Arab (Arab language instruction). Walfadjri, (n.dTJI Djogjakarta, Bindley, Donald, The Communist Party of Indonesia 1951-1963. Berkeley Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1964. Hutasoit, M., Compulsory Education in Indonesia. Paris, UNESCO, 1964. A part of the UNESCO series of studies on compulsory education. Republic of Indonesia. Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesian (Parliament), Risalah Perundingan. 1950 to the present. ______, Kementarian Penerangan, (Ministry of Information), Kepartaian dan Parlementaria Indonesia (Indonesian parties and parliamentaria). Djakarta, 1954. . Konstituante (Constituent Assembly), Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante (Toward a national philosophy for the Indonesian Republic in the Constituent Assembly). Bandung, 1958, 1959, I960, 3 vols. Jay, Robert R., Religion and Politics in Rural Central Java. New Haven, Xale University Press, 1963. Jaylani, Timur, The Sarekat Islam: its contribution to Indonesian nationalism. Montreal, McGill University thesis, 1957. Kahin, George McTurnan, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University, 1932. Khadduri, Mejid, and LLebesny, Herbert J., Law in the Middle East. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 351] === II Background materials. 2. Monographs (continued). Washington, Middle East Institute, 1955. van der Kroef, J. M.. Indonesia in the Modern World. Bandung, Masa Baru, 1954, 1956, 2 vols. Landon, Kenneth Perry, Southeast Asia; Crossroads of Religions. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1947. Levy, Reuben, The Social Structure of Isi«n, 1957. Cambridge, University Press, al-Manfalufci, Mu?fcafa ibn Muhammad Lufcfi, Al-Nazarat (Considerations). Cairo, Al-Rajmariiyah, 19?0, 3 vols. Mansur, K. H. Mas, Risalah Tauhid dan S.lirik (Book of belief(tawhid) and disbelief(shirk)). Surabaja, Peneleh, (1949). von der Mehden, Fred R., Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia. Madison, University of Wisconsin, 1963. Muhammadijah, Panitia Pusat Perajaan 40 Tahun berdirinja Perserikatan (Central committee for celebration of the fortieth anniversity of the establishment of the organization), Kitab 40 Tahun Muhammad!jah (Yearbook for the Fortieth Anniversary of the Muhamrnadl,1ah). Djakarta, 1952. j Pengurus Besar (headquarters), Anggaran Dasar Muhammadijah dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga (Statutes of the Muharmnadi.lah and its internal organs). Djogjakarta, 1952. _, Pusat Pimplnan (Central board), Tafsir Anggaran Pimpinan Muhamnadi.lah (Commentary on the statutes of the Muhammadijah). Jogjakarta, 1954. Munsji, Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, Kalilah wa dimnah (Gems and traces). Djakarta, Balai Pustaka, (n.d.). Nahdlatul Ulama, Anggaran Dasar dan Peraturan Rumah Tangga (Statutes of the Nahdlatul Ulama and its'internal organs). Given in full in Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim, p 520ff. ________, Verslag-Congress Nahdlatul 'Oelama1 Jang ke 14 di Kota Malang 6-7 Juli 1939 (Report of the 14th congress of the Nahdlatul Ulama at Malang from 6 to 6 July 1939). Surabaja, 1940. _________, Pokok2 Uraian didalam Pidato Kampanje Pemilihan Umum untuk Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 352] === -342- II Background, materials. 2. Monographs (continued). Konstituante. 20 Oktober 1955 (Bases of analysis in campaign speeches for the general election to the Constituent Assembly, October 20, 1955). Given in Risalah. No. 5 (1955). Naim, Mochtar, Hie Nahdlatul Ulama Party (1952-1955). Montreal, McGill University thesis, I960. The Netherlands, Indiaehe Verslag: Tekst van het verslag van bestuur en 3taat van Nederlandsch-IndiB, 1930-1940 (Indies Report: text of the report of the administration and government of the Netherilands Indies). The Hague, Rijksuitgeverij dienst van de Nederlandsche Staatcourant. van Nieuwenhuijze, C. A. 0., Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia. The Hague and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1958. Noer, Deliar, Masjumi: Its organization, ideology and political role in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University thesis, I960. Okuma Memorial Social Sciences Research Institute of Waseda University, Indonesia ni Okeru Nihon Gunsei no Kenkyu (Research on the Japan ese Military Administration in Indonesia). Tokyo, Kinokuniya Shoten, 1959- Translated from Japanese by Joint Publications Research Service of the United States Department of Commerce in October 1963, JPRS # 21,359. Palmier, Leslie H., Indonesia. New York, Walkers and Co, 1965. Partai Sjarikat Islam Indonesia, Tafsir Program— Asas, 1931 (Commen tary on the basic program of the party, 19317* Given in Amelz, H. O. S. T.jokroaminoto. hidup dan perdiiuangann.ja. II, pp. 15-56. Patton, Walter Melville, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal and the Mihna. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1897. Pergerakan Tarbijah Islamijah (Perti), Undang-undang dasar Partai Islam. "Perti" (Constitution of the "Perti" Islamic Party). Given in Kepartaian dan Parlementaria Indonesia, pp. 427-440. Pirngadie, Lt. Col. Rudy, Peristiwa P. R. R. I: Ditindjau dari sudut sedjarah TNI. Djakarta, N. V. Endang,“l958. Translated into English as The PURI Affair (As seen in the light of the history of the Indonesian National ArncrJI Djakarta, Nusantara, 195$. Pluvier, Dr. J. M., Overzicht van de ontwikkeling der Nationalistische Beweging in Indonesie in de Jaren 1930 tot 1942 (Survey of the development of the nationalist movement in Indonesia in the years Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 353] === -343II Background materials. from 1930 to 1942). 2, Monographs (continued), The Hague and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1953* Prins, Jan, Adat en islamieten plichtenleer (Adat and Muslim obliga tory law). The Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954. Raliby, Osman, Documents Historlea: Sedjarah dokumenter dari pertumbuhan dan perdjuangan Negara Republik Indonesia (Historical Documents: documents from the r5.se and struggle of the Republic of Indonesia). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1953. al-Rashldi, flusayn ibn Sulaymn, Bulugh al-maram (Attainment of the goal), being a book of badlths. Cairo, Al-Wahabiyah, 1881. van Ronkel, Fh. S., De Roman van Amir Hamzah (The legend of Amir Hamaah). Leiden, University of Leiden, 1895. Salim, Hadji Agus, Gods laaste boodschap, De uniyersele godsdienst (God's last message, the universal religion). Djakarta, Sumber Hnu, 1937. Reprinted in part in D.ledjak Langkah Hadji A. Salim, pp. 257-288. . Keterangan filsafat tentang Tauhid. Taqdir dan Tawakkal (Clarification of divine unity(tawhld), fate (taqcSrT and and submission (tawakkal)). Djakarta, Tintamas, 1953. Reprinted in Djedjak Langkah Hadji Agus Salim, pp. 329-386. ________, Tjeritera Isra dan Mi'radj Nabi Mohammad elm (Story of the isra* and micraj of the Prophet Muhammad). Jakarta, Sumber Him, 1933* Reprinted in Djedjak Langkah Hadji A. Salim, pp. 207-244. Schrieke, Bertran Johannes Otto, Indonesian Sociological Studies. The Hague and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1957, 2 vols. Ash-Shiddieqy, Mohammed Hasbi, Dasar-Dasar Pemerintahan Islam (Bases for an Islamic government). Medan, Saiful, 1950. ________, 2002 Mutiara Hadiets terdjemah dan sjarah hadiets (2002 treasured badith. translated with their basis). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1954, 6 vols. , Al-Islam: Tugas hidup seorang Muslim (Islam: Duties of the individual Muslim). Medan, Tokobuku "Islanyah", 1952, 2 vols. , Kitab Hukum Islam (Book of Islamic Law). taka Islam, 1962. Djakarta, Pus- , Hullyah 1Ibadah: 'ibadah ditindjau dari segi hukum dan Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 354] === -344II Background materials. 2.. Monographs (continued). hikmah (Course in worship: worship as surveyed from the viewpoint of law and intelligence). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1963. Ash-Shiddieqy, Moehammad Hasbi. Kursus sembahjang dan doa (Course in ritual worship and prayer). Medan, Pustaka Madju, 1950. Kursus t.iepat sembahjang (Quick course on worship). Medan, Pustaka Madju, 1951.', Lembaga pribadl (Model for the individual). Medan, Pustaka Madju, 1951. , Pedoman berumah tangga (Guide for the household). Pustaka Madju, 1952. Medan, , Pedoman hukum s.jar1y jang berkembang da]am »alam Islamy sunny (Guide to sharl*ah law as it developed in the Sunril MuaUm world). Djakarta, Pustaka Islam, 1956-1958, 3 vols. . Pedoman Puasa (Guide on Fasting). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 19537, Pedoman Shalat (Guide to prayer). Medan, Islamyah, 1951. _, Pemlndahan darah (blood transfusion) dlpandjang dari sudut hukm agama Islam (Blood transfusion as seen from the viewpoint of Islamic religious law). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1954. , Pengantar hukum Islam (Guide to Islamic law). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 195JI, Pokok-pokok 11mu Dira.1a.1ah Hadiets (The bases for the adith). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1958. science of badith). law). . Polygami menurut hukum Islam (Polygamy according to Islamic Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1955. , Sedjarah dan p engantar Ilmu Tafsir (History and guide for sciences of Qur’anlc commentary). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1954, several vols. , Sedjarah kehakiman dalam Pemerintahan2 Islam (The history of justice in Islamic governmental! Medan, Islamyah, 1950. _, Tafsir al-Quranul madjied (Commentary on the Qur^an). Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 195-, 30 vols. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 355] === *345" II Background materials. 2. Monographs (continued). Ash-Shiddieqy, Moehammad Hasbi, Zakah dan Fitrah (Almsgiving). Bulan Bintang, 1958. Djakarta, Shiddiq, K. H. Mahfudz, Disekitar Soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid (Concerning the question of ijtihSd and taqlid). D.lakarta. Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, 1959* Simon, Gottfried, The Progress and Arrest of Islam in Sumatra. London, Edinburgh and New York, Marshall Brothers, 1912. Sitorus, L. M., Sedjarah Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia (The History of the Indonesian Nationalist Movement). Djakarta, Pustaka Bakjat, 1951. Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, Islam in Modern History. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1957. Snouck Hurgronje, Christiaan, The Achehnese. translated from Dutch by R. J. Wilkinson. London, Luzac, and Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1906, 2 vols. ________, De Islam in Nederlandsch-Indie (Islam in the Netherlands Indies). Baarn, Hollandia Drukkerij, 1913. ________, Mekka in the Nineteenth Century, translated from Dutch by J. H. Monahan. London, Luzac, 1931*. Verspreide Geachriften (Collected Works). Kurt Schroeder, 1923-1927. Several volumes. Bonn and Leipzig, Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi (Under the banner of revolution), edited by K. Goenadi and Mualliff Nasution. Djakarta, Panitya Penerbit Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, 1963, 2 vols. ________, Indonesia menggugat Pidato Pembelaan Bung Karno dimuka Hakim Konial (Indonesia accuses: Bung karno1s defence before the Colonial Court). Djakarta, S. K. Seno, 1956. Supatmo, Raden, Arlmistic Beliefs and Religious Practices of the Javanese. New York, East Indies Institute of America, 1943* Supomo, Prof. Dr. R., The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, translated from Indonesian by Garth N. Jones. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1961. Suryaningrat, S., Het herdenkingfeest van het lO-.iarig bestaan den vereniging "Boedl Oetomo", 1908-20 Mel-1918 (The commemoration Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 356] === ■346-. II Background, materials. 2. Monographs (continued). celebration of the tenth anniversary of the nBudi Utomo" 190820 Hay-1918). Amsterdam, Oud en Nieuw, 1918. Teravang, A. M. A., Belad.iar Huruf Al-Quran (Learning the letters of the Qur^an). Djakarta, N. V. Versluiya, (n.d.). Vandenbosch, Amry, The Dutch East Indies. Berkeleyand Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1942. Wajdl, MuJjammad Farid, Awdat al-Tafslr/al-mushaf al-mufassar (Commen tary— the Qurvan clarified). Cairo, (n.d.). Wolf, Charles, Jr., The Indonesian Story: The birth, growth and struc ture of the Indonesian Republic. New York, John Day, 1948. Zwemer, Samuel M., Across the World of Islam. New York, Fleming H. Revell, 1929. Al-Piba.j (Fine verse), Cairo, (n.d.). Mabadi1 qira^ah rashSdah (Introduction to good recitation). Cairo, (n.d.). 3. Articles and parts of books. Abbas, H. Siradjuddin, "Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 20 Oktober 1951" (Speech in parliament on October 20, 1951) in Lewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesia, Risalah Perundingan. 1951, XIV, PP. 7137-7143. Abbas bin Thaha, Hadji, “Talaffoezh Niat" (Pronouncing the intention), Al-Hoeda. No. 91 (1934); reprinted in Pembela Islam. No. 6 "(April 1933), PP. 35-39. Aidit, Dipa Nusantara, "Report to the Second Plenum of the Indonesian Cnmmpnlst Party Central Committee on November 8 and 10", trans lation from Indonesian by an unknown translator. From Harian Rakjat. November 11, 1954. Al-Alawie, Saijjid Toelan, "Al-Irsjad in actie?" (The activity of al-Irsjad?). a letter to Pembela Islam, dated March 10, 1932. Pembela Islam. No. A5 (April 1932), pp. 13-16. Amrullah, Hadji Abdul Karim, "Hanja Allah" (Only Allah), in Hamka, Ajahku. pp. 263-277. Berg, C. C., "The Islamization of Java", Studia Islamica. 17 (1950), pp. 111-142. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 357] === Background materials. Articles (continued). Berg, C. C., "Sarekat Islam," Encyclopedia of Islam. Blumberger, J. Th. Petrus, "Ahmadyah." Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Qost-Indift. Encyclopaedia ten Nederlandsch Oost-India. . "Hoehammadijah," Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-India. . "De Nationalistiseke Beweging in Nederlandsch IndiB," (The Nationalist movement in the Dutch East Indies), Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-India, ________. "Persatoean Moeslimin Indonesia (PMI)" (Indonesian Muslim Union), Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-India. Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Oost-India. Bousquet, Georges-Henri, "Muhaumadiya," Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, Centraal Comite al-Islam Indonesia (Surabaia), "Surat tantangan ke J. J. ten Barge di Mantillan" (Letter of challenge to J.J. ten Berge in Mantillan) dated August 17, 1931, Pembela Islam. No. 32 (August 1931), pp. 27-28. Compton, Boyd, "President Sukarno and the Islamic State," Newsletter of the Institute of Current World Affairs. March 8, 1952. Dickson, Donald E., Jr., "Guerrilla Warfare in Indonesia." Lansing, Michigan State University term paper, 1964. Drewes, G. W. J., "Indonesia and Activism" in Gustav E. van Grunebaum, Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization. Chicago, University of Chicago, 1955, pp. 284-310. Feith, Herbert, "Dynamics of Guided Democracy" in Ruth T. McVey (ed.). Indonesia, pp. 309-409. Galbraith, Willard, "Native Socio-Political Problems of the Nether lands Indies." Basic Report from the American Consulate General in Batavia, Java, MarchlO, 1941. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 358] === -343II Background, materials, Articles (continued). Hanna, Willard A., "Indonesia’s Political Parties," American Univer sities Field Staff Reports. December 27, 195° and December 29, 1956,2 parts. _, "The Rebel Cause," American Universities Field Staff Reports. October 9, 1959. Hoesin, Oemar Amin, "Sedjarah perkembangan politik modern di Indonesia" (History of modern political development in Indonesia), Hlkmah. VIII, No. 20/21 (May 21, 1955), pp. 21, 24-26. Hood, Mantle, "The Enduring Tradition: Music and Theater in Java and Bali" in Ruth T. McVey (ed.), Indonesia, pp. 438-471. Huarte, Claude, "Kalam," Encyclopedia of Islam. Indonesia. Kementerian Penerangan (Department of Information), "Sekitar Pemeriksaan Perkara-perkara Affandi Ridhwan dan ^chmad Buchari" (Concerning the trials of Affandi Ridhwan and Achmad Buchari). Djakarta, 1954. Johns, Anthony H., "Genesis of a Modern Literature" in Ruth T. McVey (ed.), Indonesia, pp. 410-437. Kahin, George, "Indonesian Politics and Nationalism" in William L. Holland (ed.), Asian Nationalism and the West. New York, Macmillan, 1953, PP. 67-1951 Kawet, J. B., "Speech in Committee I of the Constituent Assembly," Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante. pp. 1213. Kern, R. A., "Padris," Encyclopedia of Islam. . "Pangulu," Encyclopedia of Islam. "Pesantren," Encyclopedia of Islam. Van der Kroef, J. M., "The Arab Minority," Indonesia in the Modern World. I, pp. 250-274. Lofgren, 0., "Ba *Alawi," Encyclopedia of Islam. Lokhandwalla, Shamoon T,, and Prins, Jan, "‘Ada," Encyclopedia of Islam (New Edition). MacDonald, D. B., "Ijtihad," Encyclopedia of Islam. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 359] === Background materials. Articles (continued). MacDonald, D. B., "*Isa," Encyclopedia of Islam. Mansur, A, R. Sutan, "Ringkasan pidato Ketua Pusat Pimpinan Muhammadijah Indonesia A. R. Sutan Mansur" (Summary of the speech of A. R. Sutan Mansur, chairman of the Central Leadership of the Muhammadi.lah). Universitas Muhacunadi.lah pembukaan Fakultas Falsafah dan Hukum Muhammadijah (The Muhammadijah University inaugurates a Faculty of Philosophy and Law). Sumatera Tengah, 1955. van der Meulen, D., "The Mecca Pilgrimage and its importance to the Netherlands East Indies," The Asiatic Review, XXXVI (July 1940) pp. 589-597. Moeslim Indonesier (anonymous), "Perkawinan Sjarifah dengan Indonesier" (Marriage of a sharlfah with an Indonesian) being an undated letter, Pembela Islam. No. 48 (June 1932), pp. 17-18. Mudzakkar, 'Abdul Qahar, "Konsepsi Negara Demokrasi Indonesia" (Conception of an Indonesian democratic state). Typescript, I960. Nahdlatul Ulama, Pengurus Besar, "Pedoman Kampanje Pemilihan Umum untuk Madjlis Konstituante 20 Oktober 1953" (Guide to the campaign for generals elections to the Constituent Assembly, October 20, 1953), Risalah Politik. No. 5 (1955). Van Nieuwenhuijze, C. A. 0., "The Dar ul-Islam Movement in Western Java," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia, pp. 161-179. , "The Indonesian state and 'deconfessionalized1 Muslim concepts," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia, pp. ISO- 243. , "Islam in a Period of Transition in Indonesia," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia, pp. 32-108. Piekaar, A. J., "Atjeh," Encyclopedia of Islam. 1958. Pijper, C, F., "De Ahmadijah in Indonesia," Bingkisan Budi. Leiden, A. W. Sijthhoff, 1950, pp. 247-254. Rahbar, M. D.. "Shah Wall Ullah and Ijtihad," The Muslim World. XLIV (— 1955), PP. 346-358. Salim, Hadji Agus, "Tauhid (De belijdenis van de Enige God)" (The divine unity— confession that there is only one God), Sumber Du™, No. 1 (1935); reprinted in D.jedjak Langkah Hadji A. Salim pp. 245—256. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 360] === -350II Background materials. Articles (continued). 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 361] === Background materials* Articles (continued). "Perkembangan Kebatinan," Republik Indonesia: Propinsi Djawa Timur. pp. 813-835. "Piagam Djakarta" (Djakarta Charter), Republik Indonesia: Kotapradja Djakarta Raja, p. 34. "PSII" (Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia), in Indonesia. Kepartaian dan Parlementaria Indonesia, pp. 335-386. "Wahyi; Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam. 4. Periodicals and newspapers mkmah (Wisdom). Djakarta. Weekly magazine published from 1947 to I960. Al-Hoeda (Guide). Djakarta, Al-Irsjad. Monthly magazine published during the early 1930’s. Al-Islaa. Medan. Monthly magazine published during the nri.d-1950's. ffiiwu Abadi. Djakarta. Sunday edition of Abadi. Masjumi Party newspaper published throughout the 1950's. FERI Bulletin: Voice of New Indonesia. New fork. Weekly magazine published from October 1958 to June 1959, 16 nos. Suara Masjumi (The Voice of Masjumi). Djakarta, Masjumi. Newspaper published three times monthly from 1954 to July 1957. permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.