The Women's Movement in Indonesia, with Special Reference to the 'Aisyiyah Organization (PhD dissertation, Temple University)

=== [PDF page 1] === NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original m anuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. 27, 77 -78 This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 2] === Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 3] === Graduate School TEMPLE UNIVERSITY D o c t o r a l D issertation A pp ro va l O n B eh al f of t h e G r a d u a t e B o a r d Author: Suraiya It Title o f Dissertation: The women's movement in Indonesia: W ith special reference to the 'Aisyiyah' organization Date o f Defense: 4/25/2005 By signing below, I indicate my approval o f this dissertation and o f the candidate’ s oral defense. Dissertation Examining Committee Approval Signatures: Member’ s Name and Department Signature Mahmoud Ayoub, Religion Khalid Blankinship, Religion John Raines, Religion Michelle Byng, Sociology Date Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School: Accepted by the Graduate Board o f Temple University in partial fulfillm ent o f the requirements fo r the degree of: Doctor o f Philosophy Dean o f the Graduate School: Signature Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 4] === Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 5] === THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA: WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE 'AISYIYAH ORGANIZATION A Dissertation Submitted to The Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Suraiya IT April, 2005 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 6] === UMI Number: 3203014 Copyright 2005 by It, Suraiya All rights reserved. INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and im proper alignm ent can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete m anuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3203014 Copyright 2006 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 7] === Suraiya IT 2005 All Rights Reserved 111 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 8] === ABSTRACT THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA: WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE 'AISYIYAH ORGANIZATION Suraiya IT Doctor of Philosophy Temple University, 2005 Major Advisor: Professor Mahmoud M. Ayoub This dissertation investigates the women's movement in Indonesia. the position focuses mainly on their efforts of women. were basis others mobilized workers religion, organizations community the the The movements wives articulate their doctrines government. offered the state. ethnic civil The the political and groups, servants possibility The formed on emergence interests to improve for women women's women unshackled central while the the the Indonesia was focus dissertation is on Muslim Indonesian women. The Muslim women's movement influenced by the Islamic reform movement in the twentiethcentury. The fundamental reformists sought truth of the Islamic texts "return" and tradition, the articulated in the Qur'an and Hadith. The women's divisions religious reform movements played active Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. roles === [PDF page 9] === advocating and implementing social and educational reforms. 'Aisyiyah is the women's section movement, the Muhammadiah, and study the dissertation. of the Islamic reformist 'Aisyiyah is used as a case Initially, their efforts were directed towards increasing the awareness of Muslim women in an effort to improve their lives, obtain their rights, realize their responsibilities. Education, both secular religious, was seen as the key, and Aisyiyah inspired Indonesian women dedicate has themselves and and long establish educational opportunities for women. Particularly organization has traditional Islamic recent been years, spearheading sources for the reexamination answers relationship between culture, tradition requirements regarding the Analyzing Islamic teaching innovative gender issues, the and women change especially the complex religious Islam. from a gender perspectives initiative dissertation examines how difference role 'Aisyiyah was thinking patterns Indonesian context. The 'Aisyiyah's influence has made a for many Muslim women by its emphasis importance of the mother's role as an educator, the as well as on the need for women to be economically independent and to make decisions on their own. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 10] === Cultural values related women's sexuality, which reflected the inequality of gender, very much influenced the formulation of law in Indonesia, both secular law and Islamic law. The question the role religion gender constructions in Indonesia has not been asked often enough, but is clearly of great relevance to contemporary debates, as Indonesia struggles towards a modern democratic state. However, tradition provides a sort of framework within which gender roles evolve. Family and lineage inheritance, status, points and solidarity are in the gender ideology regarding women that emerges particularly in class societies, both in rural and urban regions. How because conceptualize the process the bargaining of subtle negotiation power women is an important constant in social relations. To put it briefly, Indonesian Muslim women have a strong bargaining position within their households and their social spheres because they have some control over the acquisition and use of individual skills and resources. When compared with households are hierarchical, women societies where embodying the ideal of age and gender distinctions in specific role constraints, Indonesian Muslim women are less bound by hierarchical constraints and somewhat freer to make independent, responsible decisions. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 11] === ACKNOWLEDMENTS I would like express my sincere gratitude to my main advisor, Professor Mahmoud Ayoub, who helped me with many more here, things, than can list and for his constant encouragement and gentle prodding at the difficult times of this venture. the many ideas, the I shall ever be grateful to him for comments, preparation and criticisms he offered during this dissertation. Without his continuous guidance and invaluable help, the completion of this dissertation would be unthinkable. I would also like express sincere thanks the members committee, Professor Khalid Blankinship, for encouragement, corrections like Professor Michelle their would also thank and and John Raines, suggestions. Byng for graciously agreeing to be a member of my committee and for having given of her time and support. I would like to thank well the Chair Department Religion, Professor mention with gratitude Professor Rebecca Alpert. also wish Leonard Swidler, who has been a great help during my time in the Department. I thank him for his moral support of my academic work in general. He always encouraged me to finish my studies. I shall always be grateful for his friendship. vii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 12] === I am indebted to all my former professors, the faculty members and the staff of the Temple University Department of Religion. While their names are too many to be mentioned here, my Ph.D. would not be possible without my teachers in the Department of Religion; and their names are engraved in my heart. also Ms.Linda must Jenkins, departmental and acknowledge for their academic Janice Anthony and invaluable help numerous matters. also deeply indebted to the Graduate School for giving me the chance to finish my studies. I am very grateful to my beloved husband, Rusli, for his especially dissertation, Tgk.Ismail constant the and Thaib Izwandi love, support difficult times finishing parents, late dear Payabujouk, whose principles have always inspired me, Nyak Syaribanun Saidy, and encouragement, spirit, father courage and as well as my mother, who taught me to care passionately about love and justice. To my brothers and my sisters, who have been waiting to hear from me for years, my deep thanks for their unfailing support of me, and for their patience. I am similarly grateful to my father and my mother in law, well brother and sisters law, viii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. for their === [PDF page 13] === supportive and patient waiting as I have worked to complete my studies and write my dissertation. In the preparation of this dissertation I have been very ably helped by many persons. I would like, however, to single out here my dear Glenn, friend, (The Rev.) .Judith Buckwho has helped me in editing and proofreading this dissertation, and my friends Irfan Omar and Farah Omar, who have helped not dissertation, only but reading their and commenting friendship and support general. Many other friends and relatives who have helped and supported along Syamsuddin, the way, Alwy Shihab, including Iskandar Asraf Shahab, Bakry, Riva Jeanne Hockenberry, Roslan Rahim, Rokiyah, and Wan-li Ho. sincere thank also go to my teachers, especially Professor Ibrahim Husein, who suported me and encouraged me to study in United State, and Professor Safwan Idris, his spirit and dedication. I also wish to offer thanks to Professor Syamsuddin Mahmoud and Professor Ibrahim for Hasan for their invaluable support when I was considering coming to the United States to study. And I am deeply grateful to all of my teachers IAIN Ar-Raniry, who helped me prepare to enter academic life. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 14] === Many thanks are also due to the Muhammadiyah office in Jakarta, with and some 'Aisyiyah invaluable Yogyakarta, materials which provided related dissertation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. this === [PDF page 15] === Respectfully Dedicated to: My Parent Tgk Ismail Thaib Payabujouk and Syaribanun Saidy Whose spirit, courage and principles always inspired me; My beloved Husband for whom my love and affection can never dim Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 16] === TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER INTRODUCTION.......................................... 1 THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE, NATIONAL STRUGGLE AND POST COLONIALISM............ 25 The Beginning of Women's Movement: R.A. Kartini...29 The Period of the Rise of Nationalism until the Proclamation of Independence (1912-1950)......... 37 - The Women's Movement from 1950 toNew Order (1998)................................. 59 - Women in Socio-Cultural, Political Development and Economic Status.............................. 77 THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN WOMEN'S MOVEMENT............ 98 - Religion and Social Change.......................100 - The Position of Women in Family Law..............114 - The Role of Ulama in Women's Movement........... 167 THE MAIN REASONS FOR THE BIRTH OF THE 'AISYIYAH ORGANIZATION....................................... 175 Indonesian Muslim before the Establishment of Muhammadiyah (Indonesian Muslim in the early 2 0th Century).................................... 178 - The Condition of Indonesian Muslim Women in the early 20th Century........................... 195 - The Founding of Muhammadiyah and 'Aisyiyah and Realization of What was Needed for Women....... 212 xii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 17] === THE ISLAMIC WOMEN'S MOVEMENT:'AISYIYAH'S WORK 225 - The Establishment and Early Days of the 'Aisyiyah...................................225 - The Status of 'Aisyiyah in the Muhammadiyah organization....................................231 - Special Characteristic of 'Aisyiyah............ 235 - The Principles, Goals, and 'Aisyiyah Organization Structure......................... 239 - The Development and Activities of'Aisyiyah 241 'Aisyiyah and Its Net Work..................... 268 'Aisyiyah and Its Participation in NationBuilding and Development....................... 27 0 CONCLUSION......................................... 27 8 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................... 289 x iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 18] === Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION I. Background. Indonesia, the largest archipelago the world, consists of more than 17, 508 islands, the largest of which are and Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Sulawesi, Irian Jaya. The population of Indonesia currently stands at 238.5 million;1 and 50.2 percent of the total population is female.2 Not only Indonesian number women important outnumber men, positions but they also Indonesian hold society. Indonesian women have also made significant contributions to the national struggle to gain and defend independence. Furthermore Indonesia is a multi-cultural society where many ethnic groups, languages, local cultures, and religions'3 exist side by side. The different cultures and religions have a considerable impact the plurality of the Indonesian 1 Overview of Indonesia, based on statistic population of Indonesia, results of the July 2004 census. 2 Indonesia Biro Pusat Statistic. Population Indonesia: Results of The 1995 Census. (Jakarta 1996). 3 Officially, the five recognized religions are Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. Muslims are the majority (about 87.21 the Indonesian population. Muslims— and thereby Islam— hold an important function in the making of Indonesian history. The Indonesian government protects the other four religions. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 19] === population. The multiplicity ethnic groups and their respective cultures is symbolized in the National Principle of "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika," meaning "Unity in Diversity." Although the Indonesian population is 50.2% female and the equality of male and female in political participation is guaranteed by the Indonesian Constitution of 1945 and with the signing of the UN Convention on political rights of women in 1961,4 Indonesia is still essentially a man's world. Men still play the most significant roles outside the home. The most important jobs are still occupied by men, even though the growing number ofwomen high positions and Indonesia has had a woman president. The idea prevails that if a man status, but high position, his a woman wife enjoys of high position does not the same raise her husband's status. This shows that in fact there is still no true equality between men and women in Indonesian society. This issue will be further elaborated below. women's larger context, movement comprises the history the Indonesian the ideas, organizations, and activities that have influenced a wide range of emancipatory movements among women from the early twentieth century to the 4 See Department Information of Republic of Indonesia, Women's Movement Indonesia. (Jakarta: Department of Information, 1968), p.19 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 20] === present. In general, women's participation in public life in Indonesia limited terms decision-making. Religion, way factors public have influencing women's been pointed general in particular decision-making. areas and levels cultural milieu, and a particular socialization life, their Socialization important non-participation lack plays contribution important role inculcating a culture-specific "ideology of gender," which in the Indonesian context is characterized by dependency on, and subordination to, men, as well as rigid division of labor by sex. This ideology of gender appears to have been reinforced in recent years by the revivalistic tendencies caused by the resurgence of religion and the reinvigoration of tradition side-by-side with the process of modernization. Aware these conditions, there are many women's movements and organizations that are struggling for a better situation for women. They are protesting against their subordination and are trying to find ever-more-effective ways Indonesia. There are However, many some kinds aim to preserve, change, women's position. Moreover, change there are also women's many movements rather than within the movement for conflicting emphases perspectives. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and === [PDF page 21] === These conflicts are caused by divergent notions of the significance of gender differences and the division of labor based sex, impact thus the requiring processes Indonesian society responds deeper understanding change women's the lives to new challenges and demands. The plurality of both culture and religion, on the one hand, and the complexity of new factors, which influence Indonesian society, on the other, has to be taken into account in the discussion of the status and the position of women. Although gender is a basic building block in any social formation or cultural condition women inevitable. Men have, prescriptions for women. Islam, specific but rather a faith system and a way of life open equally womenand tradition, arevolution traditional men. Muslim against societies historically, framed however, is Indonesia, the Muslim not Islam genderhas been largely ignored as an aspect of gender relations. Over a long period in the history of Indonesia itself, the position of women has been considered very important, especially in the area of politics. For example, in an 8th century Middle Java inscription, a ruling son, King Sanjaya, mentions the previous rule recently, history records the his mother rule as queen. of queens in the More 17th century. Aceh was ruled by a queen for 34 years from 1641- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 22] === 1675:5 Sultanah Tajul Alam Safiatuddin Johan Berdaulat— who governed for 34 years (1641-1675)--was crowned to succeed her husband because they had children. Both government officials and religious scholars approved the coronation of a woman,6 and it turned out that her reign was very productive for the development of Islamic law, in the Aceh territory. scholar. wrote She Ikhwan al-Muhtadi She a book was literature, both entitled and science a stateswoman "Masail and al-Muhtadi (Basic Guidance for the Beginner)."7 Many schools were built for both men and women, because, according to the Queen, Islam commanded that men and women should gain knowledge together. In 1699 Kadhi Malk-ul Adil issued a fatwa from Mecca, which decreed that under Islam, women could not be leaders, and this fatwa served as an excuse to depose the last queen, 5 A. Hasyimy, Peranan Wanita Dalam Pemerintahan dan Peperangan (The Role of Acehnese Women in Government and the War), (Banda Aceh: Perpustakaan A.Hasyimy, 1988), p.l 6 In the book Safinat al-Hukkam, written by ulama sheykh Jalaluddin Tursani of Aceh in 1721, it is clearly stated that females have the same rights and duties in the empire. Women can be rulers if they meet the requirements that have been fixed for such a position 7 See A. Hasyimy, Peranan Wanita dalam Pemerintahan dan Peperangan, (1988) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 23] === Sri Ratu Kamalat Shah, and to bring to an end the rule of women.8 Another example from the 19th century is from eastern Indonesia, the South Celebes. Siti Aisyah We Tenriolle was an intelligent and strong-willed woman who became the Queen of Ternate in 1856, inheriting the rule from her grandfather. She united three regions during her reign, composed an epic of seven thousand folio pages, and founded the first school for both women and men in Ternate. While strength these examples the heritage show something Indonesian women, the great feudal and colonial life in Indonesia caused a weakening and decline in the status of Indonesian women over the period of the last hundred years. Men came to dominate women in the community. By the end of the 19th century, although women continued to have a strong role in agriculture and household economics, in general, feudalism and the backwardness and lack of education of middle-class women made it easy for men to overmaster them and to minimize their great contributions. To sum up, a variety of factors have brought women's issues and problems to the fore. In the beginning of the 20th century the first endeavor to bring about the formation of diverse women's movement organizations caused renewed 8 Ibid Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and === [PDF page 24] === widespread changes for women in Indonesia. The first women's movement was organized by R.A Kartini in the early twentieth century (1879-1904). She recognized the first Indonesian women to declare her conscience and to resist the prevailing customs, which diminished and imprisoned women. Though her life was remarkably short— she lived to be only 25, from 1879-1904— R.A Kartini is remembered as one of the most outstanding women of her day and as an early feminist.9 In addition to the influence of Kartini, a second major factor contributing to social change for Indonesian women was the emergence of Women organizations and Islamic Reformism in the second half of the 19th century. main goal was to purify accretions of local the The reform movement's teachings Indonesian teachings the way life Islam from and customs based the to a closer observance the holy Qur'an. Islamic teachings alone would be the guidelines for every aspect of life. One of the Indonesian Islamic reform organizations Yogyakarta, was central the Muhammadiya, Java, main concerns were the the "purification" founded 1912 by Kyai Haji Akhmad Dahlan. Its education of Indonesian Muslims and Islam 9 Saskia Wieringa, Women's from innovations.10 Struggles and The Strategies, 10 Alfian. Muhammadiyah: Political Behavior of a Muslim Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 25] === significance of this movement in the development of modern Islamic thought in Indonesia cannot be appreciated without some knowledge the social and religious life the Indonesian people. Such knowledge is important, particularly the period during the first decade the twentieth century prior to the rise of the Muhammadiyah movement. Kyai Haji Akhmad Dahlan founded the Muhammadiyah organization for guidance in the Muslim faith, and along with it he envisioned the establishment of a women's branch. For this purpose group intellectually active women was trained to run the women's section and to become the first leaders of the 'Aisyiyah. These women were Siti Bariyah, Siti Dawimah, Siti Dalalah, Siti Busjro, Siti Wadingah, and Siti Badilah.11 They eventually formed a new women's organization, under the name Prophet's wife, 'Aisyiyah, a name derived from that of the 'Aisyiyah. Officially, 'Aisyiyah was chartered in 1917 in Yogyakarta as an organization intended to be characterized by its religious and social nature, well as its feelings of sisterhood. Dahlan's right hand man, In 1918, Haji Mukhtar, gathered the above mentioned six women and some other students and held a meeting which was Modernist Organizations Under Dutch Colonialism. (Yogyakarta:Gajahmada University Press, 1989), pp.171-172 11 Ibid, pp. 171-172 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 26] === attended Dahlan and Bagus Hasikusumo (one the leaders of Muhammadiyah). Out of this meeting 'Aisyiyah was actually born, with the above-mentioned six women as the core its leadership. Siti Bariyah and Siti Badilah were become its Chairperson and Secretary, respectively.12 The primary aim of 'Aisyiyah is to educate Muslim women who are pious, devoted God, noble character, knowledgeable, dedicated, skillful, responsible and useful to the religion and the nation. The organization also aims at enhancing loyalty towards the principles, bases and goals of Muhammadiyah in enforcing Islamic law, and in realizing a just and prosperous society, which is seen as being blessed by God. As a part of the big Muhammadiyah family, 'Aisyiyah also has quantitatively large numbers of members spreading throughout Indonesia. implementing its activities, 'Aisyiyah cooperates with various institutions— governmental and non-governmental— both in the country and abroad. In light of the foregoing, the primary significance and aim of this study is to shed light on, analyze, and trace how far the role religion and culture have affected the women's movement in Indonesia and how far the role of the ulama (Islamic scholar) has affected the opportunity given to 12 Ibid, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 27] === women to act in public life. Furthermore I want to describe the important factors that have caused the decline in women's position in Indonesia. more recent These objectives will be achieved by way of my analyzing of the work of the 'Aisyiyah organization. 2. Scope of the Study This study attempt trace the historical background of the women's movement in Indonesia in general and then to move on to the specific discourse regarding the Islamic women's movement on the issue of "social change" from the perspective of the Islamic contribution. In the course of this analysis, I will attempt to shed light on a number of contemporary Muslim women's movements. organized not institutions; only achieve However, ends women have within religious they have also organized along religious and ideological lines to work community. Therefore, for social the context change this in the wider study I am interested in the role of religion as an agent of social change, using 'Aisyiyah as a case study in an Islamic women's movement. This study is mainly concerned with factors that prompted the emergence the 'Aisyiyah movement and the milieu in which it operated; its founder as well as its main Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 28] === objectives. that the Furthermore, impact the main religion thesis of this the women's study is movement does reflect social change in Indonesia. The purpose the present study analyze the particular role and position of women from two perspectives. First I will discuss the role and position of women both in Qur'anic teachings related to the position of women in Islam and from a sociological perspective. To illustrate this, will use the case of 'Aisyiyah in Indonesia. Second, I will analyze and examine the issue of the status of women with arguments based on my research in a contemporary "Islamic feminist" perspective. Significance of the Study Religion is both a problem, dominance have oppressed women, vision liberation in that its structures of and a solution, equality has in that its generated powerful movements for social change. The same religious tradition may be both a problem and a solution. Islam's vision of human equality may be a source of strength even when much of the tradition compromises women's equality of power. It is stated in a verse of the Qur'an that "women have the same rights as 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 29] === those of men believers, over women."13 The often uses the Qur'an expression addressing "believing men the and women" to emphasize the equality of men and women in regard to their respective duties, rights, virtues and merits. Thus it is my intention in this sympathetic but critical thesis to provide a analysis of the role of women in Islam. A clear understanding of the problem will be required. History shows us that the role of women in Islam is as poorly understood in the West as any other aspect of Muslim culture. The responsible feminist is clearly confronted with a delicate dilemma: the extrication of the justified urge for universal female equality from self-seeking cultural intrusion.14 Tracing back through history, when a Muslim woman Qur'an 2:228, translation, The Holy Center, 1978). able it must be noted, acquire see for example Qur'an (Washington an education even and Yusuf Ali's DC: The Islamic 14 Local "interpretations" have, therefore, usually affected women negatively. For instance, women's economic position was strengthened by the Qur'an, but local custom has weakened that position in its insistence that women must work within the private sector of the world: the home, or at least in some sphere related to the home. Thus, to the outside observer, Islamic women's economic activities have been disguised throughout the centuries by the customs of seclusion and social segregation. The local practices of veiling, seclusion, and general social segregation of the sexes have helped to maintain two quite different societies: the world of men and the world of women. 12 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 30] === secure a job, she is seldom able to free herself from the burden of traditionalism that confronts her on all sides. In the absence any supportive literature any social support structure, it is very difficult even for modernizing Muslim societies respect women's role and place society. It is also clear that the conceptions, assumptions, and social customs and institutions relating to women that are derived from Middle Eastern traditions at the time of the Islamic conquests entered into, and helped shape, the very foundations of Islamic concepts and social practices as they developed during the first century of Islam. These according Ahmed, emphasize the importance considering Leila Islamic formulations of gender facts, relation changing codes and cultures, including the Islamic.15 For the majority of Muslim women who have been kept for centuries physical, mental, and emotional bondage and deprived of opportunities to see themselves as fully human, the task of defining what womanhood in Islam is, or even of analyzing the question, possible through is overwhelming. rigorous All this is only understanding Islam's heritage, its context, and its own defined goals. 15 Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam, London: Yale University Press, 1992), p.5 (New Haven, 13 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 31] === In recent years, Islam— for instance in Indonesia— has played an increasingly central role in world affairs. With a population over two hundred million, 50.2 percent of whom are female, and eighty-seven percent which are Muslims, Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world. Indonesia can avail Thus itself of an excellent opportunity to play an influential role not only in the region of Southeast Asia, but in the Islamic world at large. 'Aisyiyah is one of the Islamic women's organizations in Indonesia, and probably the most dynamic women's movement in Southeast Asia. Through its activities, social 'Aisyiyah has brought about significant kinds change. housewives For example, from bondage first, 'Aisyiyah the household alone. released 'Aisyiyah made it possible for housewives to spend time at its centers, tending to their own growth and education, their children. Secondly, the status of women, and to that of in seeking to educate and upgrade 'Aisyiyah helped women to develop the ability to observe their environment and in order that they will learn, from being active in a strong organization, how to improve their social condition based on Islamic teachings. Thirdly, 'Aisyiyah increased the consciousness in women of the value of their role as mothers in bringing up the younger generation Fourthly, and implanting peace and order society. 'Aisyiyah realized that when women begin to feel 14 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 32] === like subjects, not just objects, can do things. Finally, they begin to believe they 'Aisyiyah hopes to help women join in making decisions about the problems they are facing, because they are conscious of being involved in something larger— that they, too, are part of the society, and need not sit by while husbands, fathers, and other men make decisions. Any study pertinent to the role of religion--in this case Islam--in women's movements and religious institutions Indonesia This therefore is because religion naturally great significant not importance. only for analysis of the position of women, but also for understanding social change as well. This understanding significant, both for women and for the processes of social change. order situation understand, analyze, and begin change the insight into religious issues foundational, women, even for women who do not think of themselves as religious. Facing these historical facts, ask not only what religion can it is necessary that we for women, but more importantly: what can women do with religion? In other words, how can women use religious traditions and values to their advantage? How can we meet traditional values half-way, that the traditions can help change society? 15 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 33] === 4. Reviev of Related Literature It must be acknowledged that there are not many works which deal with the issue of the Islamic women's movement in Indonesia in relation to 'Aisyiyah's work, let alone books on the 'Aisyiyah organization itself. There very little literature on the 'Aisyiyah movement. What information exists is just scattered through many articles and pamphlets. There is nothing academic in book-form available, or in the way of critical However, analysis many this non-academic very books important organization. concerning the work 'Aisyiyah had been written for the Muhammadiyah movement in Indonesian. Here are some examples of this literature: The 'Aisyiyah publication, (The Guidelines with 'Aisyiyah's 'Aisyiyah) work Tuntunan Nasyiatul 'Aisyiyah (1962), concerned relationship is mainly educational and other social activities. 2. The Central Board of 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah (History of the 'Aisyiyah Movement), a history of 'Aisyiyah and other Islamic movement organizations from 1917 to 1995. This is an informative historical account of its birth and its goals. It has an extensive bibliography. 16 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 34] === 3. The 'Aisyiyah publication, Anggaran Dasar dan Rumah Tangga 'Aisyiyah, (Basic Principles and Regulations of 'Aisyiyah): this book provides the guidelines for and the goals of this organization. 4. The 'Aisyiyah publication, Suara ’Ayshiyah (The Mission of ’Aisyiyah): this is a journal published by 'Aisyiyah that covers the activities of women and women's organizations in Indonesia, particularly focusing on Muslim women and Islamic organizations. 5. The Central Board of 'Aisyiyah, Buku tuntunan Administrasi 'Aisyiyah (The this book sets Guidelines 'Aisyiyah's forth guidelines for Administration): 'Aisyiyah's management and information about 'Aisyiyah activities, not just for the Central Board of 'Aisyiyah but also for the members that are wide-spread outside of Java. (Indeed, 'Aisyiyah is rapidly spreading throughout Indonesia). 6. Mukti Ali, The Muhammadiyah Movement: A Bibliographical Introduction. This is an informative historical account of the movement, a bibliographical work on the pre-war period of Muhammadiyah, its founder, and its goals. 17 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 35] === Ibrahim Alfian, Muhammadiyah: The Political Behavior of a Muslim-Modernist Organization under Dutch Colonialism (1969). Although this book deals with the issue the political roles and behavior exhibited by the Muhammadiyah birth the end Dutch colonial rule: from its the author includes the historical background and early activities of 'Aisyiyah. 5. General Outline and Methodology There are two obvious steps or methods that were deemed necessary in order to fulfill the objectives of this study. First, field research was conducted to get a representative view concerning the issues faced by the women's movement in Indonesia. This was done through particular, and personal, interviews, distributing of questionnaires and classifying of answers (with organization the and leaders other and members the 'Aisyiyah Muslim women's organizations important contributors). In order to analyze the subjective dimension of 'Aisyiyah's work, I focused on participating in and observing the activities in various areas with leaders of the 'Aisyiyah organization and its members. The whole process of this field research was analyzed from both a sociological and a cultural perspective. 18 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 36] === Second, a survey of the literature relating to the issue of women, examining materials written by both Indonesian and foreign scholars, was process even during also conducted. the This was an ongoing field research period, because an adequate knowledge of the issue is needed, especially for the purpose of conducting successful interviews, comparing what the and theoretical studies have elaborated what interviewee's understanding of the issue is. Furthermore, determining the motivating the factors that contributed to the emergence of 'Aisyiyah, biographical and historical materials written in both English and Indonesian have been utilized. Because this study required and utilized a wide spectrum materials, covering the historical background the women's movement in general in Indonesia, as well as specific discourse the Islamic women's movement Indonesia, different sections were treated with different methodological approaches. The research will presented employing the background the following structure: 1. Introduction. This chapter provides needed understand the present condition of the women's movement in Indonesia, which includes its scope, its significance, and a review of relevant literature related to the study and its 19 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 37] === methodology. It uses some research materials covering the historical background of the women's movement in Indonesia; it shows the problems related to the issue of the women's movement and helps clarify the significance of this study. This chapter also presents a national profile of Indonesia; particular, geographical, demographic and socio-cultural data are provided. The Women's Movement: Historical Perspective, National Struggle and Post-Colonial Discourse. This movement chapter traces the inception in the early twentieth the women's century and discusses implications of this earlier movement for today, the examining how it stimulated the emergence of many women's movements, including 'Aisyiyah, and how far the goals of the earlier women's movement itself have been realized in the rights of Indonesian women today. Furthermore, this section explores another element of the emerging Indonesian women's movement and the describes desire for "national the division emancipation." time periods used, This chapter correlating historical and political developments in Indonesia with the emergence of the women's movement. treats several important issues. Therefore, Firstly, this chapter analyzes the beginning of women's movements focusing on R.A. Kartini. This 20 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 38] === section discusses the first efforts towards the formation of a women's movement and the women's challenges to their male cohorts struggle against Second, the chapter discuss Nationalism until the suppression the period proclamation and from inequality. the rise independence (1912- 1950). It also describes the participation of women in the national struggle and details how women's organizations were gaining momentum for support for their political rights and the growing demand for a united women's organization through the National Congress Indonesian Women. Third, this section presents a picture of women's condition from after 1950 to the establishment of New Order (Orde Baru). The usual historical account of the women's movement has a tendency to present the good side of that movement, usually focusing on actions launched against Dutch colonialism. However, since independence in 1945, it became increasingly assumed that the women's movement has taken a different form: that struggle for equality in education and social life. the In the fourth section I attempt to deal with the new problems and the social implications of the impact of western culture on the Indonesian Muslim women's movements, which shunts aside the religious values which have historically existed in the society. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 39] === In addition, the changing trends among Indonesian women in their socio-cultural, economic, and political development have deeply influenced their status and the women's movement Indonesia. For the discussion this issue, specific information and data has been provided. 3. The Role of Religion in the Women's Movement. This chapter describes the important factors at work in religion to which women have an opportunity to contribute in their aspirations for public life. For this section, I focus primarily on theoretical issues related to the rethinking and re-contextualizing of classical Islamic sources and literary traditions about the position of women in Islam. Furthermore, this chapter jurisprudence deals with Islamic law (syari ’ah) and (fiqh), which form the elements of Islam most directly responsible for the definition of women's roles and the boundaries women's activities the Islamic community. The issue of Islamic law and its interpretation is also the aspect most responsible problems Muslim women face daily, Islam reinstitutes so-called pertaining to women and family. for many contemporary as conservative political "traditional" Therefore, Islamic law this chapter is divided into three sub-sections: First religion and social change; secondly the position of women in Islam; thirdly the 22 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 40] === role of the ulama in the women's movement. For this chapter I connect this issue with 'Aisyiyah's movement and its impact on the Islamic women's movement in Indonesia. The Main Reasons for the Birth chapter, discuss the 'Aisyiyah organization. this the Indonesian Muslim situation before Muhammadiyah was established in the early twentieth Century. In the process I also look at how this historical memory impacts encourages the Indonesian Muhammadiyah's present-day Muslim awareness look back and interpretation of Islam and its effect upon the changing image of Islam among middle-class people. In the course of this chapter, the condition of Indonesian Muslim women in the early twentieth Century is also portrayed in the process examining how the women-in-Islam debate has changed in response to efforts to learn about and to move forward secure society. Here more also rights and investigate better mostly the position effects "backwardness" on Indonesian Muslims. 23 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 41] === 5. The Islamic Women's Movement: 'Aisyiyah's Work. This chapter will be the centerpiece of this study. Here the discussion of the Islamic women's movement focuses on the history of 'Aisyiyah, examining extensively its birth, its activities, its religious context and its role in the period up to Independence in 1945. Here I look at 'Aisyiyah as a major player in the Islamic women's movement in Indonesia. And its involvement in the changing image of women in Islam analyzed in this chapter. The role of religious authority is discussed in the context of political wisdom. 6. Conclusion. In this chapter I examine some points regarding the important roles of religion in society and examine carefully what has come to the research. This fore examination throughout the process of this will some shed light and present a faithful picture of, the role of religion regarding the women's movement Indonesia. the end, some suggestions for further study will be put forward. Finally, both our hope that spirit supportive this and research open communicates dialogue the on Muslim women's issues among women of faith that was the inspiration for its genesis, and the spirit that sustained its development. 24 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 42] === Chapter 2 THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE, NATONAL STRUGGLE AND POST COLONIALISM. The position of Muslim women in Indonesia has a distinct character compared to other regions such as Pakistan, and the Middle East. Indonesian women have India long played significant role in the development of the nation, even before independence was position women was family and (customs) attained. the always society. pre-colonial Indonesia, very prominent, However, some and popular religious habits both systems the in the adat in use in Indonesia have discriminated against women.16 The position of Indonesian women was further weakened by colonial exploitation in the nineteenth century which caused the position of Indonesian males and females alike to deteriorate.17 The desired changes and the levels of dissatisfaction have varied not just with objective conditions but also with the characteristics women's organizations and the nature of the state at any time. Furthermore, the emergence a women's movement and women's organizations in the early twentieth century opened the way for the articulation of women's own representations in the independence movement, even though these were never far 16 Such as forced marriages, polygamy, and the one sided right of repudiation (talag). 17 Cora Vreede-de Stuers, The Indonesian Women: Struggles and Achievements (Netherlands: Mouton & C.O. sGravenhage the Hague, 1960), pp.47-48 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 43] === from the prevailing notion. The debate on marriage law, and access to employment and education were key issues brought up by these organizations. During most of the 20th century, women were in agreement that education and marriage were areas where women had unequal status, and much was done to redress these concerns. The rise regional assertiveness has also complicated the picture by highlighting the diversity among women.18 the period Orde Lama (Old Order), President Sokarno, repeatedly included women in his appeal for national unity. However, revolution, while he saw women as indispensable to the they were still distinguished from men in their contribution the effort. Women were "participate equally," but not on equal terms or under equal conditions.15 What distinguished the period of Order Lama from the New Order era the presence relative democracy. the colonizers, revolutionary struggle against worked side with men. The emergence whether part political parties side organizations, Dutch the women women's 18 Politically speaking, most of women's efforts were absorbed by the male-led nationalist movement. 19 Saskia Wiringa, The Politicization of Gender Relations in Indonesia: The Indonesian Women's Movement and Gerwani until the New Order State, Unpublished Phd Thesis, University of Amsterdam, 1995, p.95 26 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 44] === patriarchy in Indonesian society and reinforced the idea that a woman's primary roles are domestic ones. As with gender construction, it serve both as a regulating mechanism covering the social relations between the sexes and as an instrument of power. Today, in the so-called "reformasi era," women want to return to the political arena and want their voices to be heard. Many have chosen to become party activists or lobbyists outside party confines. In general, the women's movement is an introduction to the ideas, organizations, and activities that have influenced a wide range of emancipation movements among women from the eighteenth century to the present. It traces the origins of feminism in relation to political thought and action. It also describes other economic, social, and political movements in which women have participated not only in Indonesia but also throughout the third world. Indonesia, order investigate the important examine historical perspective, women's the movement movement both in the period of the national struggle and the post colonial era. The aim is to show how the situation Indonesia evolved, since the early twentieth century had a considerable impact on the rise of the women's movement. Therefore, in this chapter I will try to study the 28 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 45] === notion of the women's movement from the beginning and the implications today, and this movement discuss the Indonesian women's organizations both as social movements and a set of formal groupings in relation to the national struggle, which grew from one period to another in conjunction with social development. 1. The Beginning of Women's Movement: R.A.Kartini The first step toward the formation of women's movements and women's organizations was taken at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. Women stood up for the rights of their people. Their main concern was to help the people's struggle against the Dutch colonials. Cut Nyak Dhien and Cut Meutia were such women leaders in Aceh, Northern Sumatra. In Java, Untung Suropati Roro Gusik assistedher husband uprising. Martha Tiahua assisted Pattimura's revolt in the Moluccas and Emmy Saelan was active in Wolter Mongonsidi's uprising in South Sulawesi. The most notable other women who may be considered as the pioneers of the women's movements in Indonesia were Dewi Sartika Maria Walanda Maramis in North Sulawesi, and Saadah Alim from West Sumatra. R.A. Kartini (1879-1904) in Java, is regarded as one of the most outstanding women of that time and is mentioned as an 29 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 46] === early feminist.22 She campaigned through her writing for the emancipation of women. Kartini's letters are a good source of traditional ideas of what adat the true essence and (customary law) prescribed as destiny women (kodrat, nasib wanita).2J Because numerous collections of her letters, have been they published, Indonesians and foreigners alike, celebrate Raden Ajeng Kartini as the leading female advocate of women's and national liberation.24 Kartini was the second daughter of the Regent of Jepara, a district on Java's north coast. Her father, a progressive man, had received a thorough Dutch education— a rarity among his peers advocating the time— and socio-economic was and modern-minded governmental official administrative reforms. He allowed his daughters to have a primary education along with their brothers, which was something unique at a time when girls had to be educated at home in accordance with the ruling adat. Although Kartini very much wanted to continue 22 Saskia Wieringa, Women's Struggles and Strategies, p.71 2J Sylvia Tiwon, "Models and Maniacs: Articulating the Female in Indonesia." In Laurie J. Sears, ed, Fantasizing the Feminine in Indonesia (London: Duke University Press, 1996), p. 51 24 See Kartini Raden Ajeng, Letters of Javanese Princess, translated by Agnes Louise Symmers. Edited and with an introduction by Hildred Geertz. Reprint, (New York: W.W.Norton, 1964, originally published 1920). 30 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 47] === her studies after the beginning of her puberty, brothers, she was then confined the as did her seclusion her "golden cage" as she called the court of her father in one of her letters:25 My prison is a large house, encircled by spacious grounds. But it is encircled by a high stone wall and this kept me imprisoned. No matter how large the house and garden, if you are forced to live there you feel stifled. I remember how, in silent desperation, I flung myself at the eternally closed door and against the cold stone walls. No matter in which direction I walked, I would run into a stone wall, or locked door.2b This was the custom for the aristocratic girls of that period. There she would wait to be given away in marriage to a man that she might have never seen before. Kartini had excelled at her schoolwork and had gained a remarkably high degree fluency the Dutch language. Through her wide reading and contacts with Dutch friends, the shackles of the adat and the repressed position of women in Java had become verily unbearable to her. She was arguing for education a means arranged marriages and self-improvement, polygyny, and for escape from preparation for 25 Saskia Wieringa, Women's Struggle and Strategies, p. 71 26 Kartini, Raden Adjeng, Letters from Kartini: An Indonesian Feminist, 1900-1904. Translated and introduced by Joost Cote. (Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, 1992). 31 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 48] === motherhood. 27 Inspired by the contemporary struggle of the suppressed classes in Europe for more socio-economic justice, particularly the women's movement, she wanted to transfer the same ideas Java. She emphasized the urgent need for a complete transformation of Javanese society into a more modern democratic state. She believed that this process should start with her own class, the priyayi (royalty), through exposure to modern ideas and concepts, which could then be more easily disseminated among the masses.28 However, she wanted cultural borrowing from the West, highly selective her as she had become acutely aware of its shortcomings through her direct experience of 'civilized' Europeans in colonial society. She was a pure cultural nationalist in the sense that, while wanting rapid modernization, she warned of the danger of losing the national Javanese cultural identity in the process. 21 See Joost Cote, On Feminism and Nationalism: Kartini's Letters to Stella Zeehandelaan 1894-1903, Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asian Institute, Monash University, 1995. 28 See Department of Information of Republic of Indonesia, The Women of Indonesia, Jakarta: Percetakan Negara RI, 1990, pp.91-98 32 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 49] === Kartini wrote: We are absolutely against turning out semi-Europeans or Europeanized Javanese. With the provision of liberal education, we have in mind before everything else to create real Javanese who are inspired with love and enthusiasm for their country and people, being fully aware of their good gualities and their needs. We want give them the valuable elements European civilization without allowing them to push aside or replace their own cultural achievement but rather to ennoble them. 29 The same ideal underlay the Boedi Utomo, the first Javanese national modern organization set up by students in 1908, which in its first press release acknowledged its debt to Kartini and her sisters. In the 1920s with the founding of the Taman Siswa, the protection of the national heritage again became an important issue.30 As the Dutch East Indies entered the twentieth century, the issues women, present for feminist movement at least some classes of women, consciously compete were seek for roles, improve their in which in some areas, would status by organizing including political roles, that society tended to allocate to men. The colonial experience up to that 29 Kartini, Raden Ajeng, Indonesian Feminist, 1900-1904 Letters from Kartini: 00 This movement provided much of the cultural/ philosophical underpinning of the Partai National Indonesia, PNI (Indonesian National Party), which, under the leadership of Sukarno, grew into the largest pre-war radical party. 33 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 50] === time had gradually introduced a new set of roles, mostly administrative and economic, that were both highly prestigious and exclusively Indonesian male. woman participating intellectually the the elite process more satisfying socially mobile acculturation, meant universal and set values. probably more Paradoxically, however, this meant a loss of independence and status that the adat and traditional norms had afforded woman. This was precisely Raden Adjeng Kartini's dilemma. She and her peers had the intellectual and cultural benefits of exposure to Western literature and science and the social benefits of membership in the exclusive "modern" elite of the indigenous population. As Kartini saw it, the price she was being asked gratification meaningful pay was too for this high, self-expression intellectual namely through any active and social opportunity for participation modern society. By the early 1900's Kartini had become known to a small circle of liberal Dutch men and women and Javanese aristocrats through her articles in Dutch language journals and her open confrontation with Stella Zeehandelar, Javanese tradition. a Dutch feminist, her letters she often decried the condition which restricted her freedom and which prevented her from struggling for the emancipation of Javanese women. 34 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. She === [PDF page 51] === gradually formulated her ideas, of which the main elements were the following: She considered education for women to be one of the most important conditions for the elevation of her people, as educated mothers were supposed to be able to bring up their children better. ■ Not only poor women, but women of the highest classes too, should have the opportunity of becoming independent wage- earners, and to take up jobs particularly suited to them, for instance as nurses, midwives and teachers. ■ AS polygyny is degrading to women, it should be abolished. 31 Kartini's mother was one of the wives of the Regent. Kartini frequently referred to the humiliation women had to undergo in these polygynous marriages. She especially rejected the idea that she herself could be given away in a polygynous marriage. Kartini important figure the history Indonesia. She was an observer of colonial society in a period of great demographic and social change, a promoter of reform and very Indonesians. early After representative having overcome western-educated tremendous finally succeeded in opening the first school called "native", problems she for the sothat is, Indonesian, girls, in her parental home.32 31 Saskia Wieringa, Women's Struggle and Strategies, p.72 32 See Department of Information, The Women of Indonesia, p.95 35 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 52] === In 1903 she was married to the Regent of Rembang, already had children. some secondary wives Kartini became the official whom who had several "first wife", because her status was higher than that of the other women. It must have cost Kartini quite something have approved this marriage, yet in her letters hardly any mention of her mental anguish is made. 33 It is possible, however that she wrote about her feelings of fury and frustration in her letters to Stella Zeehandelar, her well-known feminist correspondent. Tragically, Kartini died in childbirth the age of twenty- five in 1904. But her influence reached far beyond her immediate Dutch friends, amongst whom were a number of prominent colonial reformers such surroundings. Abendanon, Department Through the head Education, and her many the the Netherlands-Indies prominent socialist parliamentarian, van Kol, her pleas could reach the governorgeneral as well as the states-general in the Hague. Kartini's outspoken criticism Javanese officialdom hardly could have endeared her to her own class. It was mainly the constant opposition and scheming from those quarters— including some of her own relatives— which prevented her from realizing her ambitions and plans. Nothing came of her desire 33 See Haryati Soebadio, Satu Abad Kartini Kartini) 1879-1979, (Jakarta, 1979). (A Century of 36 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 53] === to study in Netherland or Batavia and her plan to train as a midwife in the Protestant mission hospital in Mojowarno also had to be abandoned. In the end she was forced to bow to public opinion and to conform to the adat mainly to maintain the prestige and good name her family. The greatest sacrifice must undoubtedly have been to agree to her arranged marriage, practice against which she had constantly fighting for women's agitated. Kartini was not the only women education at that time.34 Some of and the ideas of this dynamic in many ways rebellious woman were taken up by others, notably her emphasis on education for women. Kartini became the symbol of the Indonesian women's movement. Her birthday, April 21st, is still celebrated by Indonesian people and by the present-day women's organizations. The Period the Rise Nationalism until the Proclamation of Independence (1912-1950). Indeed, the early ideology the movement seemed typically feminist with women challenging their male groups to struggle against all forms of suppression and inequality. Any j4 There were other women fighting for education, such as Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, Dewi Sartika, Rahma El Junusia, and Rohana Kudus in West Sumatra. 37 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 54] === such feminist spirit was short-lived, however, for a new sentiment was catching on among Indonesians. This was the idea of national independence and self-government, and it was to dominate the political consciousness of women as well as men for the first half of the twentieth century. place for militant pro-female activity Indonesians the only organization came committed the overarching priority did not mean, test of the whether goal There was no because among legitimacy that any organization was nationalism. 35 This as it might have in a setting where women had never known or expected active social roles, Indonesian women postponed their organizational that efforts merely tagged along in their husbands activities. The test of being pro-nationalist was easy to pass, and during the drawnout period proliferation the struggle of women's specific proposals opposition the and for independence organizations, there was differing their their techniques but alike continuation of the Dutch colonial government.36 j5 See Saskia Wieringa, Sexual Politics in Indonesia (Palgrave, Macmillan: Institute of Social Studies, 2002), p. 34 3b See Cora Vreede-de Steurs, Struggles and Achievement, pp. 63-79 The Indonesian 38 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Women, === [PDF page 55] === To describe this movement, in the following section a division of time periods will be used which delineates the historical and political development in Indonesia and which correlates to the women's movement in general: a. Participation of Women in the National Struggle As I discussed above, a close relationship between the women's movement and nationalism has been argued throughout. Women's organizations were only one of the front organizations of a revolutionary party or group, together with a youth, labor or a peasant organizations. The were united in their fight against the Dutch. Women responded enthusiastically to this call for their support. Their involvement these struggles was seen as opening the road to emancipation. The first women's organization, the Putri Mardika (the Independent Woman's Association), was formed in 1912. It was connected with the first nationalist movement, the Budi Utomo, founded in 1908 by Dr Wahidin in Jakarta.3' The chief aim of Putri Mardika was to grant financial help to intelligent girls so that they might begin or continue their studies; to advise and give information to girls who desired of instruction; to encourage women less timid and give j7 See Saskia Wieringa, Sexual Politics in Indonesia, p.57 39 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. them the === [PDF page 56] === opportunity join public life. 38 Since 1913 this organization has been publishing a weekly newspaper under its name, with perempuan the bumi subtitle putra Surat Indonesia kabar memperhatikan review pihak fostering the interests of the Indonesian women). One of the articles is on "Child Marriages" and appeared 1917, written Mrs. Abdurrahman. She was one of the first Indonesian Muslim women who actively defended the feminist cause. She dedicated her long life to improving the position of the Indonesian woman. Like all the girls of her time and rank, she was obliged to stay at home. It was at home that she learned to recite the Qur'an and to read Arabic script. She was told old Javanese legends and taught the traditional Javanese script by her mother. Mrs Abdurrahman was thirty-two years old when she wrote the article mentioned above, in which she states: We would rejoice with all our hearts if it were forbidden for girls under the age of eighteen years to marry. If only our association could help to bring to an end, and as soon as possible, this custom of ours which allows young girls, scarcely out of their infancy, to be forced to marry a man whom they do not know and even a man whom they cannot love.39 Cora Vreede-de Steurs, Struggles and Achievement, p.62 39 Abdurrahman, The "Child Marriages," Indonesian Women, Putri Mardika, 40 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 57] === After the establishment of the Putri Mardika, other women's organizations emerged, (The Virtues Women) several such as Keutamaan Istri Bandung; Kerajinan Amai Setia (Activity of The Faithful Woman) in Kota Gadang; Pengasih Ibu Kepada Beta (The Mother's Love for Her Offspring) in Minahasa; Sarekat Kaum Sumatranese Mothers) in Bukit Tinggi.40 And in Minangkabau, Rohana Kudus established Ibu Sumatra school articles for husband, edited. for women journals, concern which Eventually (Malayan Headdress), Areas (The the were she Association her 1905 and began writing father, and then, her established Sunting Melayu first women's paper in Indonesia. the negative impact women polygyny, colonial control, and beauty contests. Rohana Kudus also formed the Union of Sumatran Women in 1911, which sent delegates the first Indonesian Congress. 41 Some women's organizations issued newspapers or journals to spread their ideas about progress, modernization, and education. 40 Suryochondro, Potret Pergerakan Jakarta: CV Rajawali, 1994, p.85. Wanita Indonesia, 41 See Wieringa, Saskia, "Matrilinearity and Women's Interests: The Minangkabau of Western Sumatra," in Wieringa, Subversive Women, 1995 41 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 58] === There was also a proliferation of women's magazines with articles the examples were horrors women's clubs child marriages and polygamy: with "The True themselves along such names Girl", and the "Well Bred Women".42 After 1920, women started organizing religious lines and on a wider scale. 'Aisyiyah, the women's section of the Islamic reformist movement, the Muhammadiyah, was founded in 1917. This movement increased women's religious consciousness and their knowledge the Muslim religion. 'Aisyiyah represented the middle class community, which lay between those women whose names end in ningrat (denoting noble birth on Java) and the other women, marhaen (proletarians), who also organized themselves into associations.4J 'Aisyiyah is the only Muslim women's organization with any substantial links with the poorer segments of Indonesian society. Other women's organizations were Persatuan Islam Istri (The Women's Section of Persis), and the Women's Section Jong Islamieten Bond organizations also sought to extend Islamic practices in more concrete ways.44 43 (1960). See Cora Vreede-de Steurs, The Indonesian Women 43 For further discussion of 'Aisyiyah see chapter Four and Five. 44 See Cora Vreede-de Steurs, The Indonesian 1960 42 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Women, === [PDF page 59] === Further, Catholic and Protestant women's organizations were formed. Women's organizations were emerging outside of Java as well as among women in the Moluccas, in the Minahasa, and in the Sumatra regions. Through 'Aisyiyah and similar organizations women were represented in the early stages of the nationalist movement, but their role clearly was subsidiary. Recognition of this fact and dissatisfaction with it, inspired several individuals and groups to advocate greater unity and cooperation as a means to achieve more autonomy and influence for women. The result must rank as the most significant milestone in the history of the Indonesian women's movement. Although all these regional and religious organizations had their own specific issues and activities, there were also some concerns common to most organizations. The role of a "good" wife and mother was highly valued, and it was advocated for women,45 because it was considered as the life task of the women. In order to carry out this task, women should receive a good education and learn how to be good mothers, since the mother is the first teacher of children. These groups argued that the status of women is inseparably tied to the status of the nation. When the status of a nation is low, reflecting an 45 Saskia Weiringa, Women's Struggle and Strategies, p.74 43 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 60] === "uncivilized" condition, the status of women is also low; and when the status of a nation is elevated, reflecting progress and civilization, the status of women in that country is also elevated.46 Therefore, the emphasis was in the women's movement in Indonesia, the quest for equal rights and opportunities, especially in education. Only through education would the dignity and status elevated. Besides social activities became interested in politics. councils 1938, of women as human beings be and education, women In the elections to the city some women participated as candidates. 47 However satisfactory these achievements were, they still reached only a small proportion of the population, mostly members of the aristocracy. There was not much impact amongst women of the lower social and economic strata.48 46 Because women are so closely linked in public discourse with the family, their failures and indiscretions in the domestic sphere are often portrayed on a collective scale as menaces to the well-being of the nation at large. 47 Four women were elected to their local councils: Mrs Emma Puradiraja in Bandung, Mrs. Soenaryo Mangoenpoespito in Semarang, Mrs. Soedirman in Surabaya, and Mrs. Sumiyati in Cirebon. See Ani Idrus, Wanita Dulu dan Sekarang (Indonesian Women, Past and Current) (Medan: Waspada, 1980) 48 See Barorah Baried, "Islam and the Modernization of Indonesia Women," in Taufik Abdullah and Sharon Shiddique (ed), Islam and Society in Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986), pp. 139-154 44 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 61] === most struggles for national liberation, the leading nationalist men actively sought the support of women. The women's period, organizations, came about which became result active during this the demand become involved in the struggle for national freedom.49 On December 17, Women) was 1945, established PERWARI (The Union of Indonesian association several organizations, which were active on the home front. According to Sukanti Suryo Chondro, PERWARI was created in 1945 when two earlier women's Indonesian organizations, Women) and PERWANI WANI (Persatuan Organization of Indonesian Women) creating association (Wanita Indonesia, Wanita Indonesia, combined with the goal of dedicated social justice and humanitarianism.50 Further, volunteer female troops operating on the front line were associated with Perjuangan Persatuan Tenaga Wanita Indonesia (The Union Female Fighters Indonesia). In addition, motivated by the climate of political struggle a number organizations working women were 49 See Suyatin Kartowijono, "The Awakening of the Women's Movement of Indonesia," in B.B. Heering Indonesian Women: Some Past and Current Perspective (Btuelles: Centre d'etude du sud-est Asiatique et de I'extra line orient. 1976) 50 Sukanti Suryochondro, "Timbulnya dan Perkembangan Gerakan Wanita Indonesia" (The Emergegence and Development of the Women's Movement Indonesia) T.O.Ihroni (ed),KajianWanita Dalam Pembangunan ('Studies on Women in Development) (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1995), p.46 45 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 62] === founded; these organizations united with the general labor movement in 1946. After that time Barisan Buruh Wanita (Column of Female Workers) no longer regarded itself as part of the women's movement, Indonesia, but became (the Indonesian Workers' section Partai Buruh Party). Their activities were restricted to the training of the female workers cadre.51 b. The National Congress of Indonesian Women The spirit nationalism spread further within the women's movement after the oath of youth (Congress of Youth of October 26, 1928). From December 22 to 26, 1928, the first Women's Congress of Indonesia was held in Yogyakarta.52 This Congress followed the National Associations, Union PPPKI Indonesian Political (Permufakatan and Perhimpunan Politik kebangsaaan Indonesia), which had been brought into being the year before. The Congress of Indonesian Women was sponsored organization, Indonesia, Jong seven Wanita major Utomo, Wanita Katholik, Islamieten Bond and organizations: Wanita Taman A ’isyiyah Siswa, Puteri and the Women's Section of the Jong Java. From all these 51 See Ibid, p. 181. 52 The importance of this Congress is made clear by the fact that Women' Unity day is held on December every year to mark its anniversary. 46 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 63] === organizations, schoolgirls, only was Putri not thirty women's Women's Congress. tied Indonesia, organizations this a men's were first association organization. present Congress, group was formed, under Nearly this first certain motions regarding marriage and education were accepted. result of this Congress, And as a an umbrella organization of women's the name the PPI (Persatuan Perempuan Indonesia, The Federation of Indonesian Women) which left all political questions to one side, its goal being to improve the social position of women and family life as a whole. Through struggle for this federation, education, 04 social the Indonesian activities, women's health and economic improvement were given a more effective framework.55 The following year at the Congress organized by the PPI (The Federation of Indonesian Women) in Jakarta December 26- 50 Alongwith other issues associated with marriage, the ban on child marriagess proved too controversial for the Islamic women's organizations, which had the most members of anygroup. To keep them in the federation meant avoiding divisive topics. After all, the largest Islamic women's organization, 'Aisyiyah, would have had difficulty taking a stand against child marriage when it was named after one of the Prophet's wives, who had been married to him at the age of six, there is much talk about this issue, and there those who argue that 'Aishah's age was actually around 16 not 6. 54 It's demonstrated the strength of unity among women to advance Indonesian freedom. 55 See Nani Soewondo, Kedudukan Wanita Indonesia Dalam Hukum dan Masyarakat (Jakarta: chalia), p.134 47 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 64] === 31, 1929, this organization's name was changed PPII (Federation of Indonesian Wives Association). However, Javanese, most of the individuals who participated were and the organizations represented in this Congress were stronger in Central Java than elsewhere. Thus the seven sponsoring organizations themselves as the leadingcomponent of the movement, including an advantage 'Aisyiyah. advantage by dominating federated had organization Association of Indonesian They establishing national women's capitalized the board of directors created the this of the new Congress. The Women'sCongress met the following year and thereafter became institutionalized (though not on an annual basis) as the authoritative, of the women's movement. legitimate manifestation Three years later, Congress in 1931, Keputrian Indonesia Muda after the third (The Daughters of Young Indonesia) was established. The activity of women during the colonial period can be regarded as formative in the area of attitudes and values. Their deliberations at national conferences helped to define the areas about which women were concerned and to solidify the general position that meetings also helped women held certain to establish women issues. a part Such the nationalist movement and therefore as legitimate participants in the emerging political process. 48 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 65] === On the other hand, the point view this period was not formative from the organizational structure the women's movement. No firm pattern of large-scale associations emerged. Actually, even if such a pattern had existed by 1941, doubtful that it would have survived the extensive social changes and dislocations of the Japanese occupation and the ensuing political and military struggle against the re imposition of Dutch sovereignty. In addition, other national women Congresses were held— in Jakarta, 1935; Bandung, 1938; and Semarang, 1941— in which nationalist ideas gradually gained more prominence. attention was paid to women of the poorer classes, Some and the demands voiced remained directed mainly toward the interests of women of this group.5b reforms, the question a council was the awkward set up matter marriage in 1939 to investigate the matrimonial rights of women according to traditional customs (adat), Islamic law (fikh) and European law. But before this council direction could produce any result the compromise between the Islamic and non-Islamic women's groups, the Japanese occupied Indonesia. Under Japanese occupation, all Indonesian women's organizations were banned. Only one Japanese-dominated women's 5b Saskia Wieringa, Women's Struggle and Strategies, p. 75 49 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 66] === organization was allowed, the "Fujinkai". This association was active in the fight against illiteracy, and carried out social work.57 From the perspective of the occupation leaders, this organization was intended as one of several channels of access that would enable mobilization of the population in support of the Japanese war effort. Fujinkai was directed at the wives of Indonesian among administration women Japanese the Japanese officials. view Leadership. 58 Fujinkai was They had to propagate "Greater both Asia" under hierarchical and coercive in organization: First, the leadership structure in the organization was parallel to the Japanese administrative structure, which mean that the wife of a district head was automatically higher in the hierarchy than, for example, the wife of a sub-district head. Second, there was compulsory membership, with a stress on the wives of civil servants. 9 Fujinkai Japanese was mobilized one the the organs Indonesian through which the population work 57 Cora Vreede-De Stuers, C., The Indonesian Women, p. 114 58 Soewondo, Kedudukan Wanita Indonesia Dalam Hukum dan Masyarakat, P.177 59 UNESCO Bangkok, Women in Asia: Beyond the Domestic Domain; Survey of Women's Outside Roles in Indonesia, India, Thailand. Bangkok: UNESCO Bangkok, 1989, p.180 50 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 67] === "voluntarily" for the sake of their "sacred war".60 condition, In this the nationalist movement went partly underground. Many nationalists, including women, were arrested and killed. Fujinkai had little chance for success over the threeyear period of the Japanese occupation. Given the failure of Fujinkai, and the growing realization in early 1945 of Japan's imminent defeat and the end of the occupation, there was a strong recognition of an organizational vacuum in the women's movement. The activities included the movement, they were development accomplishment not women. bl Fujinkai are the generally Indonesian not women's regarded as beneficial the nevertheless not should forgotten that the structural pattern of Fujinkai was used more than 40 years later as the basis for setting up of the "Wife Organization" in Indonesia. The Indonesian independence movement was entering its final phase, a period as romantic as it was difficult, and one during which women were to engage in acts of great courage that now constitute the most recent installment the Indonesian legends of female heroism. During the occupation, women's movement was a new important dimension in the introduced through the close contacts b0 Saskia Wieringa, Women's Struggle and Strategies, p.75 61 Ibid, p. 81 51 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 68] === between were working together in the execution of a number of programs. For the first middle time, class and urban middle village women who class women were working outside their homes in jobs which they had never handled before."2 In December 1945 another National Women's Congress was held in Klaten. a result of this congress, the Kowani (Kongres Wanita Indonesia: Indonesian Women's Congress) formed, represented federation supporting the liberation and organizations all the was women's Indonesian People. By this time, some four months after the Indonesians had proclaimed their independence, the leaders the new nation could see that the Dutch would employ force in their bid to reestablish the colonial relationship. The Congress of Indonesian Women approved and publicized acts that occurred spontaneously. It resolved that women must prepare to use weapons in defense of the nation, be alert for enemy spies, establish "defense kitchens" and "public kitchens," gather clothing for service to the country, and aid with evacuations of battle zones. This list accurately indicates the nature of the bulk of revolutionary activity carried on by women. Besides the above, there were other, more spectacular, forms of female participation, including espionage and liaison 62 UNESCO, Women in Asia, p. 180 52 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 69] === work areas occupied the guerrilla and republican operations Dutch and actual combat army units. These often-dramatic but relatively rare exploits were appropriate for incorporation into the myth participation in Indonesian society. full and equal However, female tasks such as maintaining the "public kitchen" that served both military and civilian personnel communities where households and routines had been disrupted probably were substantially more significant. The meeting at Klaten was followed by five more national conferences before peace was restored to the archipelago in December 1949. Such conferences had not been held frequently in the past, but this was a period during which there was need both a continuing for mobilization the population and for repeated expressions of the intense public commitment to nationalism. Furthermore, strategic it was importance time considerable anticipation the political day when Indonesians would organize and operate their political system for themselves. least one the meetings during the revolution, the Congress of Indonesian Women (Kongress Wanita Indonesia or KOWANI) specifically for the at Solo purpose in August 1948, ironing was out convened political dissension and healing developing splits among the burgeoning 53 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 70] === women's organizations. The immediate object of contention was the Renville Agreement, which many felt should not have been signed the Already the movement was losing some of its solidarity, and, as was to be the case in the post-revolutionary period, the women's and nationalist government movement of the faithfully Republic. reflected the new schisms factions in the national political system as a whole. To some extent, the appearance of women's movement was simply a conflict within the consequence of the increase in the number of women's associations interested in public life at the national level. independence years organizations, the Jokjakarta August Whereas national congresses rarely attracted Conference 194 9 more than Indonesian involved delegates pre twenty Women from 82 organizations.63 There was another Kongres Wanita Indonesian Women Congress Forty-five joined this meeting. according the 1955. They were organized interest, political Indonesia: into The associations two groups, non-political, their members. The first group was women's organizations that belonged to political parties such as Muslimat, the Women's Section of the Masyumi Party; Wanita Demokrat, the Women's c’3 Among these, several had grown to be truly national in scope, with memberships numbering in the tens of thousands. 54 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 71] === Section the PNI (Partai Nasional Indonesia); Wanita Indonesia, the Women's Section of the PIR (Persatuan Indonesia Raya); Persatuan Wanita Kriten Indonesia, the Women's Section of the Partai Kristen (Christian Party); PARKIWA, the Women's Section of Indonesian National Party, which was founded during 1950 in Bandung. Also represented were Gerwis, Indonesia Sedar, and PERWAMI, (Gerakan Wanita the Women's Movement of Indonesia Sedar); 04 (Persatuan wanita Murba, Union of Murba Women). The only political organization run entirely by women was the Partai Wanita Rakyat (The Women of the People Party) founded in 1945 by Mrs Mangunsarwoko.65 The comprised second group, non-political character, was of professional organizations, such as the Midwives Association (Ikatan women husbands whose Persatuan Istri Bidan Wanita), belonged Tentera (PERSIT, and of associations profession, Union of Army such Personnel Wives) and Bhayangkari, the Association of the Wives of Police 64 This was affiliated with the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) founded in 1950: later GERWIS changed its name GERWANI (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia, Indonesian Women's Movement) 65 See Nursyahbani Katjasungkana, "Ideology Gender dalam Pergerakan Perempuan," a paper presented in a Conference Pendidikan Alternatif dengan Perspectif Perempuan Menuju Masyarakat Egaliter, held by Kompas, Kalyanamitra, and LBH Jakarta, (Jakarta, March 8, 1989). 55 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 72] === Force Personnel, founded by Mrs Soetanto Mokoginta.66 Although many of these organizations held conflicting views on specific issues, and even represented quite different ways of life, the proliferation of organizations committed to the one cause of overriding importance— national independence— created strongly felt need for coordination and cooperation. Thus, the second major organizational movement during effective and the development revolution relatively was stable the the women's emergence federative structure, The years Congress of Indonesian Women (KOWANI). Officially, the women's movement was 30 old 1958. It was rooted in traditions and attitudes that went back into history revolution, much the further movement than was that, relatively but, until the unstructured and intermittent. The pattern of organizations and activities that emerged toward the end of the struggle for independence was consolidated and slightly modified during the next several years. • The end of colonial rule brought new opportunities for overt articulation special interests, and women's organizations collectively tried to capitalize on this situation making repeated demands for more 66 See Sukanti Suryochondro, Potret Pergerakan Wanita Indonesia (1994) 56 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 73] === governmental attention such problems employment opportunities for females, marriage legislation, growing threats to public morals, and the like. • The women's organizations gradually expressed more interest in foreign affairs, reflecting Indonesia's role in hosting the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung and her general aspiration to international prestige. They began send delegates variety of international meetings. • With respect to the structure of the women's movement, there was some consolidation associations and tendency to distinguish sharply between groups that were local and those that were genuinely national. Of course, the latter came to dominate the movement. For example, of the scores of women's organizations in Indonesia in 1953, only nineteenwere invited to make public statements commemorating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the women's movement. These same organizations were the most active and mostpowerful the consultative council, or secretariat, which had replaced the largescale convention the primary locus and the delineation structure for the women's formulation internal policies political for entire movement. 57 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the the === [PDF page 74] === • The mid-1950s witnessed some efforts, not particularly successful, to expand the inter-organizational structure the women's movement through the establishment agencies and organizations subsidiary to KOWANI, such as the Women's Cooperation Bank and The Children's Welfare Foundation. • Since the appearance of Western capitalism in Indonesia, the framework changes. Javanese society had undergone many A new class of Indonesian merchants began to compete with the Chinese, who had settled in Indonesia long before and who, up to that time, had dominated all trade. This new merchant class began compete social esteem with the native nobility. An intensified government administration entirely new servants. higher class had who had no desire and the product westernized to work colonial government— who doctors, lawyers, given rise professionally-trained second group was education also civil of European ideas— intellectuals as civil established or engineers, servants for the themselves and came to share the social status, at least in the eyes of ordinary people, of the priyayi class. b' The nobility, opened to new ideas, was the first as it gradually to demand modern 67 See Cora Vreede-de Steurs, The Indonesian Women, 1960 58 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 75] === education for differentiation its children. The Indonesian result was society, a greater which became gradually inspired with the Western mode of life to such an extent that they ceased to regard the new customs as a modern version of their own way of life.bb The challenge equality comes giving practical effect to the call for it. That the challenge is by no means confined to Indonesia is attested to by the continuing demand for the recognition and the safeguarding of women's rights, not just in developing nations but in advanced countries as well. Nevertheless, for Indonesia the task is perhaps more complicated than in many other parts of the world, given that the country includes more than three hundred separate ethnic groups, each with its own traditions and precepts concerning the respective roles of men and women in society. 3. The Women's Movement from 1950 to New Order (1998). This period can be divided into two time frames: The first is the period of Orde Lama President Sukarno (Old Order) under (1950-1966); the second the period of Orde Baru (New Order) under President Suharto (1966-1998). b8 D.H.Burger, Structural Changes in Javanese Society: The Supra-Village Sphere (1956), p.19 59 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 76] === a. Period of the Orde Lama (Old Order): 1. Constitutional Democracy (1950-1959) The major concern 1950 was the fusion of the two federative bodies into which the women's movement had split during the national revolution: Kowani, from which the Islamic organizations had withdrawn; and the contact body established at the Yogyakarta Women's conference.69 Women unified together under one umbrella organization, Kongres Wanita Indonesia (Indonesian Women's Congress), in November 1950 in Jakarta. During this period, women's groups focused on a National Marriage Bill. The Women's Congress urged the government to draft a marriage bill and to appoint an equal number of women and men to the committee of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, which was to investigate the marriage law. '° The conflict over polygyny versus monogamy was the primary interest the entire women's movement. Before the National Marriage Law was promulgated, various women's organizations began setting up legal aid and marriage counseling institutes. The struggle for a new marriage law brought to the fore the conflicting gender 63 See Saskia Wieringa, Sexual Politics in Indonesia, 70 See Kowani, Sejarah Setengah Abad Pergerakan Wanita Indonesia (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1978). 60 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 77] === interests that had been suppressed during the war. 71 During this time, the government decided to grant pension rights for four wives controversial and their decision, respective offspring— a highly it was seen endorsing and supporting polygamy among civil servants. Under the leadership of Perwari, nineteen women's organizations tried to revoke the regulation and staged demonstrations throughout Indonesia. 72 Women became competitors in the eyes of men, to be feared even, since they were now seeking to engage in managing public affairs as well as their own private affairs. 73 Many women felt very strongly about the need formarriage reform, including members of Islamic women's organizations who linked their personal experiences in marriage to their decision to join the women's movement. During the anti-colonial struggle, vocal actors in the political arena women had been both and good mothers and wives. These two roles had merged, in fact, as women and men needed to play their political role in order to be good parents of the Indonesian people and the nation and to serve as helpmates in struggle. With the common enemy gone, men 71 Ibid 72 Ibid, p. 182 7j Vree-de Stuers, Achievements, p.163 The Indonesian Women: Struggles and 61 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 78] === claimed the field of politics as their own, leaving the social terrain to women. Independence brought Indonesian women legal political equality and equal rights in several areas, such as the right to education. Women became conscious of themselves as a social group with particular interests, grievances, and demands. Women's organizations were able to step up their efforts to combat women's illiteracy and built numerous schools. New job opportunities became open to women, especially in teaching and medicine. However, debates over women's rights led rapidly to the question of social distinctions among women— as well as men. Women stipulation faced intense equal pay job discrimination for equal work and the legal was constantly flouted. During this period, women's organizations worked to ensure that women understood their political rights and participated in the 1955 general elections. A few women were elected to parliament and regional assemblies but very few took leadership positions: the barriers of unfamiliarity, prevailing attitudes against women in politics, and the fact of male domination of political parties kept women largely out of the public political arena. Besides engaged women's organizations, improving women's rights which and were actively status, other organizations were set up that concentrated mainly on teaching 62 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 79] === wives how to help their husbands in their work and official posts. The gap between the male realm politics and the female realm of social work became less pronounced after 1959 when Sukarno's national politics began conservative groups such as Wanita Katolik dominate. Even (Catholic Women) felt compelled to attend the mass rallies and to listen to political speeches, even though their aversion Gerwani (associated with male politics and Communism) increased. 2. Guided Democracy (1959-1966) general, this period was marked increasing conflicts between left wing and right wing parties and groups. This unrest was also felt by women's organizations. Attention to the problems of women's rights and status was waning and polygyny had died down as an issue.'4 this period, the unity the Indonesian women's movement, which had been built up in the days of the national struggle, was gradually destroyed. The various political parties all tried to set up their own women's section, and there and were growing tensions between the Islamic nationalist women's groups.73 The Indonesian women's movement 74 Ibid, p. 183 75 Saskia Wieringa, Women's Struggle and Strategies, p.7 6 63 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 80] === the Old Order became more diverse and internally differentiated. In many ways Sukarno's Old Order was newer for women than Suharto's New Order. In the Old Order State, women could speak out more freely and boldly than in the New Order, which "women's" organizations such as Dharma Wanita were used to re-subordinate women.76 b. The Period of New Order (1966-1998) In March 1966, President Sukarno was forced to sign over his power the army’s leader, General Suharto, whose constitutional privileges were ensured by his control over the army. The dominant political force in the New Order began in 1966. 77 The domination government institutions the military was justified by the doctrine of dwi-fungsi, the dual function of the military as provider of defense and security and socio-political participant. This concept dwifungsi, which postulates the unity of the military and the 7d Saskia Wieringa, The Perfumed Nightmare: Some Notes on Indonesians Women's Movement, Institute of Social Studies Working Paper, (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, 1985), p.46 77 See David Jenkins, Suharto and His General: Indonesian Military Politics 1975-1983, (Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1984), p.14 64 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 81] === people, allowed for extensive military penetration higher reaches of the central bureaucracy. /8 the The army is not merely represented in state agencies, but controls them, while the presidency stands and links together all the key institutions of state power and management.79 In Indonesia all civil servants are forbidden to join political parties. They must belong the KOPRI (Civil Service Corps of the Republic of Indonesia) and take an oath of exclusive allegiance to Pancasila. It is not only civil servants themselves who are subject to state control but also their spouses. The female auxiliary of KORPRIf Dharma Wanita, the association of wives of civil servants, was established to support husbands in their service to state and nation. Dharma Wanita espouses the ideology "State Ibuism," 80 which defines women as appendages of their husbands and casts female 76 John A.MacDougal, "Pattern of Military Control in the Indonesian Higher Central Bureaucracy," Indonesia 33, 19 See Michael Langenberg, "Analising Indonesia's New Order State: A Keyword Approach," Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 20 (1986). 80 By defining women as wives and mothers, the state presents women as radically sexually different from men. As Suryakusuma suggests, thus a double hierarchy is imposed on women; a hierarchy of gender is superimposed on the hierarchy bureaucratic state power. (Julia Suryakusuma, "State Ibuism: The Social Construction of Womanhood in the Indonesian New Order." Unpublished Master's thesis, (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, 1987). 65 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 82] === dependency as the ideal.81 In this period, the organizations of semi-official wives emerged. various Their main aim was to help their husbands to achieve success and advancement in their professional careers. Therefore, wife not the organization was the standing of a based her personal abilities, but was totally dependent on the official position of her husband in the civil service hierarchy. Middle-class women were expected to devote themselves to boosting their husbands' careers. Women as the critical agents of the family were assigned five major roles: loyal backstop and supporter of her family; caretaker of the household; producer of the future generation; the family's prime socialiser; and, lastly Indonesian citizen.82 Ibu means mother, but the term has been stretched (motherhood) cover range roles. defined women as appendages their husbands, educators State Ibuisme and companions as procreators of the nation, as mothers and children, as housekeepers, and as members Indonesian s o c i e t y. T h e government's efforts are to foster the Ibuism, which defined Suryochondro, Potret Pergerakan Wanita ideology State women 81 Ibid 32 See Sukanti 83 The definition follows the Panca Dharma Wanita (Five Responsibilities of Women) adopted by the major women's organizations and enjoying government endorsement. 66 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 83] === appendages of their husbands and set forth female dependency as the ideal.84 The official organization especially, though organizations not womanhood was pressed through such national exclusively, Dharma Wanita (Women's Duty), 85 a large organization for the wives of civil servants, KOWANI (Kongres Wanita Indonesia, Ministry for Indonesian Women's Women's Affairs. 0b In Congress), the villages, and the The PKK (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga, Family Welfare Guidance) is the primary channel between the state and village women through which the official ideology is filtered. The State Ibuism concept political, and cultural elements. oppressive aspects both encompassed economic, It derived from the most bourgeois "housewifization" and 64 Julia Suryakusuma, "The State and Sexuality in New Order Indonesia," in Laurie J. Sear, Fantasizing the Feminine in Indonesia (Durham, NC: Duke university Press, 1996), p. 98 85 The Panca Dharma Wanita, or Five Duties of Women: a wife's role is to support her husband, provide offspring, care for and rear the children, be a good housekeeper, and be the guardian of the community. 80 KOWANI (Kongres Wanita Indonesia, Indonesian Women Congress), established by the government, is an umbrella organization of about fifty-five member groups. Dharma Wanita is a member, but in fact it and other GOLKAR (Government party in Suharto's Era)related associations dominate the scene. 67 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 84] === Priyayi was (white-collar Javanese) part the Ibuism. 8' bureaucratic state's The State Ibuism effort exercise control over Indonesian society.88 is difficult development, dominated see State Ibuisme as but rather a step backward, bureaucracy defined the status a positive because the maleand position women. Every activity seemed to be an obligatory fulfillment of programs set up by the government or related institutions, not an outgrowth of self-understanding developed by the women themselves. However, it became an obligation for the wives, who were forced to participate. Although the principle the equality males and females was guaranteed by the Indonesian Constitution of 1945 and the approval of the UN Convention on Political Rights of Women in 1961, the position of women was still in a lower level of development and hence undeniably still marginal. For instance, the PKK (Family Welfare Movement), which was set up 87 See Maria Mies, patriarchy and Accumulation on a Wold Scale (London: Zed Press, 1986). In this book, Mies defines the term "housewif ization" as a process by which women are socially defined as housewives, dependent for their sustenance the income their husband, irrespective of whether they are de fact housewives or not. The social definition of housewives is the social definition of men as breadwinners, irrespective of their actual contribution to their families. 8b Julia Surya Kusuma, Order Indonesia," p.102 "The State and Sexuality in New 68 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 85] === by the government to execute programs related to the needs of women, still today. 89 In virtually branches have been monopolizes important this every formed. body handicrafts. women, The real village The and motherhood and childcare, organization local Indonesia throughout Indonesia, female village programs health and hygiene, nutrition, and needs executes and actual local elite interests many especially among the poor, were not fully taken into account in development planning. Although a new position in the government was specifically created to deal with women and development, existing projects and programs are not reaching the neediest constituents.90 The Family Welfare Program (PKK) enacted at all levels of the bureaucracy operates to instill a state ideology of womanhood and the family. The family planning program was closely associated with this official representation womanhood as a wife and mother, with two children. From another point of view, the attempted integration of women in development appears to be an almost complete failure. If policies, projects, and programs were supposed to help the 89 Unesco, Women in Asia, p. 185 90 Hanna Papanaek, "Implications of Development for Women in Indonesia: research and Policy Issues," in Kathleen A. Staudt, Jane S.Jaquette (ed), Women in Developing Countries, A Policy Focus, (New York: The Haworth Press, 1983) 69 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 86] === poor, development interventions need to be rethought in terms their effects highly differentiated populations. Development planning for women must be part of this effort because so many the poor are women, and because poor households are particularly dependent on women's earnings. Development that neglects women between the rich and poor. 91 If, increases the gap during the early and mid- 1950s, the women's movement appeared to be generating groups potentially capable of participation in an open and rational political process, this development was consistent with the evolution of the formal structure of the entire Indonesian political system toward constitutional democracy. Accordingly, a major feature of the blueprint that the nation's political designers were preparing prolonged preparations, was both electoral administrative system. and After political, nationwide elections were held in late 1955. Since more than thirty nine million voters, or ninety percent of all persons registered, went to the polls, women apparently made extensive use of the franchise. The effort to enhance the role of women in development has also been an integral part of national development. Since the early 1970s, the Indonesian government has paid much more attention to women's affairs. In 1978, then-President Suharto 91 Ibid, p. 70 70 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 87] === formed a new ministry in the cabinet to deal with women's affairs.9/ This appeared as evidence, full recognition of women's overall national government women's issues development policy, which organizations among other things, as an integral part of issues. stressed the New attention to economic programs. line economic Order with the development, period paid close From the second half of the 1970s until now, most writing about women has focused on the imbalance of job opportunities, wages, economic welfare. Emphasis family planning, placed "the and great importance accorded to the family as the basic social unit in society" and full awareness and recognition the heterogeneous nature of Indonesian women. However, much work remains to be done to develop programs to meet the needs, concerns and aspirations the many different groups and strata of women in society. The Orde Baru (New Order) Government had also tried to demonstrate its commitment to the advancement of women through the creation of a national mechanism to facilitate women's participation development. semi-governmental 9z See Secretariat Minister of State of Community Welfare, "A National Plan of Action for Indonesian Women," (Jakarta, 1976) 9“ Kartini Syahrir, "Wanita: Antropologies," Prisma 10, 1985, pp.14 Beberapa 71 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Catatan === [PDF page 88] === organization, the National Commission on the Status of Women, was established in 1968 with the primary task of collecting data on the condition of women and making recommendations to the government. representatives departments The under Commission women's was organizations, a presidium executive comprised and technical board five elected members (three from women's organizations and two from technical member departments). Committees covered morals and religion; chaired education presidium and culture; health and social affairs; manpower and politics; and law and the family. In 1978, an Associate Minister for the Role of Women was appointed to the Third Development Cabinet; this position was upgraded to State Minister in the Fourth Development Cabinet of 1983. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 89] === Under the terms of Presidential Decree No. 25 of 1983, the functions of the State Ministry for the Role of Women are as follows: To prepare and plan the formulation of government policies pertaining to the enhancement of the role of women in all fields of development, (b) To coordinate all activities in order to achieve cooperative, balanced and integrated efforts in overall implementation, (c) To coordinate the operational activities of various government institutions and agencies concerning programs for the enhancement of the role of women in all fields of development, (d) To submit reports, information, and recommendations concerning the enhancement of the role of women in development.94 Institutional arrangements for policy implementation, monitoring, review, initiatives incorporate women established enable State Minister the and effectively. As a member of the Cabinet, interacted with other ministers through Cabinet meetings. meetings were held coordination the Welfare, and close National Development with evaluation development were function the State Minister and members of the Cabinet In addition, government Coordinating cooperation Planning formulation, monthly consultative agencies Minister under for the People's was maintained with Board (BAPPENAS) and the other technical departments. 94 Secretariat of the Department of Women Affairs of Republic of Indonesia. 73 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 90] === While the Office of State Minister for the Role of Women was responsible for policy formulation, planning, coordination and advocacy, the programs remained ministries and implementation the responsibility departments. 95 Almost women all development various sector departments were involved in the implementation of programs to enhance the role of women in development. Program officers were located within the hierarchical structure the ministries, and the activities of various ministries/departments were coordinated through working groups established in the Office of the State Minister for the Role of Women. At the sub-national levels, field offices the sectoral ministries cooperation carried out the programs or projects with the sub-national governmental machineries. The representation of woman at the national level had a clear middle-class and public Java-centric ceremonies and affairs companions to their husbands placed in their bias, official women attentive Javanese traditional apparel, depicting both elegance and confinement.96 Therefore, 95 Secretariat Office Role of Women, 1993. the State Minister for the 96 See Silvia Tiwon, "Reconstructing Boundaries and Beyond," in Juliette Koning, Marleen Nolten, Janet Rodenburg and Ratna Saptari (ed), Women and HouseHolds in Indonesia: Cultural Notions and Social Practices, (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000) 74 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 91] === feminist scholars have interpreted in different ways the fact that the New Order State has emphasized the dual role of women as housewives and working women. Some have seen this as a means to justify the secondary role women play in the labor market or in relation to means of production. 9' In reality, many have tended to view this as a "conflicting issue" with the role of women in the state, where women basically were largely seen as housewives. However, their role in paid work cannot be ignored. kesejahteraan Women's programs Keluarga, The Family such as PKK Welfare (Pembinaan Movement) and official wives organizations both in urban and rural areas have deepened further the stereotype of the "Indonesian women" by placing emphasis on the role of women as wives and mothers. The trend towards a better and more perfect wife and mother was longer restricted to urban become a guideline for rural women, areas, but has already especially those of the rural middle class. 96 The New Order State's Policies toward women had a marked influence on public discourse surrounding women and gender. See Diane L. Wolf, Factory Daughters, Gender, Household Dynamics, and Rural Industrialization in Java. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1992 96 See Valerie Hull, Women in Java 's Rural Class: Progress or Regress. Yogyakarta. 197 6 75 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Middle- === [PDF page 92] === a result of some of the various measures adopted, there has been undeniable improvement in the status and role Indonesian important women over the years. access education, gains economic opportunities. gaps areas. achievement For example, Nevertheless, between males although girls enrolled in equal proportions participation secondary They health there and have are care various are now being at the primary level, and higher and significant females and boys achieved levels female education continues to be considerably lower than that of their male counterparts. While female labor-force participation rates have increased, a large proportion of female labor is in the formal sector and female earnings are substantially lower than those of males. Women's participation in the formal political process is very low; they are grossly under-represented in the legislative bodies at both the national and local levels. It is thus clear that additional measures ought to be taken further enhance the participation education, health, employment and politics, women along with other important fields. The formulation of appropriate measures and programs would, analysis of issues course, call relevant data and and concerns of women for the collection and information highlighting the as well focussing on the 76 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 93] === Tradition within which women's status requires a more itself gender may roles provide evolve, contemporary direct a sort but Indonesia. framework cannot explain This explanation examination of norms pertaining women's social and political participation and to the forms which that participation has taken.101 Indonesia, in most transitional sociopolitical systems, different levels of loyalty and activity, which might called local, regional, and national, are not neatly interrelated and mutually reinforcing. In the case of women's social and political status, adat, important as it might be in the thousands of relatively isolated villages throughout the country, should not necessarily be expected to be of direct relevance to political behavior at the national level. For the most part, there is little indication that adat prescriptions have shaped the views educated, nationally-oriented Indonesians toward women in politics. Furthermore, although parochial and regional influences obviously are caught up in national politics in complex and important ways, this analysis concerned primarily with government and politics at the national level. This national 101 Family and inheritance, status, and solidarity are points in the gender ideology regarding women that emerge particularly in class societies, both in rural and urban regions. 79 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 94] === focus Indonesia significance does not suggest determining that adat has opportunities and actual participation of Indonesian women in national politics. It may be true, as argued above, that traditional attitudes toward women are not directly carried over into the modern politics of bureaucracies, parties, and differential economic interests in the capital and other urban centers. On the other hand, popular and cultural thinking regarding the role of women in Indonesia provides excellent example the selective utilization of the adat in the formulation and propagation of a sociopolitical myth. A myth not in the sense of an erroneous belief, but rather in the sense of a belief widely enough shared and highly enough valued that it helps integrate the political culture. The important thing is not merely that most Indonesians feel that both sexes should be accorded equal treatment and respect. The more important and mythical feature of popular thought is the belief that the norm of equality has been realized in government and politics, the belief that Indonesian women do in fact have opportunities for extensive and meaningful political activities and, further, that they have exploited these opportunities. The belief participation cynics and was golden age female activism and not shared all, however. There were there was skeptics, and need for 80 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. repeated === [PDF page 95] === legitimization. this point, consistent with the general tendency of nationalists in postcolonial societies to infuse national ideology with concepts and language derived from the indigenous culture, those political spokespersons invoke tradition and adat.iU~ The adat, with some exceptions, generally sanctions an egalitarian approach to sex roles. The emancipation of Raden Ajeng Kartini, the young Javanese who was and is regarded as a heroine, from what she and more recent writers have seen as an alien, Dutch- inspired system of discrimination against girls and women, was regarded as the beginning of a movement and tradition that began the turn this century. 103 The religious mythologies, especially of Java, furnish an ethical basis for female activities. This sort of argument can never be entirely convincing, however. One must maintain at least two reservations. First, there are limitations on the generality of these proposed forces for progressive treatment of the sexes. There are areas in which the adat was quite unfavorable to women, other areas 1U3 For the argument that the traditional ideology is a crucial aspect of political dynamics in Indonesia, see Donald E. Weatherbee, "Traditional Values in Modernizing Ideologies: An Indonesian Example," in Journal of Developing Areas, October 1966, pp.41-45 1Uj See Raden Ajeng Kartini, Letters of a Javanese Princess, translated from the Dutch by Agnes Louis Symmers, (New York: W.W. Norton, 1964) 81 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 96] === in which Kartini's solution of practical schools for girls has yet to be attempted, and few models of feminine behavior other than Srikandi the wayang wayang, mythological Srikandi was the wife of Arjuna, perhaps the most nearly perfect male figure. Yet in spite of Arjuna's awesome qualities that make him irresistible to all women, Srikandi is vigorously independent. She was a competent warrior whose life was so exciting that suggested that some commentators, Srikandi probably was including Sukarno, a male in an earlier version of the story.105 Despite regarding this either suggestion, her sex there her behavioral real doubt attributes. According to Benedict Anderson, for the Javanese, Srikandi was the honored type of the active, energetic, feisty, generous, go-getting woman.100 Second, none of these features of traditional cultural patterns were directly indicative of the actual attitudes and behavior of men and women in contemporary Indonesia. The same could be said of an exegesis of Islamic doctrine as it applies 104 Of all the female characters in the wayang, Srikandi was the one whose name is most often invoked in discussions of the capabilities and disposition of women. 105 Asian Women in Transition 106 See, James Siegel, The Rope of God (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), pp. 51-52, 138-140 82 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 97] === to the social position of women. Most Indonesians are quick to point out that restrictive treatment Eastern Muslim societies cultural standards, not the females manifestation inherent Islamic Near Arabic doctrine. And that— excepting the thorny issue of polygamy— Islam is more just and egalitarian treatment the its sexes than pronouncements are the other status major and world religions.107 The point is, however, that exegesis of doctrine, legend, inadequate when one's objective understanding of actual behavior and entrenched attitudes. The equality males and females political participation was guaranteed by the Indonesian Constitution of 1945, giving women as well as men the right to vote, stand for election and hold public office. Furthermore, Election Law No.15/1969 rights all citizens underlined developments, political the equal vote and stand for election. eligible Because of these Indonesian women have exercised their civic and rights participating actively the general elections since 1955 and holding public office. the national level, the political participation of women can be seen through their representation in Parliament. However, despite the fact that a very high percentage of women 107 Hildred Geertz, "The Vocabulary Psychiatry 22, no. 3 (august 1959), p.229 Emotion," 83 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 98] === voters have exercised their franchise in various elections, women's representation in the key decision-making bodies at the national level quite low, although the number and relative share of women in the membership of parliament and in the People's Consultative Assembly has increased since 1971. In 1993 women still accounted for only 12.4 percent of the total parliamentarians and 7.6 percent of the members of the People's Consultative Assembly (see table 1) The figures above show us a comparatively small number of women being elected to the House of People Representatives, the Consultative Assembly, and political parties. Meanwhile, the number of women in Indonesia is larger than that of men. In 1980, the ratio of men to women was 98:100, and between 1985 1990 that during exercised their and elections it was approximately 99:100. 108 It 81 members the Consultative Assembly, organizations seems worth % of the women right to vote. 109 Therefore, became the small number of women who House Representatives, and the central boards to be unrepresentative the of political and unfair. The presence of women in politics or in jobs related to politics is still considered strange by most people, male and female. 108 BPS, Indikator Social Wanita, V 109 Kowani, "The Role of Indonesian Women," p. 2 6 84 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 99] === Table Participant Females parliamentar assemblies: 1971-1993.110 People's Consultative Assembly Parliament Percentage Female Total Members Female Members Percentage female 1971 460 31 920 51 1977 460 37 920 58 1982 460 42 920 69 1987 500 57 11.4 1000 104 1992 500 59 11.8 1000 101 10.1 1993 500 62 12.4 500 38 Although the relative share of women in national-level legislative bodies was quite low, available evidence indicated that there was improvement in the quality of the women members of these bodies. For example, the percentage of participation of Indonesian women in the Supreme Court is higher than their political participation the House People's Representative and House of People's Consultative Assembly. There were seven women (12.05 %) out of 56 members in 1990.111 110 Source: Government of Indonesia 111 BPS, Indikator Social Wanita, p. 144 85 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Female Members Total Members Election Years === [PDF page 100] === The higher educational levels of women politicians and their increased political awareness indicated their enhanced capacity to represent women's interests. the Indonesian political obstructed women's factors, which involvement culture in politics. There has also are some explain why the number of women who became members of the DPR, MPR, political system, organizations and of the central boards of the very unproportional given the number and position of women in Indonesian society. One of the factors the social value, which generated rigid stereotypes, and another is the hierarchy.112 Women are indeed exalted wives and mothers, but this social cult motherhood is combined with a socio-economic powerlessness. Thus the "naturally" weak and docile women are marginalized in society.113 Women are expected to stay at home to take care of domestic affairs and children. Many other hierarchies and stereotypes were created to place women in inferior and dependent positions. generally considered less good critical Women are thinking, less capable of making judgements and decisions for themselves. 112 See Julia I. Suryakusuma, "Wanita dalam Mitos Realitas dan Emansipasi," Prisma (July 7, 1981), pp.3-14 113 Ibid., p. 6 86 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 101] === They are also considered less curious, and more weak and in need of protection.114 pattern organizations, emerged whether for the foundation religious. They secular women's were generally formed as counterpart organizations to exclusively male organizations, and the women directly involved in their formation were generally the wives of the founders of the male organizations. These women's organizations focused education of women as their primary mission. The women's wings religious reform movements have played active roles advocating and implementing social and educational reforms. 'Aisyiyah, movement the women's section the Islamic (the Muhammadiyah), founded in 1917, reformist is a textbook example of both of these patterns. Economic circumstances undoubtedly prevent many women from participating in politics. First, most women find keeping house without any electrical conveniences a full-time job. And second, the structure of the Indonesian economy tends to make it difficult for women to enter modern careers provide a basis for political that might interest and activity. These economic factors, along with the universal image of women as the weaker sex, probably contribute a private attitude, 114 Ibid., p. 7 87 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 102] === which, though it rarely is articulated publicly, major explanation for The may be the the lack of female political activity. low political attributed the motherhood, dedication, participation standard image of women and sacrifice, women also representing which are absolutely required for family and household prosperity. The woman is supposed to enhance her husband's career and status. 115 Her biological nature isadduced should be limited to to argue that women's duties the sphere of the family. 116The lack of women's political participation is also attributed to the lack of professionalism among women. Perhaps we can assume that the largest generalization about the position of women in Indonesia today is that they are defined relationally to men.117 115 Toety Heraty Nurhadi, "Wanita dan Politik di Indonesia," Paper presented in women conference, Generasi Muda dan Politik, held by DPP PPP (Jakarta, January 25, 1986), p.34 116 Maftutah Yusuf, "Wanita dan Politik in Indonesia, " Paper presented in Women conference, Generasi Muda dan Politik, held by DPP PPP (Jakarta, January 25, 1986), p.6 117 For example, in Garis-garis Besar Haluan Negara (Principal Outlines for State Policy) declared by the Indonesian Government in 1992--and reissued regularly every year— the role of women in relation to state development is clearly set forth. Women should be the wife and associate of her husband, an educator and cultivator of the younger generation, a controller/regulator of the household, worker who contributes to the family's income, and amember of community organizations, particularly those dedicated to 88 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 103] === Before the general and presidential election in October 1999, the position of women was the question of the day. The leading candidate for the tortured political process presidency was Indonesia's woman, Megawati long, Sukarno Putri. Many people were faced with the question of whether or not a woman like Megawati could hold such a position, whether or not she was capable of serving as a president, and so on.118 And as coalition lobbying intensified some of her opponents began playing the Islamic card. However, closer the election time the debate went back to the topic of gender.119 The controversy shifted between Megawati's gender her leadership capability.120 At the same time, the political discourse on women in Indonesia opened a new door for re-interpretation of the place of women in the realm of political power, in relation not only to the concept of power in Islamic teaching in the Qur'an but also to the role of women in the political arena in general.121 organizing women. See Garis-garis Besar Haluan negara (Broad Outlines of State Policy) Jakarta: Sinar Grafika, 1993 118 See Nur Hidayah, Kontraversi (Surakarta: PT Pabela, 1998). President Wanita, 119 See "the Predominantly Islamic," Republika 20, 1999) (October 120 Accordingly, a debate arose concerning Megawati's seeming lack of concern for women's issues. 121 See Rachayah Machali, "Women and the Concept 89 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 104] === As a potentially divisive issue, Islam suddenly emerged, in the vacuum of the slow vote count, a restive but largely guiescent political force for decades. With Megawati Sukarno Putri's campaign for president, politics gained guestion Islamic law. the discussion of gender and a whole new focusand perspective. There isno a rise of militant One year after Islam or an imposition of the forced resignation of President Suharto, all of Indonesian politics were in flux and Islamic factions were shifting as they sought a new place in new political order. The wedge issue was gender.122 Despite the public agreement among most political commentators that the real issue was not gender nor Islam but simply groups jockeying for power. All this was a political interpretation of Islamic law, not a religious interpretation. b. Women in economic development forces, give picture which shape women's the economic careers, and ideological necessary discuss the various functions of the women's movement. It now remains to venture some thoughts on women's possibilities in the face of further social change. Women not only participate Power," in Susan Blackburn (ed), Love, Sex and Power: Women in Southeast Asia (Clayton: Monash Asia Institute, 2001) 122 See Seth Mydans, "Can She Run Indonesia? It's About Islam, or Is IT?," The New York Times, (June 20, 1999). 90 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 105] === fully in the processes of social change that Indonesia undergoing, they also signify those processes. For most women, education and occupational opportunities had slightly emancipated women from their traditional role of wife, mother and very often-unpaid family worker to that of wife, mother, and paid worker. There is increasing demand for labor the manufacturing industries, particularly electronics. As a result of rapid industrial growth stimulated national industrialization policies, women have been provided with many more opportunities to participate in the labor force. This is in contrast to the agricultural sector, such as the rubber, coffee, tea and palm oil plantations, which has always had significant numbers of women employed at low wages.12j Employment opportunities have helped women to either free themselves from economic dependence on the family or be able to help supplement their family income.124 In rural Java for example, unit of production the household is the basic socio-economic and consumption. It was dependent upon family labor for its survival. 123 See Diane Lauren Wolf, Factory Daughters: (1992) 124 See Diane Wolf, "Beyond Women and the Household in Java: Re-examining the Boundaries," in Juliette Koning, Marleen Nolten, Janet Rodenburg and Ratna Saptari, Women and Households in Indonesia, (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000), pp.89-95 91 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 106] === Women played an important role in household consumption and production decisions.125 Indonesian women worked more for reasons of economic necessity than they did for traditional (adat) reasons. Therefore, the whole family must be considered as a labor force. Work is an economic necessity, and from the beginning time human need to work beings have worked order survive.12b The the world for economic survival allows more freedom of movement for women. However, a woman's position cannot be judged solely by this. As we investigate the realm emerge practice from this more deeply, situation. Woman's various possibilities income-earning capacity may improve her decision-making position and control at home, but may not significantly change her subordinate position. 127 However her situation may depend on how much she 125 See Syafry Mankuprawira, "Married Women's Work Pattern in Rural Java," in Tscarlett Epstein and Rosemary A. Watts, The Endless Day: Some Case Material on Asian Rural Women (New York: Pergamon Press. 1981) 126 David Mankin, Man and Work (Cambridge: University: University Printing House, 1976), p.l Cambridge 127 In an attempt to go beyond the limited and culturally construct of better/worse, Aihwa Ong explores the new cultural constructions of female factory workers, such as in Malaysia. He said that although factory work brings women workers more freedom from their families in wage earning, consumption, and choosing their own spouses, it is also "the means whereby they are subjected to intense capitalist discipline". And he also said "that factory workers are perceived in this predominantly Muslim society 92 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 107] === earns, whether her husband has a stable income, there are other individuals whom she and whether can delegate her domestic tasks. In Indonesia, women have always been active participants the economic development process, although their contributions have not been duly recognized. It is generally accepted that women's work gives the main contribution to the stability of the household. They not only perform domestic chores but also help cultivate their family's land. However, their lack of recognition may be attributed to the fact that female workers were unpaid or were supported by their families that they statistics. has not Therefore, far traditionally, been were included the national account since most female work is unpaid, received little attention. 128 Although, women's participation in wage employment has restricted, their participation unpaid labor, especially in agricultural sectors and in cottage industries, is high. We can assume that in some contexts, women's choices may relatively limited because educational factors, as sexually loose and immoral," a situation that creates sexual identity conflicts for these women, who are caught in the struggle between "Islamic patriarchy" and "Modernity." See Aihwa Ong, Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline: Factory Women in Malaysia, Albany: SUNY Press, 1987, p.113, and p.8 128 See Ester Boserup, Women's Role Economic Development (London: George Allen and Unwin LTD, 1976) 93 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 108] === while in others they are more varied. Similarly, some contexts, women may circumvent the constraints which appear to limit their choices, while in others they appear to accept the limitations. economic The activity role women considerably the formal lower than sector that of men, while as it was proportionally higher in the informal sector which includes activities such as the category of "family workers." Furthermore, women's labor force participation has often been used as the main indicator for evaluating the status of women. There are, of course, other factors that determine the status women, namely education and health, as well women's social and legal position. A woman plays a significant role not only at work but also in the family. Her decisions can affect herself as well as her family. Work and income are key issues all development planning concerned with distribution and access to resources. To enhance the growing economic development, the Indonesian government appears to be highly in favor of the policy of nonoil-and-gas export (government want, rather exporting resources, to export finished goods to build the economy). To achieve the export target, the laborers employed in factories and industries are generally women workers. These workers are 94 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 109] === forced to work very hard, with lower salaries and very bad working conditions.129 In the early 1990s wages for Indonesian women employed the export-oriented manufacturing were the lowest in Southeast Asia, sector and in some sectors paid the lowest wages in the world at US $0.28 per hour in 1993.130 Under these broken, conditions, many of human rights promises are especially since the security forces are usually on the side of the employers. A great diversity of income-earning activities is also typical for both men and women in Indonesian middle and upperclass occupations or professions. Since basic salaries may be low for positions prereguisites, supplement earning carrying high persons holding their basic salaries activities. 131 prestige these with Therefore, important must often a variety of incomepoor jobs and Indonesian women probably represent an extreme form of diversification of tasks and payments because they are poor, female and Indonesian. 129 Ibid 130 Stewart, F, "The New International Labour," World of Work, (1994), p.8 Division 131 Elise Boulding, Shirley Nuss, Dorothy Lee Carson and Michael A. Greenstein, Handbook of International Data on Women (New York: Sage Publication, 1976) 95 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 110] === Two additional factors affect women's earnings: status differences and (ii) occupational segregation. Like the relative importance of women's earnings among the poor and improved situation as a result of "family reorganization" for women, status and segregation are important worldwide phenomena that take a specific form in Indonesia. Education is generally assumed to be a vital factor in making it possible for women to enter the paid labor force. For Indonesian women, although the employment doors education have opportunities have also been remained opened, wider limited. Class distinctions play a particularly important role in the link between education and employment. Women with some education have been entering the paid labor force in growing numbers in some occupations, but educated women often do not seek or find jobs suitable to their social status. Poor women must work for pay but usually their employment is not dependent on formal education. The jobs carried out by women are termed as "light work" and were especially created for them. In general, they receive lower wages than men do. In most cases, they are accorded the status of "non permanent day-worker" or "piece-workers," and the situation continues for several years until concerned resign from their work. As a result, the women most female industrial workers are not protected by the existing labor 96 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 111] === law, they may be hired or fired at any time, are not covered by social insurance, and are considered ineligible for job upgrading. It is apparent that most of these female workers are not informed about surprising their considering rights. the This situation generally weak hardly position the existing trade unions in Indonesia. However, the number of the working educated professional women is increasing and they felt, as well as recognition, the need for a more congenial work environment. This need is also has helped raise awareness among men, particularly among the young, to accept the outside role of women and prepare to work with women in new roles. At the same time, the jobs of women who are unskilled labors, can easily be given to other worker, and employers may take action "pacify the stubborn female workers who demand their rights".132 Therefore, one should have a critical view of this development and ask whether the status and roles of women have really been strengthened whether this trend more inclined to consolidate the sexual division of labor, with the women in the lowest classes as powerless as before. 132 Such "pacification" often results in the mass firings or lay offs of the women seen as "troblemakers." 97 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 112] === Chapter 3 THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT In Indonesia, it is a clear and greatly significant fact that religious extensive institutions network conservatism of some provide grassroots the largest organizations. elements of religion, and most Despite the can see the active involvement of religious individuals and organizations in major movements for social change. One such organization is the Qur'anic study groups of 'Aisyiyah based in Indonesia. Reading the Qur'an from a women's viewpoint, the contributors aim not merely to produce new legal interpretations from a small group, but also to awaken or mobilize women so that they will proclaim their rights and thus transform society. The perception of the role of women in Islam affects every aspect of the lives of Muslim men and women. Like other patriarchal traditions, Islam has been accused of a variety of injustices toward women. These are seen as both actual--in terms of the treatment of women— and theoretical, women have been imagined question to be somehow lesser insofar as inferior beings.133 The considered how does the pre existing, culturally rooted perception of women influence the interpretation the Qur'anic position women? The interpretation of the Qur'an itself is influenced by social, 13j Jane I. Smith and Yvonne Y. Haddad, "Eve: Islamic Image of Women," in Azizah Al-Bibri(Ed.), Women in Islam, Elmsford (New York: Pergamon Press, 1982), p.135 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 113] === moral, economic and political concerns, including interpretation regarding women. Women's struggle for change has led to questioning of gender relations. This is turn has challenged Islamic leaders, and thereby the Indonesian government. Whereas Islamic theology and the government treat women as a unitary category, women's responses to public life and to politics have been differentiated by their socio-economic position and levels of religious observance. Therefore it is necessary to analyze the experiences of women's movements of different classes and with different levels adherence religious ideology. This makes it possible to assess the nature of women's struggle for change and reform. this chapter, aim describe the role religion in the women's movement. It is important to provide the background for this work. In order to examine Islamic identity and gender relations in Indonesia, I will look at how the perception of woman influences the interpretations of the Qur'an's position on woman in Islam, with particular reference to the Indonesian context, and then at how religion impacts social change and the women's movement in Indonesia as well as how the role of the Ulama impacts the women's movement. 99 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 114] === 1. Religion and Social Change Religion is an important dimension of life and thought in which human beings focus on ultimate issues. On the other hand, culture historically transmitted pattern meanings embodied in symbols.134 It is a system of inherited conceptions expressed people communicate, symbolic perpetuate, forms by means of which and develop their knowledge and attitudes toward life.135 In the Islamic world, as in other cultural worlds, culture is best conceptualized as providing flexibility in how actors use any given symbol or symbols.136 The religious tradition may both solution. Religion is a problem in that its problem structures of dominance have oppressed women and a solution in that vision liberation equality has and generated its powerful movements for social change. Islam's vision of human equality may be a source of strength even when much of the tradition compromises women's equality of power. 134 See Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973). 135 Ibid 136 Ann Swidler, "Culture Sociological Review 51, no.2, (1986). Action," 100 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. American === [PDF page 115] === Islamic teaching essentially emphasizes that men and women are created equal.137 A famous passage defining the ideal traits of a Muslim links both men and women in each case.138 The righteous, both husbands and wives, will enjoy paradise.139 Power here defined decisionmaking autonomy. context the the direction system which gender arriving provides relations, personal power concerned with both domestic and wider spheres of activity relating to class, politics, religion, and activity. How men and women participate in decision-making and express autonomy within and across their spheres of activity summarizes their power relationship term. 140 The question one another how are the short and long the two systems— gender relationships and the power of women— constructed to produce a specific system of gender in culture? 137 "0 humankind! We created you from a single (pair), a male and female, and made you into nations and tribes, that you may know each other (not that you may despise each other). Verily, the most honoredof you in the sightof God is the one who is most righteous. God has full knowledge and is well acquainted (with all things)" (The Qur'an Alhujarah, 49:13). A. Yusuf Ali trans, The Holy Qur'an: Text, Translation and Commentary (Brentwood, MD: Amana, 1983). The Holy Qur'an: 138 A. Yusuf Ali trans, Translation and Commentary, The Qur'an, 33:35 (1983). Text, 139 Ibid, The Qur'an, 40:8-9, 3:195, 4:124 140 Wazir jehan Karim, Women and Culture: Between Malay Adat and Islam (Colorado: West-View Press, 1992), p.l 101 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 116] === In general, much the literature on Middle Eastern women continually seeks either to defend the position of women in Islam, or to attack Islamic culture as an entity affected anti-female feminists, Haddad, practices such seclusion. such as Azizah al-Hibri, have all described female However, some Jane Smith, and Yvonne roles were that less restricted by tribal laws or scripture than elsewhere in the world. They demonstrate that Islam in and of itself is not anti-female, and that Arab tribalism included practices such as matrilocality and matrilinearity, which contrasted with the later development of patriarchal practices.141 Existing forms of polyandry and polygamy, veiling, and seclusion were incorporated into the notion of an Islamic life style, women's although the original clothing, for purpose example, was of laws referring ambiguous within the developing of shari’ah (Islamic Law)142. The Islamists however, assert that Islam had only positive effects on the lives of female adherents throughout history, intended the Messenger of God. The question is what world religions have to say about women and how religious experience, 141 See Azizah al-Hibri York: Pergamon Press, 1982) symbols, doctrines and (editor), Women and Islam (New 142 This is based on The Qur'an, 33:59 102 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 117] === rituals have shaped women. Being female or male is the first specification of one's humanity143, as Denise Larnd Carmody points out in Women and World Religions. In any society, as soon as the child emerges from the womb, the word goes out: "It's a girl" or "It's a boy." developed according its In the womb, genes and the child has hormones, which are specific to its gender.144 As soon as it is outside the womb, the child begins a social development equally shaped by its sex. All onlookers react to the new baby in gender-specific ways programmed by their culture, and the religious dimension is no exception. Muslim woman today might have different implications for social roles and self-understanding depending on the culture or country where one lives. In many countries, the Muslim girl, like most other girls, discriminated against from the moment of birth. In many Muslim societies, it is customary to regard a son as a gift from God and a daughter a burden trial. Girls are unlikely receive education that will help them become aware of their potential. They are kept at home to help with household chores and care for younger siblings. Mostly, their education strongly See Denise Lardner Carmody, Women and Religions, Englewood, (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1989) 144 Ibid 103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. World === [PDF page 118] === oriented toward teaching them to fulfill their duties as wives and mothers. Early marriage for women is common. A girl moves from obeying her parents, especially her father, to obeying her husband and in-laws. Dependency and obedience are praised. From the beginning, almost all decisions are made for her. Sharifa Zuhur has described her 1992 work, Revealing-Reveiling, Islamic history shows the birth of female archetypes that correspond segments modern consciousness, 145 in a manner similar to Jung's discussion of Christ as a Western archetype symbolically representing the self. 146 Jung personal described consciousness the effect "syzygy," such archetypes conjoining "projection making factor" that may influence the recipient to dramatize or internalize even mythological events. According to the Muslim feminist Sherifa Zuhur this explanation of the power of the archetypal symbol upon self-image can assist in understanding women's varied motivations for choosing one image.147 145 Sharifa Zuhur, Revealing-Reveiling: Islamist Gender Ideology in Contemporary Egypt (Albany: State University Press of New York, 1992), p.7 146 C.G. Jung, Psyche and Symbol, edited by Violet S. de Lazl (New York: Anchor Books, 1958), p.35 147 Sharifa Zuhur, Revealing-Reveiling, p. 7 104 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 119] === Under women these have conditions extremely and stereotypes, young Muslim limited opportunities develop decision-making and leadership skills. They are not exposed to alternative styles living. The male-dominated prescribes their way of life. They have few, who could mothers, show them different they enculturate themselves have been ways if any, models life, and thus, their own daughters enculturated, community thereby just as they continuing the cycle through the next generations. Other world religions and cultures also this, consciously or unconsciously. Their theologies, ethics, vices and virtues, and men, rights and duties, are specific the considered typical of women gender. Thus many religious traditions have considered women more prayerful and peaceful than men. authority shape Many the have reserved ritual matters minds community for men both women unquestioned concepts that may development. These religious only. leadership These and attitudes and men, giving them further retard their cultural values have and considerably affected the role and position of women, women's perceptions themselves, and the revolution emancipation and development. 105 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. female === [PDF page 120] === The subject gender relations Islam highly charged not only at the popular level, but among scholars as well. If some blame Islam for the accumulated ills of Muslim women, others see it as a beacon of light and reform. Still others insist that the status and role of women in Muslim societies should be attributed more to cultural and socio economic forces than to religious values. In the Muslim tradition, it is often said that women and family are the foundations of the Islamic community, the heart of Muslim society. law, the ideal That centrality is reflected in Islamic blueprint for Muslim society, within which family law has often seemed sacrosanct148. The Qur'an and the sunnah of the Prophet provide the textual sources development of law. The Qur'an's female exemplars for the (though to varying degrees) came to serve as "models."149 The word of God, however, interpreted and applied socio-historical contexts by human beings. Islamic law is thus the product of divine law (syari'ah) understood (fiqh), interpreted and applied male 148 See Amin Rais, "Tantangan Keluarga Dalam Usaha Peningkatan Kualitas Sumber Daya Manusia," in Keluarga dan Peningkatan Kualitas Sumber Daya Manusia, (Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, 1995) 149 Barbara Freyers Stowasser, Women in the Traditions, and Interpretation, (New York: 106 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Qur'an, Oxford === [PDF page 121] === religious scholars in the past and preserved in legal texts and manuals. This means that men and men's experiences were included, and excluded perspectives, which men women and women's experienceswere either interpreted through the desires, male vision the or needs of woman.150 In societies in had unfettered rights to marry and divorce, some restrictions were introduced. Though polygamy continued to be permitted, the numbers of wives were restricted to a maximum of four and guidelines were provided for the just and equal treatment of co-wives. While only males possessed the right to initiate divorce, the Qur'an counseled responsibility and a stipulated maintenance, equity and child support, and period of reconciliation.151 Historically, women's role in society was determined as much social and economic factors religious prescriptions. Social customs, property, and illiteracy often See Marjorie Procter-Smith, In Her Own Rite: Reconstruction the Feminist Liturgical Tradition, (Nashville, Tenn: Arbingdon Press,1990), chapter 1, pp.13-35 151 Islam regulated the waiting time (idda) for women: A divorced woman has to wait for three months before she can re-marry, whilst a widow is required to wait four months and ten days before she is allowed to contract a new marriage. The Qur'an, 2:228 says, "Divorced women shall wait concerning themselves, for three monthly periods. Nor is it lawful for them to hide what God hath created in their wombs, if they have faith in God and the Last Day. And their husbands have the better right to take them back in that period, if they wish for reconciliation." 107 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 122] === eroded or subverted Qur'anic provide the divorce, and inheritance, as whether parameters for intent. While Islamic law behavior regarding marriage, the actual roles in practice, or not men took more divorce was common, did than one wife, such or whether or modesty expressed itself in terms of women's dress or participation in the work place, were the results often differed from urban local conditionsandsocial rural class, which settings and one country or not secluded or covered region to another. Women (shador or Indonesia burga) were as were their sisters in Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, or Iran. Families who sought to protect the property of the patriarchal family often circumvented the Islamic law that protects women's right to inherit. the case women's social and public status Indonesia, adat, important as it might be in the thousands of relatively isolated villages throughout the country, is necessarily of direct relevance to political behaviorat not the national level. This national focus, in Indonesia for example, does not suggest that adat norms have no significance in determining opportunities and actual participation of Indonesian women in national politics. traditional It may be true, attitudes toward women as argued above, that are not directly carried 108 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 123] === over into the modern bureaucratic parties and differential economic interests in the capital and other urban centers. the other hand, popular and preferred thinking regarding the role of women in Indonesia provides an excellent example of the selective utilization of the adat as norms in the formulation and propagation sociopolitical myth. myth, not in the sense of an erroneous belief, but rather that of a belief shared widely enough and valued highly enough that it helps integrate the political culture. The point is not merely that most Indonesian women feel that both genders should accorded equal treatment and respect. The more popular option on this topic is the belief that the norm of equality has been realized in government and politics and that Indonesian women fact have opportunities for extensive and meaningful social activities, and, further, that women have exploited these opportunities. Although Indonesian women may, in some respects, have enjoyed an elevated position as mentioned above, yet the adat still enforced marriages, discriminatory child marriages, repudiation. 152 In addition, participation is not practices such polygamy, and forcedone-sided support for female activism and shared by all. There are cynics and 15z Taufik Abdullah, "Adat and Islam: An Examination of Conflict in Minang Kabau, 11 Indonesia 2 (October 1966), p.l 109 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 124] === skeptics, and need for repeated legitimation and confirmation. It is at this point, consistent with the general tendency of nationalists in postcolonial societies to infuse national ideology with concepts and language derived from the indigenous culture, that political spokespersons invoke tradition and adat. Therefore, it is not surprising that such customs became the focus of the women's movement in Indonesia from the very beginning. Besides advocating education and instruction for girls, they also sought to bring an end to some customs related matrimonial matters like forced marriage, polygamy, and talaq (repudiation).153 Furthermore, the position of women might vary widely according to the adat of each region. For instance, in some regions, it was accepted that women could become good rulers, regional chiefs, and so forth, such as in Aceh, where history records the rule of queens in the 17th century: Aceh was ruled by queens for 34 years from 1641-1675.154 While strength these the examples mayshow heritage of something Indonesian women, the great feudal and colonial life appear to have caused a weakening and decline in the status of women over the period of the last centuries. Men 153 See Vreede de Stuers, The Indonesian Women, p. 53 154 A. Hasyimy, The Role of Acehnese Women in Government 110 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 125] === came to dominate women in community. By the end of the 19th century, although women continued to have a strong role in agriculture and household economics, in general, feudalism, backwardness and the lack of education even of middle-class women made it easy for men to oppress them and minimize their great contributions. These conditions provide the reasons for the treatment of females that we have described above as being so widespread the rural parts many city-centered cultures Indonesia. If, as is typical, a family or lineage regards its strength as coming largely from the purity descent, of its line of it will want to be sure that the girls that its sons married come from established and honorable families. Such girls must have been carefully controlled in their upbringing, and be equally controllable as wives. Islam provides justice and equality for women. There is equal opportunity for both men and women. 155 Nothing in the laws Islam or their intention can account for the generally low status of Muslim women. The existing situation is contrary to the law, because originally women in Islam were granted an equal place in human society.156 155 The Qur'an, 4:1 156 Qasim Amin, The Liberation of Women and the New Woman (Cairo: The American University Press in Cairo, 1995), ill Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 126] === The backwardness of women in Islam is not because Islam made them backward, but because of the societies and culture that they live in. The sharia's position on women has been historically misunderstood or ignored, to the detriment women. It is sometimes held that women should be studied almost exclusively as a part— perhaps the most important part— of the family complex. But this is a distortion that diminishes the numerous roles women and puts limiting the multiple perspectives blinders scholars, from which women, often even the same women, may be seen. My various analyses on issues which concern Muslim women has revealed how 'Aisyiyah women in Indonesia have strategized their agenda for more egalitarian interpretations of Islam and the Sharia' by inserting their objectives into the consuming project of becoming a developed nation through education and economic development. The 'Aisyiyah organization strategizes the perspectives on Islam into a larger discourse of women's empowerment which affects nation building as a whole. 'Aisyiyah brings about a more full awareness of social change Indonesia its programs and innovations society. It has aimed to elevate the morals and to improve the position of Indonesian Muslim women within the framework of 112 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 127] === Islam in order to lift the nation to a place of respectability in the modern world. considering Indonesian women and the position women in Islam, one must start by drawing a clear distinction between custom and religion. People so often confuse the two that in many cases custom even tries to gain an upper hand over religion. 157 Islamic anywhere in Indonesia; law was never taken over fully its influence was mainly over family affairs, this the case in most Muslim countries. Islamic law operates matrimony the and, sphere some family extent, and personal inheritance; status, Indonesian societies picked and chose among rules that were then adapted to suit their own organizational values and needs.158 Therefore in the following section, I will discuss the position of women in Indonesia family law. 15' See John N. Paden, Religion and Political Culture in Kano (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973) 158 See Daniel S. Lev, Islamic Courts in Indonesia: A Study in the Political Bases of Legal Institutions, Los Angeles: University of California Press Berkeley, 1972, 113 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 128] === 2. The Position of Women in Family Lav In Islam, woman is equal to man in all essential rights and duties. God makes no distinction between man and woman. They are to be equally rewarded or punished for their deeds.159 Islam has granted women broad social, political and economic rights, education and training rights, rights. To protect Islam provided these firm rights legal and work opportunity from being abused by men, safeguards. 160 Islam has certain religious aspects and has some aspects which concern relations between members of society.161 However, we must remember that Islam has intermingled with many other factors such as local custom, politics, economics and historical conjunction shape the status of women in different ways in different times and places.162 159 M. al-Siba'I, al-Maria Bayn al-Figh Wal-Qanun, maktab al-Islami, (Beirut, Damascus, 1972), p.26 160 See S. Mawdudi, Purdah and Status of Women in Islam, (Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publication Ltd, 1968), pp.150-5 161 Religion and the profession of religion in Islam have such a close connection to human values that the estimation of a man's religious profession is based on what she does and how it fulfills his or her responsibility. 162 See Laile Ahmed, Women and Gender inIslam; Historical Roots of Modern Debate (1992). And see also Lois Beck and Keddie (eds), Women in the Muslim World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978) 114 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 129] === For example, "Kadi-Justice, " family and law, which very is closely related to important the "little tradition," differs in many societies and in many countries. Religious-ethical codes are important in this field of law, which has religious, many variations historical and particularly and customary influences. subject It is well established that sunnah or tradition is one of the primary sources of Islamic law. It consists of the sayings of the Prophet and the precedents derived from his actions. In fact, the Prophet himself during his lifetime recognized the source of law based on custom. In many instances, he either gave his expressed sanction to certain pre-Islamic usages allowed such usages to continue without disapprobation. However, divine logic (adat) any expression Islamic family law must be based on revealed the Qur'an and not some historical worldview foreign to it.163 Indonesian communities, for example, territorial kinship and territorial factors are the first requisites for an understanding of the role of a self-governing community in the social structure. The kinship and other territorial 163 See Aziza Y. al-Hibri, "An Introduction to Muslim Women's Rights," in Gisela Webb (ed), Windows of Faith: Muslim Women Scholar-Activists in North America (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 2000), p.53 115 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 130] === factors dominate the structure of the Umma (community) in each of the lands. The important role of Indonesian women is also enhanced by the system of kinship in Indonesia. Under the heading of kinship relations the distinctions patrilineal, matrilineal, bilateral and alternating organizations is the first consideration164 in understanding the position Indonesian women their society. The equality conferred by the bilateral kinship system found in much of the archipelago, and other indicators of status.165 Patrilineal organization reckoning of common descent common male ancestor must understood (natural or artificial) along the male line the from one determined membership in the functioning and discernible kinship groups, in which the wife generally follows the husband into his family. But the wife may manage her own property, and she has the right to ask for a divorce. (Whether or not she can easily avail herself of these rights in practice is another, difficult, question.) 16b On the other hand, more the matrilineal 164 B. Ter Haar, Adat Law in Indonesia Institute of Pacific Relation, 1948), p.51 (New York: 165 See Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Vol.I: The Land Below the Winds (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), pp.146-58 166 This arrangement is typical among the Nias (Batak), Gayo, Bali, Lombok, and in the south of Sumatra, Lampung, as well as on several of the Maluku islands. See Vreede-de Streurs, the Indonesian Women, p.28 116 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 131] === system has been adopted with some modification Minangkabau, for example). In these societies the social group based on descent along the female line from a single female ancestor is the important unit in legal relations. Women are"central pillars the house", the male domain is outside and men have dual responsibilities in the house of their wife and those of their own matrikin.167 In Minangkabau religion is thought to nurture strength and protect family ties, and adat intricately tied maintaining family relations. Therefore, Islam is perceived to support adat. Young people in Minangkabau grow up immersed in family relations that maintain adat. Female children learn that women are responsible for the welfare of the household and for the maintenance household. 168 The women's relations movement that define the in Minangkabau was much influenced by the Muhammadiyah movement. And many prominent women in Minangkabau have affiliations with the 'Aisyiyah organization. 167 See Joke Van Reenen, Central Pillars of the House: Sisters, Wives, and Mothers in a Rural Community in Minangkabau, West Sumatra (Leiden: CNWS Publication, 1996) 168 See Lucy A. Whalley, "Urban Minangkabau Muslim Women: Modern Choices, Traditional Concern in Indonesia," in Herbert L. Bodman and Nayereh Tohidi, Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity within Unity (London: Lynne Rienner 117 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 132] === Male authority in Minangkabau does not follow the same lines those societies which Islam has been superimposed on patrilineal systems that favor the authority of fathers, husbands, and brothers.169 In these cases, marriage implies a transfer of male control over women, from father to husband. The principle of relationship in some groups is based on a system in which relationship is determined by the form of marriage. The marriage form that makes the child belong to the father's clan is called patriarchal marriage.170 The line of descent shifts constantly from the paternal side the maternal that makes the child belong to clan of the mother, depending on the form of marriage. Therefore, it is known an alternating unilateral kinship system. Connected with the unilateral kinship group the practice exogamy: the prohibition of marriage to a member of one's own clan or sub clan.171 However, in Indonesia, religion is still the predominant concern and everything, including women's rights, seen through the lens of religion. Religion, moreover, is a strong 169 Ibid 170 B.Ter Haar, Adat Law in Indonesia, 1948 171 Ibid 118 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 133] === cultural force and an important consciousness and determinant constituent the of the traditions. social Therefore, religion still plays an important role in determining women's rights in the society. However, it has been argued that the introduction religion, the Islamic which has always officially "regarded women as socially inferior to men," 172 played an important role in undermining the social position of women in Indonesia. On the other side of the argument are those who believe that rather than being detrimental, the introduction Islamic Law actually helped bring about improvement in the condition of women as individuals within Indonesian society.173 Proponents sexual this equality view argue home and that while society, adat the allows needs for the individual still remain secondary compared to those of family and community. They contend that the introduction of Islamic law precipitated improvements in the situation of individuals, both female and male, by teaching them to "free themselves from the family group."174 They acknowledge that the situation 172 Vreede-de Stuers, The Indonesian Women, 1960, p. 47 173 See Linda B. Williams, Development, Demography, and Family Decision Making: The Status of Women in Rural Java (Boulder, San Francisco: Westview Press, 1990), pp.29-40 174 Vreede-de Stuers, The Indonesian Women, 1960, p. 47 119 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 134] === of women did deteriorate to a point at which women became inferior to men, but suggest that this was the result of a combination of factors, most of which were unrelated to the growth of Islam. influx The relaxation of traditional customs, modern ideology and social change, well the women's "ignorance of their rights according to fiqh" were all seen as contributing to the downturn in women's status.175 discussing the formulations shari 'ah regarding "Family Law" and how this law has configured the discourse on women in Indonesia, I will seek to examine a select number of issues usually raised in connection with family law, including issues marriage, divorce, property, inheritance, and custody children; specific attention will matters where they are relevant. paid Each right has a specific characteristic and will be discussed as follows. Marriage adults. Islam marriage Its aims a union between two consenting are to perpetuate human life and achieve spiritual and emotional harmony.176 Islam views marriage to be of benefit both to the individual and to society. The Arabic 175 Ibid 176 See Jamal Badawi, "Women in Islam" in Khurshid Ahmed, H a m: Its Meaning and Message (Leicester: The Islamic 120 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 135] === word for marriage is nikah, which, according to many Qur'anic commentators and Muslim jurists, means 'unity.'17' Islam also views marriage as an institution in which human beings find tranquility and affection in each other, as the Qur'an states that God created humans, male and females, from the same nafs so that they may find tranquility, mercy, and affection with each other.178 Islam also sees marriage as an instrument which creates a comfortable home for both spouses. Therefore, the Prophet is reported to have advised his followers to choose the right spouses who would help them attain Divine blessings.179 In adat law in Indonesia, marriage is a ritual which symbolizes the passing from both the man's and the woman's 177 Maulana Muhammad 'Ali, The Religion of Islam: A Comprehensive Discussion of the Sources, Principles and Practices of Islam, (Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications, 1983), p.607 178 "And among God's signs is this, that God created for you mates from among yourselves, that ye may dwell in tranquility with them, and God has put love and mercy between your (hearts): verily in that (these) are signs for those who reflect" (Qur'an 30:21). Translation used here provided by A. Yusuf Ali (1991) 179 The Prophet said: "Seek to have a grateful heart, a sweet tongue and a believing, righteous wife who would help you in your endeavor to succeed on the Last Day." Cited in M.Abdur-Rauf, Marriage in Islam (New York: Exposition Press, 1981), p.19 121 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 136] === state celibacy the marital one. lu" Marriage varying degrees, a matter for the kinship group, the family, the community and of the persons concerned. also matter of social status. Marriage is the means by which the organized communities, sub-tribes, relationship form autonomous their sub-clans, or extended families.181 In addition, within the maintain groups, their which existence, community, marriage is also the means by which the individual family extends its own line into the future, and this makes it a family matter. One of the most important transitions in the prevailing local marriage patterns across generations in Indonesia is the change from the arranged marriage (dijodohkan) to a self selection marriage pattern. 183 According to Hildred Geertz, with an increase in higher education, it was becoming more typical for young couples to meet in school on their own and to marry after having a longer acquaintance.183 180 Vreede-de Stuers, The Indonesian Women, 1960, p. 3 181 Ibid 183 Forced marriages are still allowed under adat, but it is now also acceptable for young couples to elope and to be reconciled with their parents upon their return. 18j Hildred Geertz, The Javanese Family (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 57 122 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 137] === Although, the practiceof arranged marriages, (and indeed of taking more than one wife} is becoming less common, this does not mean that it has been completely discarded as a hopelessly outdated custom now devoid of any value. Marriage proposal occurs generally throughout Indonesia. One party, usually that of the groom, invites the other party to consummate a marriage by giving an offering of betel (sirih). The parties to negotiate may be the extended families, the parents with the family group or the parents alone, in concert with the marriageable pair. If the proposal is accepted, this does not usually lead directly to marriage. There is first a betrothal period in which the parties to the engagement bind themselves many times over. For example, among called tanda kong narit, the Aceh the betrothal present "the sign that the agreement is in effect." Among theJavanese, the present is called panjer; panjerset means "of binding." In scattered instances, the meaning of the gift seems to be somewhat different, and so its name has a different origin.184 184 According to orang tua (religious leaders or adat chiefs) there is an element of magical effect in all the giving of engagement binders. No doubt there is a trend toward a diminution of belief in the magical consequences, so that instead the tanda takes on the quality of proof that the engagement actually took place. 123 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 138] === the event that minors are beingengaged, their parents or family headmen naturally act for them. Adults who are being engaged usually are permitted say in the proceedings.185 Matriarchal marriage also associated with gift exchange. A girl is not released from her group by the receipt of the gifts. Thus, the exchange of gifts is of secondary importance in matrilineal societies. On the other hand, patriarchal marriages, the woman is released from her group of kinsmen and passes over her husband's group, and the children belong to the father's clan. Indonesian societies, "Bride-price," equivalent dowry or mahr, 186 is a technical concept of adat law, and involves payments from the man's family to the girl's with the object of incorporating her into the husband's sub-clan, and her children, too. Presents or any marriage gifts, which have different "bride-price." effect, Bride must price, called something in a patriarchal other than system, therefore a cash transaction. 185 Islamic law makes no provision for engagement, and hence the religious judge does not recognize any legal obligation in it. But it is still practiced by Muslim communities in Indonesia as a part of the marriage process and procedure. 186 In Islam, the word "dowry" is used to indicate the price or gift from bridegroom to the bride herself. 124 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 139] === Picking up a few additional points that should be made concerning "bride-price," there is the matter of native terms for the practice. These are: beuli niha (Southern Nias), Unjuk (Gayo lands), unjung, Jujur (Southern sinamot, pangoli, Tapanuli and South tuhor (Batak lands), Sumatra). These according to Ter Har in Adat Law in Indonesia, words, are derived from the same root words for "buying"; "bride-price" and land transactions are both detached from essential equilibrium. cash living deals. 187 Somethingis community Such without payments should thereby disturbing not the called "bride-price." If they go to the woman personally, they should be called "marriage portions," like the Mas-kawin of Muslim law, which is universally accepted by Muslims. mahar Islamic terms, belongs the wife; The dowry, her exlusive right and it should not be given away, neither to her family nor to her relatives.188 Mahar, therefore, is not a "bride price" as some have erroneously described it. It is not money the man pays obtain a wife. It is part of a civil contract that specifies the conditions under which a woman is willing to abandon her 187 B. Ter haar, Adat Law in Indonesia, p. 188 L.al-Faruqi, Women, Muslim Society and (Indiana: American Trust Publication, 1988), pp.6-7. 125 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Islam === [PDF page 140] === status as a single woman and its related opportunities order to marry a prospective husband and start a family.189 Similar marriage payments no longer carry a connotation of "bride-price." For example in the Malay wang antaran, the Javanese tukon, the Acehness jinamee, the river of Kapuas hook, where the Dayak tribes over it is called pekain, the sunrang and sompa of South Celebes, and among the Minahasa— all have apparently become mere marriage portions. According to the Qur'an, any Muslim male who wishes to get married must stipulate a certain amount of money in his marriage contract bride-price. One jurisprudence said: "A dowry the Muslim authorities (mahr) must also be settled on the women according to the holy Qur'an."190 Indonesian societies, "bride-price" has social significance beyond the mere legal consequence of change in the woman's status and the inclusion of the ensuing children in the husband's kin group. The requirement of a refund, the marriage breaks up, lends great strength to the marital bond. Islamic marriages provide an escape from the compulsions family groups and community obligations 189 See Aziza Y.al-Hibri, Women's Rights," p.60 under Introduction the adat to Muslim 190 Maulana Muhammad Ali, The Religion of Islam, p. 2 6 126 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 141] === marriage. This possibility gives individuality a chance break through the bonds of traditional communal limitations. A person can marry under the protection of the religious leader, without bothering about exogamy, preferential mating, village endogamy, etc. The tremendous power traditional thinking and the influence of traditional chiefs and family elders work against this tendency. As a result, great many marriages are kept in accordance with the a d a t framework. Sometimes, as in South Tapanuli, there is an incomplete acceptance of Islamic marital law, and in general, Muslim leaders try to operate within the framework of the a d a t system. For Muslims, there are religious judges and the legality of their marriages is measured solely by the provisions Islamic law (Undang-undang perkawinan Islam).191 191 According to the Shari'ah Law (Unclang- undang perkawinan Islam), the Muslim marriage is concluded as a contract between the bridegroom and a representative (wali) of the bride in the presence of at least two witnesses. The witnesses must meet certain requirements. The marriage portion (mas kawin) is determined between them, and if that comes to pass, the bridegroom usually lays down the conditional terms of repudiation. The bride's father is the wali, or if he is not available, it must be her closest male relative in the male line. Only the father or grandfather can give a maiden in marriage contrary to her wishes. If no wali is available, the penghulu, or head of the Muslim priests, may act as emergency wali, or the two parties may appoint a substitute wali known as a hakam. 127 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 142] === In Shari 'ah law in Indonesia, marriage in the adat way may continue unaltered. Intensely religious circles may object to it, but in the legal lives of many communities, Islamic marriage its and the entirety, a constituent which native the marriage elements are process retained marriage keeps its general Indonesian character. In all this, the matrilineal customs may be summed up as follows: First, the Islamic marriage, which settled according to the prescription of the fiqh, must be regarded as the signing of a contract by means of which the husband gains certain rights over his wife, while she, in exchange, claims proper treatment. Marriage according the adat ritualized status change from that of singleness to that of being a couple. From this interpretation arises the Javanese custom of changing one's name on this occasion. The young man and the girl who marry take new names as a symbol of unity. Second, property matters different groups. For instance, are settled differently among the Minangkabau, where the woman remains in her own family, the property she owns is managed by her mamak. Among the Javanese, where the husband and wife property, maintenance decide the together what idea the (nafaka) rejected husband's with their supplying rule, common his wife although commercial circles this prescription is often carried out. 128 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 143] === Thus among the Minangkabau, the girl's father plays it is impossible to say whether a more important role wali (guardian) in the Islamic sense, or as the Mamaq kepala waris, the adat representative. Moreover, in certain areas of the West Coast of Sumatra and Tapanuli, a marriage ceremony may not be performed by a Muslim penghulu, unless there is a written permit from the adat chief to whom the would-be couple is attached. If all is done according to adat, there is no objection to that marriage. Although women must recognize the fact that patriarchal logic deeply entrenched all societies and quite resistant to being uprooted, according to Azizah al-Hibri, if women follow the Qur'anic receive the support great measure approach change, they of many Muslim men and will of success without will achieve a sacrificing the social cohesion of Muslim communities.192 For most organizations the tried marriage laws, until 20th to put century, high Indonesian priority women's reform the marriage law of 1974. The New Order thereby had pulled the private aspects of women's lives very firmly into the state arena. 19j This 19z See Aziza Y. al-Hibri, Women's Rights," p.58 law established Introduction to Muslim 193 In the face of stringent opposition from religious groups, particularly Islam, that challenged the right of the 129 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 144] === minimum age for marriage against a woman's will, and given women the same rights husbands. i94 However, initiate the case divorce citizens their professing Islamic faith, divorce was still to be handled by religious courts. This issue has been of greatest concern to Muslim women, since previously among Muslims married according to Islamic law and family law, matters such as divorce were determined by religious courts run entirely men with virtually supervision by the state.195 The marriage code that set law of guidelines 1974 provided a uniform marriage for all marriages and introduced greater security and equity for Indonesian wives. Minimum ages for marriage were set; it become easier for Muslim women to achieve divorce; greater restrictions were put on husbands' rights to divorce and take multiple wives; the state reformed the Islamic court system, including the appointment of women state to intervene in matters of personal life, the government pushed though a new secular marriage law in 1974 194 See Nani Soewondo, "Indonesian Marriage Law and its Implementation Regulation," Archipel, Vol 13 (1977) 195 Marriage law was often implemented in ways that discriminated against women and appeared arbitrary and unpredictable. See Grayson Lloyd and Shannon Smith (Ed), Indonesia Today: Challenges of History, (Lanham, Boulder, New York: Rowman & Little Field Publishers Inc, 2001), p.275 130 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 145] === judges.198 However, this marriage; consequently limited, because only law the only recognizes registered women justice women whose marriages access those are registered are protected. The same law applies in the matter of the maternal children.19' In another move to strengthen the rights of women visa-vis men, Indeed, men were forbidden take second wives. 198 the introduction of a secular marriage law was one of the principle demands of the first Congress of Indonesian Women's Organizations, held in 1928.199 Although the marriage law was promulgated in 1974, marriage law has been the a curious sequel of the new attempt to limit the right civil servants to polygamous marriages even further.200 Even 196 Ibid 197 Inisiatif Special Edition, From Women to the World Few Voices from Indonesia, Edited by Widjajanti M Santoso, Ketty Kandarwati, Djaka Soehendera (Jakarta: Limpad 198 Louise Edwards and Mina Roces (ed), Women in Asia: Tradition, Modernity and Globalization (Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 2003), pp.146-147 199 See Vreede-de Stuers, Indonesian Women, 1960 200 Accordingly, probably as a consequence of women in Dharma Wanita (the organization of wives of civil servants) lobbying the president's wife (Ibu Ten Soeharto) in 1983, the president ordered that civil servants required the permission of their superior before taking a second wife. See Julia I.Surya Kesuma, "The State and Sexuality in New Order Indonesia," pp.102-103 131 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 146] === the 1974 Marriage Law satisfied most women as the best that could be achieved under the circumstances. prominent grounds, women continue for instance, view of marriage. criticize However, the law a few the that it was based on a patriarchal This includes the Minister for Women's Empowerment, Khofifah Indar Parawansa, 201 who announced that the law should revised because according her, domesticated the role of women. 202 To ensure a more objective settlement disputes organizations, including marriage, 'Aisyiyah, have some women's also demanded improvements in the law. b. Divorce There is no concept of marriage as a sacrament in Islam. It is, therefore, possible to dissolve a marriage just as any other contract between two individuals can be terminated.203 Divorce is a method of putting an end to the contract of marriage. Islam impossible allows sustain; divorce permitted marriage for becomes couple 201 She was the Minister for Women's Empowerment President Abdurrahman Wahid's administration. ^ 1/1194 Segera direvisi: Karena tidak Berperspektif Gender," Media Indonesia (February 10, 2000). 203 Asghar Ali Engineer, The Rights of Women in Islam, (India: C. Hurst and Company), p.99 132 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 147] === separate in an amicable manner. At the same time, make divorce Muslims. serious business and Thus only in unavoidable something it seeks to abhorrent circumstances is divorce permitted in Islam. The stability of marriage is the normal expectation and almost the universal realization. Yet some couples may discover, or think, that they are incompatible. However, the expectation is that they should not rush to this conclusion. tension arises, each should try understand and patient with the other and at the same time should examine his or her own attitude and sees what may be the underlying cause of tension. If the dispute becomes chronic, they are advised call representative from the side each party arbitrate and try to make peace between them. For the husband whose wife's ill-conduct is threatening the marriage, the Qur'an gives four types advice detailed in the following verses: " As to those women on whose part you fear disloyalty and ill-conduct, (1) Admonish them, (2) refuse to share their beds, (3) beat them (lightly); but if they return to obedience seek not against them means (of annoyance): For Allah is Most High, Great (above you all), (4) If you fear a breach between the twain, appoint (two) arbiters, one from his family and the other from hers: If they wish for peace, God will cause their reconciliation: for God hath full knowledge, and is acquainted with all things." 204 204 The Qur'an 4:34-35, A. Yusuf Ali's translation. 133 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 148] === Islamic tradition, the arbiters should try reconcile the couple to each other. They are to conduct the case discreetly to avoid the embarrassment that may arise from publicity involving private details. The arbiters' ruling should be binding, and if necessary, enforced by the court. If the arbiters fail to reconcile the couple, divorce then may be the last resort. The Prophet describes divorce as a thing most hated by God. The Prophet said: "Of all things licit the most hateful to god is divorce."205 Those involved in domestic disputes should do their best to salvage the marriage before thinking of divorce. If the rupture is irreparable, divorce may then become an inevitable, necessary evil. already mentioned, Talaq (divorce), the Qur'an professes it necessary for husband and wife to go through a waiting period of three months, idda, after which the marriage is officially terminated. you divorce women, The Qur'an says; "0 Prophet! When divorce them at their prescribed period, and count (accurately) their prescribed periods: and fear God, your Lord."206 Furthermore, the Qur'an commands that the husband reconsider his decision at the end of the waiting period and 205 A concise Encyclopedia of Islam Glasse, Stecey International, 1989), p.100 (London: 206 The Qur'an, 65:1, A. Yusuf Ali translation. 134 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Cyril === [PDF page 149] === keep the woman in the home during the idda The husband must keep his wife even in times of menstruation; if she is pregnant, then he must keep her until she bears the child. These regulations gave women legal protection. However, according to some scholars, the Qur'an does not grant women the same rights as are given to men. in divorce But some scholars argue that Islam offers Muslim women some unequalled rights; a woman can end the marriage through Khula and she can sue for a divorce. Defenders of Islamic marriage law usually say that the male right of talak is balanced by wives' rights in court.207 This is not at all true on a scale of facility. 208 But it is true in Indonesia that pengadilan agama are peculiarly women's institutions. 205 They do in fact offer wives difficult marriages, a way out of or even merely unpleasant ones. When an effort was finally made to form a marriage-counseling service, it was given a wholly new format with specific functions. The marriage-counseling boards (Badan Penasihat Perkawinan dan Penyelesaian Perceraian: BP4), literally, Marriage Counseling 20' See Nashruddin Thala, Pedoman Perkawinan Ummat Islam (A Marriage Guide for the Islamic Community) (Jakarta: Bulan 208 Daneil S. Lev, Islamic Courts in Indonesia: p. 150 209 See Judith Djamour, The Muslim Matrimonial Court of Singapore (London: Athlone Press, 1966), p.147 135 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 150] === and Divorce Settlement Bodies, were created in 1954 to advise couples, to try to find out why they seek to divorce, and to attempt to reconcile them. zl° Although BP4 was led by the KUA (Religious Affairs representatives Office), several board women's members included organizations, including 'Aisyiyah, as well as Muhammadiyah and other organizations.211 It may be that the generally stronger social position of women countries, this much Indonesia, has pushed direction than compared Indonesian the case with other Islamic Courts elsewhere Islamic further in the Islamic world. The same appears to apply to the divorce system known as the fasch or "pasah." Pasah is another Islamic institution, 210 In October 1954, the first BP4 was established in Bandung on this model; initially the idea was formulated by S.M.Nasaruddin Latief of the Jakarta KUA, Kantor Urusan Agama (Religious Affair Office). See Nj.Djunah Pardiaman, "Sedjarah dan Perkembangan BP4," in Penuntun 14, n o.1 (January 1960), pp.16-19. See also Vrede-de Stuers, Indonesian Women, pp.131-132. 211 These boards were a response not only to an obvious social problem but also to a political one. The background against which they appeared was filled with activity by women's groups, some of them political party subsidiaries, which were demanding reform of existing marriage law for Muslims. It was also a time of considerable ideological conflict among political parties, and Islam was very much at issue. See Daneil S. Lev, Islamic Courts in Indonesia, p.135- 160. See also Soewondo-Soeroso, Kedudukan Waita dalam Hukum dan Masyarakat (The Position of Indonesian Women in Law and Society) (Jakarta: Timun Mass, 1955). It offers exciting and impassioned account of these efforts. 136 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 151] === which has been modified in application, and so molded more effectively into the milieu of adat law. Pasah is dissolution of marriage by a judge on the grounds of infirmity, present at marriage, provide such as the physical nafaqah Indonesia, there (maintenance) are many inability of the husband to for instances permitted to demand pasah, wife. 212 in which But the wife because her husband has deserted her. On the complaint of the wife, and his the husband is summoned, (even if he does not appear himself) is given the chance to prove within three days that he can support his wife. If after three days, the wife appears before the judge again with proof that her husband has not advanced support the marriage is forthwith dissolved by pasah. As a form of divorce at the request of the wife, this is therefore an Indonesian type of marriage termination. our discussion above, although the husband has greater power in deciding on a divorce, a woman has always had the right to add to her marriage contract a term granting her equal power divorce her husband. Even without that provision she has always had the right to seek a divorce on certain grounds such as cruelty and the failure by the husband 212 See Abdur Rahman I. Doi, Women in Syari'ah (Islamic Law)(Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: ASN Publishers, 1990), pp.90-91 137 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 152] === to provide her maintenance.210 Although the term nafkah is used Indonesians refer courts tend to restrict broader all under support Islamic generally, Islamic its meaning but also to rely upon statutory mandate involving wives to maintenance the laws hear responsibilities husbands law. 214 There litigation nowadays toward growing tendency in Islamic countries to make divorce a state matter so that a couple contemplating divorce has to apply for it in the courts. This would be a further protection against a hasty divorce. Another measure against hasty divorce the prohibition, under Islamic law, of divorce during the period of the wife's menstruation and during a clear period in which coitus took place. wife also entitled limited 213 While married, women are clearly entitled to certain kinds of maintenance from their husbands. Among these are adeguate food (nafkah, nafaqah) and clothing (kiswah). When a husband has left his wife without property or support, the courts normally grant a fasach divorce. However, if the husband is capable of providing support, and has in fact provided a house or clothes or other goods which the court consider adequate, then the wife is obliged to follow and obey her husband. See Notosusanto, Organisasi dan Jurisprudensi Peradilan Agama di Indonesia (Yojakarta: Penerbit Gajah Mada, 1963), p.87 214 These include not only adequate food and clothing, but also a residence, some furniture, and personal effects, all within limits set by the husband's means but never amounting to nothing. See Notosusanto, Ibid, pp. 94-98; See also Soewondo Soerasno, Kedudukan Wanita, pp.51-52 138 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 153] === maintenance during her 'iddah period of three menstrual flows, including the full length of time she may be pregnant.215 Some Muslim countries, such as Indonesia, a woman can divorce her husband if he habitually assaults her or makes her life miserable by cruel behavior. However, if the husband only assaults his wife once, this is not sufficient grounds for the dissolution of the marriage. Indeed, the only case in which the wife can divorce her husband after a few instances of abuse is if she is a "reasonable woman" and a divorce would give her relief. The definition of a "reasonable woman" could obviously be interpreted in many ways. "Reasonable women" may women certain class, behavior, lifestyle determined by a judicial group. A woman of the lower classes might not be seen as a reasonable woman because she does not seclude herself like woman higher classes. therefore acceptable for her husband to continue to treat her in a debilitating or degrading way, as her behavior might be called into some question whether or not these "reforms" women's rights and status. "impure." were Perhaps must question true modifications the difficulty protecting wives from abuse lies in the fact that it is deemed permissible in the Qur'an to strike a woman. 215 See Daneil S. Lev, 177 Islamic Courts in Indonesia, pp. 135139 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 154] === Another aspect of divorce which favors the husband is his ability to divorce his wife immediately upon his third pronouncement of the talaq, in which the husband says to his wife: "I divorce you". This is called the talaq al-bid'a, and it was the most common form of divorce used. repudiation by the husband be effective, Muslim scholars, it is essential In order that according to some that he should be in his right mind. Some Islamic family laws were proposed to make it more difficult for the husband to go through with the talaq to require him to give money to the wife to compensate for her loss. For instance, the 1953 Syrian Law of Personal Status proposed that when the husband divorced his wife without good cause, he must give her financial compensation for a year's worth of "maintenance." Even though Islam allows divorce, however, discouraged by the Prophet.216 This shows that the right is to exercised only when there are sufficiently compelling reasons. There are also causes which would recommend the dissolution of a marriage. A husband who becomes impotent, or a husband who becomes incapable of bearing the maintenance of 216 See H.Abd al-Ati, Islam in Focus (Indiana: American Trust Publications, 1976), pp.116-7. 140 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 155] === his wife and fears that she may fall into immoral behavior, should seek a divorce from his wife. Divorce in Islam does not involve a stringent or longprotracted procedure. Moreover, it does not depend on the mutual consent of both parties but can be affected even in the face of an objection by the other party. It is regarded as unhealthy to hold on to a legal but otherwise broken marriage to have long separation, (common-law) marriages maladjustment the and which may children. lead subsequent Divorce illegal miseries and then better and healthier both for the spouses and for the children. The grounds for divorce Islam, however, are more liberal than in many part of the West. They are not limited to proven adultery, or cruelty, or long separation. The couple may apply for separation simply when they realize that they cannot live together happily for any reason. This does not by any means reflect on the stability of the Muslim family. The complex web of ties, social and psychological, is a strong safeguard against rash decisions. Moreover, from the practical point of view, divorce has always been the exception. Its relatively greater frequency in recent times in some parts of the Muslim world has resulted from the profound and rapid 141 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 156] === social changes taking place and the upheavals, which accompany such changes. Indonesia society in general has recognized many forms of divorce and dissolution of marriage, and some of these have been adopted marriage contract, Islamic possibility (ta'liq talaq) by which the wife, certain conditions apply, relation with modifications. the for example, there is what is known as the conditional repudiation marriage law can ask the court to dissolve her with her husband. making repudiation It is true dependent that the upon the fulfillment of certain conditions rests on Islamic law. But the permissibility of the initiation of such an annulment by a woman rests in adat law. In practically every Muslim marriage, the man declares that if he leaves his wife for a given number of months without providing for her, or if he does any other specified deed that may be disagreeable to her, she may, she wishes, complain to the Muslim authorities, and she shall be released from the marriage. However, the relation between adat and Islam, in certain circumstances, is problematic. In Indonesia, the Dutch colonials introduced a new system with the hope of overcoming the conflict between adat and Islam. A Muslim penghulu was attached to every native law court. His task was not to impose Islamic law but to give Islamic advice regarding matters of 142 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 157] === local customs. More importantly, the Dutch established in 1882 the Penghulu court give legal ("court of priests") whose function is to decisions according Islamic law. But the importance of this court is limited to areas of marriage, inheritance, and waqaf. independence, there were two court and the Penghulu the time Indonesia judiciary systems: court. These gained the native systems are still maintained today (Pengadilan Negeri and Pengadilan Agama). It is for this reason that the courts in Indonesia have had much trouble with family law, particularly where unmodified Western legal institutions were adopted. c. Poverty or Maintenance. Verse 34 surah the Qur'an teaches that the superiority of men over women is justified by the fact that men provide women with "nafaqa, " the resources necessary to maintain human life. This verse commonly has been cited to subjugate women in the name of Islam. But more and more Muslim women are asking interpreted?" the question the link "How between should the this verse relationship domination and consumption limited to the sexual relationship, or is it institutionalized in other spheres? What exactly are the rights of the women to nafaqah, in marriage, widowhood, and divorce? 143 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 158] === Sura 4, verse 34, is perhaps the most important Qur'anic verse dealing translators with have the subject translated this men and verse women. Some emphasize the supremacy of men over women: ...Men are theprotectors and maintainers of women, because God has given the one more (strength) than the other, and because they support them from their means. Therefore the righteous women are devoutly obedient, and guard in (the husband's) absence what God would have them guard 217 The word caiman, here translated, is a difficult word to render other languages. Some writers translate "protector" "maintainer, " for example Yusuf Ali's translation, where men qawwamuna (have responsibility) says over women. that are Linguistically, the word caiman means "breadwinners" or "those who provide a means of living." According to Riffat Hassan, made here is that the stating that a point of logic that must be first sentence is not a descriptive one all men as "a matter of fact" are providing for women, since obviously there are at least some men who do not provide for women.'116 What the sentence is stating, rather, is that men ought have the capability provide (since 217 A. Yusuf Ali, The Holy Qur'an: Text, Translation and Commentary, Brentwood, MD: Amana, 1983, (Qur'an, 4:34) 218 See Riffat Hassan, "Equal Before Allah? Women and Equality in in the Islamic Tradition," in Harvad Divinity Bulletin, Vol II, no.2, 1987 144 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 159] === "ought" implies "can"). In other words, this statement, which almost all description Muslim societies all men, have taken fact a normative actual statement pertaining to the Islamic concept of division of labor in a family structure. The Qur'an states that male and female believers are each others' walis (protectors, guardians).219 Riffat Hasan argues that: It is a profound irony and tragedy that the Qur' an, despite its strong affirmation of human equality and the need to do justice to all of Allah's creatures, has been interpreted by many Muslims, both ancient and modern, as sanctioning various forms of human inequality and even enslavement. For instance, even though the Qur'an states clearly that man and woman were made from the same source, at the same time, in the same manner, and that they stand equal in the sight of Allah, men and women is taken to be self-evident.220 The fact that men are qawwamun does not mean that women are incapable handling their own affairs, controlling themselves or of being leaders, whether among women, men and women, even nations, has usually been assumed. 219 •"The male and female believers are each others' walis (protectors, guardians)," Qur'an 30:21. These themes permeate the Qur'an and make it very clear that there is no metaphysical, ontological, religious, or ethical primacy for the male over the female. See Azizah al-Hibri, Introduction to Muslim Women's Rights," in Gisala Webb (Ed.), Windows of Faith: (2000). 220 Riffat Hassan, "Equal Before Equality in in the Islamic Tradition," Allah? Women 145 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and === [PDF page 160] === Rather, the verse's intention is to establish a responsibility men for the protection and maintenance women restricted social contexts or simply that in view of the heavy burden that most women shoulder with regard to family duties, women should not have the additional obligation of providing the means of living. It can certainly be argued that the basic notion involved here is one of moral guidance and caring. The created Qur'an also from the same their metaphysical states that "human beings were all nafs (soul)."""1 It is reemphasizing sameness. The Qur'an also adds that the most honored humans in the sight of God are those who are the pious.222 According to Azizah Y. Al-Hibri, thus, at the same time that the Qur'an points out empirical differences among humans, such as those of gender, race and ethnicity, it asserts their natural equality. 223 It bases any ranking among them on their individual moral choices. Consequently, from the perspective 221 The Qur'an, 4:1-2 The Qur'an, 49:13, "Oh mankind! We created you from a single (pair), Of a male and a female, And made you into Nations and tribes, that ye may know each other (not that ye may despite each other). Verily, The most honoured of you In the sight of God Is (he who is) the most righteous of you. And God has full knowledge And is well acquainted (With all things)." (Abdullah Yusuf Ali Translation) 223 Azizah Y.Al-Hibri, Women's Rights," p.52 Introduction 146 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Muslim === [PDF page 161] === of these Qur'anic passages, no man is superior to a woman by virtue of his gender alone.224 Furthermore, in sura 4:34, we come to the statement that God has given "the one more strength than the other." Most translations more make appear that the one who has strength, excellence, or superiority is the man. However, the Qur'anic expression does not say that "all men are superior to or better than all women." Nor does it even imply that all men over are preferred explicitly specified advantage materially, God the all women. Qur'an. Men resulting in certain Advantages have are certain responsibilities (or vice versa). When the Qur'an says that "some (unspecified gender) are preferred by God over others," the expression literally means "some in relation to some," that the statement mean either that some men are superior to some others could (men and/or women) or that some women are superior to some others (men and/or women). According to Riffat Hassan, what is being stated in this verse is that some men are more blessed with the means to be better providers than are other men. The next part of the verse begins with a "therefore, " which indicates that this part is conditional upon the first: in other words, if men fulfill their assigned function of 224 Ibid 147 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 162] === being providers, women must fulfill their corresponding duties. Most translations describe this duty in terms of the wife being "obedient" the translation the word salihat, husband. Yusuf Ali's is translated as "righteously obedient, "225 What are outlined in the first part of this verse are the functions all divisions labor necessary for maintaining balance in any society. Men, who do not fulfill the responsibility of childbearing, are assigned the function being breadwinners. Women are exempted from the responsibility of being breadwinners in order that they may fulfill their functions as separate but complementary; neither is higher or lower than the other.226 In the Qur'an, responsibility and privileges are linked. Whoever has greater greater responsibilities responsibility privileges, men and other and vice versa. the Qur'an, The material are invested with the responsibility for support of women, has corresponding the (like greater which has they advantages advantages, portion 225 This word, according Riffat Hasan, is related to the word salahiat, which means "capability" or "potentiality," and not obedience. Women's special capability is to bear children. 226 The law of maintenance is based on the Qur'an, but unfortunately it has been used to assert the general superiority of men over women. See Aziza Y.al-Hibri, "An Introduction to Muslim Women's Rights," 148 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 163] === inheritance). superiority. This 227 verse does establishes not give mutual men inherent responsibility organization society. Responsibility is not superiority. This description the universal creation is significant in our discussion of the relationship between advantages and responsibilities. Some people are more advantaged than others are; thus their responsibilities correspondingly increase. Men have material advantage and an increased responsibility: spending "for the support of Women." From our discussion above, rights of women are can we see exactly what the to nafaqah (maintenance)? Islamic law treats property as primarily and naturally individual. The wife can claim to be maintained at the expense of her husband, as her right to maintenance is considered part of the marriage contract. In Islam, a man is bound to maintain his wife and his minor children irrespective of his and her means, if he is not indigent. He is obliged to maintain his other relatives from whom he can inherit, if he has the means to do so and they are indigent.228 227 See Ibid 226 See Aziza Women's Rights," Y.al-Hibri, Introduction to Muslim 149 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 164] === The Arabic equivalent of maintenance is nafaqa, which literally means, "what a person spends on his family." this legal sense, nafaqa encompasses primarily the husband's responsibility lodging to provide (Nafaqa) for his wife and children, the food, which clothing and is a fundamental responsibility of the husband and father, and this becomes a legal concern in the dissolution of a marriage where it is contended that the husband is not providing adequate support during the course of the marriage. The husband's responsibility to maintain his wife begins at the time of the marriage contract. Nafaqa is due to the wife whether she is Muslim or not, rich or poor, and whether or not the marriage has been consummated. Although this point legally binding, practice maintenance does customarily begin until the couple begins to cohabit, may be some time after the signing the marriage not which contract. Nafaqa is popularly understood to be the price of legal sexual access to the wife. Thus the wife is entitled to maintenance as long as she remains in the house of her husband, or if they are living in her house or the house of her family, as long as she permits him to cohabit with him. In the case of divorce, a divorced husband must pay for the full maintenance of his revocable divorced wife for the full waiting period. During this period she is still treated 150 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 165] === almost like his wife. Therefore any proposal of marriage to her during this period, even by allusion, is forbidden. An irrevocably divorced woman who is pregnant has the right to her full maintenance for the duration of her period of waiting. If not pregnant, she has the right to the cost of her accommodation only. the accommodation case of widowhood, a widow has the right (from the estate of her deceased husband) only for the duration of her period of waiting, whether she is pregnant or not. A hinting proposal of marriage during the waiting period to a woman irrevocably separated from her husband by death or by a third divorce is permissible; but a direct proposal is not. The idea is to maintain courtesy to the former husband and not to provoke his jealousy unduly. On the other hand, the divorced husband has to show sympathy and consideration toward his divorced wife. He should not reveal a secret or attempt to disgrace her in any way. In addition, in Islamic tradition, it is recommended that he send her a generous financial gift to help her out during the period of the ordinal divorce. d. Polygamy The ability of a Muslim man to have multiple wives is one of the better known facts about Islam. According to Muslim 151 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 166] === tradition, a man is indeed allowed to marry up to four wives any time. This leniency even established the Qur'an, 229 but the use and perception of that institution is different from the popular stereotype. The woman does not seem to have a similar privilege. Polygamy has caused much misery for women. limit Before practiced Islam, pagan Arabs without polygamy. The result was any check or oppression and injustice for all wives. Therefore, Islam adopted an improvedupon preexisting practice by not allowing a man to marry more than four wives concurrently, and only if he could afford to support them all equally.230 Islam has been much attacked for its support polygamy; however, polygamy is certainly not imposed by Islam, nor is it a universal practice. And the opinions of religious thinkers have differed widely.231 The reaction of Islamic women concerning polygamy points out the high sensitivity of Muslim men and women if their religious teachings are misunderstood by other people. The institution of polygamy is probably the Islamic tradition most misunderstood and most vehemently 229 (The Qur'an, 4:3), See Abdullah Yusuf Qur'an: Text, Translation and Commentary, 1983 Ali, The 230 Abdullah Yusuf Ali, An English Interpretation of the Holy Qur'an, Lahore, 1915, p.179 231 Nawal El-Saadawi, "Woman in Islam" in Azizah AlHibri (ed), Women and Islam, (New York: Fergamon Press, 1984), p.198 152 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 167] === condemned by non-Muslims. Some Muslims, indeed, believes that polygamy is not allowed and base their position on what is mentioned Qur'an. The Qur'an allows polygamy only exceptional circumstances and with rigid requirements attached to it. It is instead regarded as the exception to the norm of monogamy and its exercise is strongly controlled by social pressures. The passage in the Qur'an which has been used to justify polygamy is the following: ....If ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, marry women of your choice, two or three or four; but if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or (captive) that your right hands possess, that will be more suitable, to prevent you from doing injustice.... 233 Thus it can be seen that the emphasis is not just on marrying more than one woman but on doing justice to the orphans. Here it is to be borne in mind that in those days, guardians often misappropriated their sometimes did so by marrying wards' properties them without even paying and the dower money. The Qur'an checks this malpractice. 232 Lois Lamya al- Faruqi, "Islamic Traditions and the Feminist Movement: Confrontation or Cooperation?", The Islamic Quarterly, 27 (Third Quarter, 1983), p.136 23j Qur'an, An-Nisa: 3, Abdullah Yusuf Ali, The Holy Qur'an, 1983 153 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 168] === According to Yusuf Ali's commentary: Notice the conditional clause about orphans, introducing the rules about marriage. This reminds us of the immediate occasion of the promulgation of this verse. It was after uhud, when the Muslim community was left with many orphans and widows and some captives of war. Their treatment was to be governed by principles of the greatest humanity and equity. The occasion is past, but the principles remain, marry the orphans if you are quite sure that you will in that way protect their interests and their properly.234 According Said ibn Jabayr, Qatadah, and other successors of the Prophet’s companions, the importance of the verse is this: Just as you are, rightly, fearful of offending against the interest of orphans, you must apply the same careful consideration to the interests and rights of the women whom you intend to marry.235 Thus justice to orphan girls on the one hand, and to the rights and interests of women, whom men intend to marry on the other, receive primary consideration. These cannot be trifled with. It is necessary to deal with the verse of the Qur'an 234 Abdullah Yusuf Ali, (1993), p.184 The Meaning of the Holy Qur'an, 235 Muhammad Assad, The Message of the Qur'an: Translated and Explained, (Gibraltar: Dar Al-Andalus, 1984), p.101 154 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 169] === from which the permission to marry more than one woman is derived. The important point, which should be carefully noted, is that this verse does not endorse polygamy. It only permits polygamy, and that permission, too, given a strict condition. For example, only if one can be equitable between the wives, equitable, may marry more is bidden than one. in plain words cannot to marry only one woman. This also makes it quite unambiguous that justice is the central concept and polygamy cannot be treated as a right or privilege as unfortunately has happened in a male-dominated society. Another important factor to be borne in mind the contextual revelation of these verses. The commentators agree that these verses were revealed immediately after the battle of Uhud and were meant to provide guidance to Muslims after that cataclysmic event.^36 There is one interesting hadith of the Prophet narrated by Bukhari. The Prophet said that one who works hard for the sustenance of widows is like one who wages war in the way of Allah or one who prays at night or fast during the day.237 236 See Abdullah Yusuf Ali, Translation, and Comentary, p.178 The Qur'an: Text, Shahih Bukhari: Bab Nikah, Vol. Ill, Lahore, 1980, p. 67 (Qouted from Asghar Ali Enginer, The Rights of Women in Islam (Lahore: C.Hurst and Company, 1992), p.104 155 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 170] === this permitting hadith related polygamy, the emphasis the surah marrying An-Nisa: widows and orphan girls become clearer. According to Asghar Ali Enginer, if working and earning for widows and orphans were like jihad, marrying them in times of distress would amount to maintaining and protecting them and would be a meritorious act. Thus this hadith makes it clear that marrying more than one wife is to help widows and orphans and not to satisfy one's lust. The intent is to establish social justice. During Jahiliyah (the pre-Islamic period Arabia) there was no restriction on the number of women one could marry. After Islam, restricting the number to four wives was a reform. This reform was introduced the then-prevailing conditions, for instance, the drastic reduction in the Muslim male population due to casualties in battles. Everyone knows that the social system Muslim societies has been drawn from the Qur'an. The permission for polygamy is drawn from the above verse, but it is now also clear, that polygamy is by no means obligatory upon a Muslim. On the contrary, those Muslims who indulge in polygamy and do not observe equity between the wives commit a sin because they go against the plain injunction of the Qur'an to be monogamous 238 Asghar Ali Enginer, The Rights of Women in Islam, p.104 156 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 171] === if they cannot be equitable. In another verse in the Qur'an it is stated: Ye are never able To be fair and just As between women, Even if it is Your ardent desire: But turn not away (From a woman) altogether, So as to leave her (as it were) Hanging (in the air). If ye come to a friendly Understanding, and practice Self-restraint, God is Oftforgiving, Most Merciful.'139 Thus this verse, again, the Qur'an tells the believers that they cannot do justice, even if they so desire, between wives, so they should refrain from taking more wives than one. According Muhammad Asad The Message the Qur'an), this verse refers to "cases where a man has more than one wife--a waiver which is conditional upon his determination and ability down." 240 'treat man who them with equal fairness' fully conscious his laid moral responsibility might feel that he is committing a sin if he loves one of his wives more than the other. The verses provide "judicial enlightenment" on this point by making it clear that feelings are beyond human control. The requirement to be just to all of one's wives is also an absolute one. Despite these qualifications, however, it is z39 The Qur'an: 4:129 (Abdullah Yusuf Ali's translation) 240 See Muhammad Asad, The Message of the Qur'an, p. 101 157 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1984, === [PDF page 172] === indisputable that polygamy has been widely misused through the ages and has done tremendous damage to women. It seems rather evident that the whole issue of polygamy is the result of the patriarchal attempt to distort the Qur'an in the male's favor. Islam itself, a woman a completely independent personality. She can make any contract or beguest in her own name. She is entitled to inherit in her position as mother, as wife and as daughter. She has perfect liberty to choose her husband. Islam does not consider a woman as "an instrument of the devil." The Qur'an women: emphasizes the essential unity of men and "..They are your garments And ye are their garments. God knoweth what ye Used to do secretly among yourselves..."241 Thus, in many contemporary Muslim countries the "low" status of Muslim women does not reflect the spirit of the Qur'an or hadith. conditions, Local Rather, it is a result of extra-Islamic misinterpretations, "interpretations," have, and abuses therefore, Islamic usually law. affected women negatively. 241 The Qur'an, 2:187, Abdullah Yusuf Ali's translation. 158 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 173] === e. Inheritance. Until religion very recently, Islam has been allotting women the most liberal share in their father's entwined in the structure husband's property. Property and wealth are society, with ties formed through blood and marital relations, and the orderly transfer of wealth is a fundamental part of Islamic law. The supreme purpose of the Islamic system is material provision for surviving dependants and relatives, for the family group bound to the deceased by the mutual ties and responsibilities which stem from blood relationships. The law prescribes the manner in which this provision is to be made in rigid and uncompromising terms. the rules inheritance In Islamic legal philosophy set-forth the ideal way for the deceased to fulfil his duty to his surviving family. Indonesia, within the adat, where the bilineal 242 social systems operate, the children born to a couple thereby belong daughters both can sides inherit the property. family, and both Among married sons and couple, the "possessions inherited or acquired by either partner during the marriage, become the common property to which they have 24z In Java, the bilineal system is most common. 159 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 174] === equal rights." 240 If the couple decides separate, all possessions that were brought into the marriage by the man remain with his family, while those brought into the marriage by the woman remain with her side. Property acquired since marriage is split so that the wife receives one third of its value, while her husband receives two-thirds.244 The general pattern local kinship systems Indonesia is of course influential in determining principles of inheritance. But bargaining still works cases out according individual need, sympathy, and regard for personal condition and relationships. Under patrilineal systems, Batak, where daughters are adat rules for instance among the Toba exclude females from inheritance, frequently provided with a piece of land or other substantial support as a "gift."/45 In Aceh where the influence of Islamic inheritance law evidently very strong, the trust Islamic rules qualified by the practice of presenting daughters with houses when they marry. In wealthy families, land is evidently also 243 Vreede-de Stuers, The Indonesian Women, p. 30 244 See Koentjaraningrat, "Tjelapar: A Village in South Central Java," in Villages in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967) 245 See J.C. Vergouwen, The Social Organization and Customary Law of the Toba-Batak of the Northern Sumatra (The Hague: Martinus-Nijhoff, 1964), pp. 60-61 160 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 175] === sometimes systems, given to daughters. 24c However, under matrilineal for instance among the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, Islam was accepted in all critical respects but to implement the Islamic inheritance law would turn Minangkabau organization and authority upside down. social The inheritance law became a dominating symbolic focus of conflict there, and when the struggle died down, an effort was made to work out an area-wide compromise on the inheritance problems.247 Even so, for long periods of time Minangkabau adat and Islam have lived in relative harmony, which means that Islamic leaders called off the challenge for the nonce, satisfied with other gains for Islam.248 In Fiqh Islam, the phrase used to describe the system of inheritance as a whole is duties obligations. obligations, 'ilmu al-fara'id, and more the science of specifically, religious The Qur'an gives rights of inheritance to the husband and the wife, to children and to a number of close female relatives who previously had no rights of inheritance 246 James Siegel, The Rope of God. (1969), pp. 138-139 24/ See Mochtar Naim (ed), Menggali Hukum Tanah Hukum Waris Minangkabau (Developing Minangkabau Land Inheritance Law) (Padang: Sri Dharma, 1968). dan and 248 See Taufik Abdullah, "Adat and Islam: An Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau," Indonesia 2 (October 1966), p p.1-25 161 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 176] === all. 249 These new "Qur'anic heirs" received fixed proportions from the deceased's estate before the inheritance passed to the close male relatives. define the law inheritance the rules pertaining to the succession of a person's property at his death, we must begin by characterizing the Islamic law of property. Proprietary rights can be transmitted freely, almost without any formalities. No difference is made between movable and immovable property, nor between real or equitable rights. Every Muslim who is of age is capable of owning property. Though the personal status of women are in many ways inferior to that of men, Muslim woman this does no wayaffects her holds after marriage. and administers Husbands property. her own property, and wives have no rights even to each other's property. A married woman has full powers to contract and to accept liabilities. The Muslim woman has the right to inherit property after the death of her father. The Qur'an says: Allah thus directs you as regards your children's (inheritance): to the male, a portion equal to that of two females: if only daughters, two or more, their share is two-thirds of the inheritance; if only one, her share is a half...250 249 See Reuben Levy, The social Structure (Cambridge: University Press, 1962), pp.147-149 Islam, 250 The Qur'an, 4:11 (Abdullah Yusuf Ali's translation) 162 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 177] === The Qur'an thus entitles share given to a man. maintenance of a woman to inherit half the Since the Qur'an charges men with the all the women and children in the family, the half share that a woman inherits may be considered a generous one, meant for her alone. A woman has full dispose of right over her property, according to herwill and she and pleasure, can without referring to anybody. Again the Qur'an says: In what your wives leave, your share is a half, if they leave no child; but if they leave a child, ye get a fourth; after payment of legacies and debts. In what ye leave, their share is a fourth, if ye leave no child; but if ye leave a child, they get an eighth; after payment of legacies and debts. If the man or woman whose inheritance is in guestion, has left neither ascendants nor descendants, but has left a brother or a sister, each one of the two gets a sixth; but if more than two, they share in a third; after payment of legacies and debts; so that no loss is caused (to any one) Thus is it ordained by Allah; and Allah is All-knowing, Most forbearing.251 In pre-Islamic Arabia, women had no rights to succession at all. Islam brought reform as the Qur'an abolished all these unjust customs and gave all the female relatives inheritance shares: "From what left parents and those nearest 251 The Qur'an, 4:12 (Abdullah Yusuf Ali's translation) 163 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 178] === related there whether the s share property for men and a share small large, for women, determinate share."252 Islam recognized every individual's right to property— men, women and children. terms: The Qur'an declares in unambiguous "..And women shall have rights similar to the rights against them, according to what is equitable; But men have a degree (Of advance) over them. And God is Exalted in Power, Wise."253 But what the Qur'an gives, found in many Muslim countries the men take away. (including It was Indonesia) that almost 45 percent of the women have lost their inheritance, being a merely child. The whole issue inheritance Islam depends entirely on the social and economic context, and the role or function of a particular sex within it. If this crucial contextual understanding factor the verses borne related mind, proper inheritance in the and and Qur'an would ensue.254 Property relations between husband wife, general the rights of women to the estates of their deceased kin, have sometimes been obscured by a simplistic rendering of 252 The Qur'an, 4:7 (Abdullah Yusuf Ali's translation) 253 The Qur'an, 2:228 (Abdullah Yusuf Ali's translation) 254 Ali. Engineer, The Rights of Women in Islam, p. 70 164 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 179] === the dictum that a woman receives one-half that of a man in inheritance. Muslim marriage does not property between husband and wife, favored over affinal ties. convey community as lineal relations are Throughout a marriage a husband retains full possession and control of his property, wife does of hers. However, the husband and wife mutual rights of inheritance; as the do have if there are no children, takes half and she takes a quarter. If there are children, he takes quarter and she one-eighth. the latter, more frequent case, the children and the close agnatic kin take the largest sum both estates. mentioned Qur'anic heirs portion), six daughter, are the nine specifically (i.e. those who must inherit their women, grandmother, including the wife, consanguine and uterine the mother, sisters. And the remainder goes to the man who lacks strong agnatic ties, i.e. the husband and uterine brother, the intention being to modify and reform prevailed before the Islam. strongly patrilineal system which The half-portion allotted to women stems from the attenuated public economic roles which women play in patrilineal societies, in which some women are denied rights to inheritance. The general rule is that the female share is half the male's except for cases in which the mother receives equal 165 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 180] === shares to that of the father. This general rule, if taken in isolation from other legislation concerning men and women, may seem unfair. In order to understand the rationale behind this rule, one must take into account the fact that the financial obligations of men in Islam far exceed those of women. For instance, a bridegroom must provide his bride with a marriage gift. This gift becomes her exclusive property and remains so even she later divorced. The bride under obligation to present any gifts to her groom. Moreover, the Muslim husband is charged with the maintenance of his wife and children. The wife on the other hand, is not obliged to help him in this regard. Her property and earnings are for her use alone except for what she may voluntarily offer her husband. Besides, one has to realize that Islam vehemently advocates family life. From a sociological standpoint, the laws of inheritance reflect the structure of family ties and the accepted social values and responsibilities within the Islamic community. The rights inheritance are generally regarded the consideration for duties of protection and support owed to the deceased during his lifetime, so that the stronger the family bond, the greater the right of inheritance. In providing for the continuity of the family group as one cell the universal Islamic community, the 166 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. law === [PDF page 181] === inheritance appears a vital aspect the individual's supreme duty to Islam. 3. The Role of 'ulama' In Women's Movement. The ulama in Islam simply form a category of citizens specialized in Islamic humanistic culture and knowledge of Muslim law. Those who are advanced in Islamic legal studies are given the name of fuqaha or jurists. In general, disputes or cases pertaining to religious matters may be referred to them.255 It must, however, be noted that ulama in Islam are not what clergy are in certain Christian communities or in other religions, for Islam, there is neither clergy nor any intermediary between a human being and God.256 In Indonesia, ulama may be men of great knowledge of the Qur'an, Hadith, Islamic History and law, and Arabic, coming from a long line of scholars and with contacts throughout the Muslim world. Since the ulama have been the traditional experts personal law, and hence are more knowledgeable about the role of women, the status the ulama making of laws relating to women. in society affects the In most Muslim nations, 255 Alhaji Adeleke Dirisu Ajijola, Ulama,' in Charles Kurzlam (ed), Liberal Oxford University Press, 1998), p.239 'The Problem of Islam (New York: 256 Ibid 167 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 182] === there are some provisions under which the ulama are consulted, but they do not have any final authority. In terms of the way the ulama is appropriated to endorse the women's movement in the context of general statements about women rights in Islam, it will affect the role of women in the community. The role the ulama the women's movement Indonesia has been, and still is, very important. For example, when K. Dahlan founded his school to teach women about Islam, he encouraged them to speak in public, and to organize. In short, he strove to include women as effectively functional instruments within the reform movement. Yet while encouraging the organizational emancipation of women, Dahlan also intensified the sexual segregation of men from women. Thus, his stated reason for encouraging women doctors was so women need not reveal their private parts to male doctors. In Dahlan's proposal, submitted the government, seeking greater control by Muslims over their affairs, there was a clause that only female physicians be permitted to treat female patients or handle female corpses.^5' persuade Kauman women to give up the He was able to jewelry and dresses that 257 See James L. Peacock, Purifying the Faith: The Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam, pp.45-46 168 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 183] === advertised their female charms, and he taught them to cover their heads with a scarf. Peacock women, discusses Dahlan's treatment that must emphasized noting restrained their public sensuality, the issue that while increased their organizational power. According to Peacock, the same is true of feminist movements: they strive to replace women's sexual valence with political force.258 It is remarkable that Dahlan was able to emphasize the rationalizing stream of Islam to liberate women to the extent that he did, while de-emphasizing that part of Islam which supports patriliny, polygyny, and a legal system rendering women second- class citizens. 259 Another example is to be found in Aceh. Between 1607 and 1636, Aceh was a center of Islamic teaching, famous not only in the Indonesian Archipelago in particular and Southeast Asia general, 260 but also regarded gateway Mecca for Southeast Asia. Many great ulama lived during this period: Shaykh Al-Fansuri (d.1600); Hamzah Sumatrani (d.1630); Shaykh Shyakh Nurruddin Shamsuddin Ar-Raniry (d.1657); 258 See Ibid, p. 40 289 Ibid, p. 40 260 See Ailsa Zainuddin, A Short History of Indonesia (New York: Praeger Publisher, 1970), p.82 169 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 184] === Shyakh Abd Rauf (d.1693); and Syakh Burhannuddin (d.1691). 261 The ulama held a very high position among the Acehnese and were heeded by them. Under the Sultanate, the ulama played the role of legislators who gave their legal decisions (fatwa). And under the four female rulers, the ulama were the greatest supporters various their queens. disciplines education, culture, aspects educational They were well-acquainted with knowledge politics, life. At this institutions and social, center existed sought economics, all Islamic levels/ elevate and other learning, Meunasah (lowest level), rangkang262 and balee (Middle level), and dayah The reason why women had high position in Aceh at that time is because they were supported by the ulama. The ulama in Aceh regarded women as having equal rights with men in family matters, politics, and society. That why the Acehnese kingdom was ruled by the Queens for nearly sixty years. After many of these great ulama died, the status of women in Aceh 261 Sayyid Muhammad Naqib Al-'Attas, Raniry and the Wujudiyah of 17th Century of Acheh (Singapura: MBRAS, 1966), p. 34 262 See James T. Siegel, 'Acehnese Religion,' in The Encyclopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade, ed, (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1987), Vol 1, p.24 263 See Baihaqi A.K., "Ulama and Madrasah Aceh," in Taufik Abdullah (ed) Agama dan Perubahan Social (Jakarta: CV Rajawali, 1984). 170 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 185] === declined. And during the war of independence, many of the ulama were killed by the Dutch. The ulama in Indonesia, then, become an important pillar in the society, although there are some apparent weaknesses which often make women subordinate to men. For instance, ulama still argue that polygamy is permitted Thus it should be noted that in Indonesia, more than one wife. However, the ulama the by Islamic law. ulama often have also give opportunity for women to be able to deal with problems related their rights and duties. But regarding the concept access to political power, the ulama are still divided. Some Islamic scholars are the opinion that Islam does not recognize women's political rights, while some claim equality between men and women in this matter. However, who even many who recognize women's political rights impose a limitation: that these rights notentail the right stand for In Abdurrahman Wahid's(former President Indonesia) election as head of state.264 argument on the women's position in Indonesia,religion bears some of theresponsibility for the fact that achieved equal in development. status as partners women have not He said, 264 See Rochayah Machali, "Women and the Concept of Power in Indonesia," in Susan Blackburn (ed), Love, Sex, and Power: Women In Southeast Asia (Clayton: Monash Asia 171 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 186] === "Men are still dominating women a generation later," and he insisted that it is "not enough for religion to speak of moral ideals": "We must have a concrete plan for beginning change, and a good attitude toward equal life together."265 It is, however, hard to unravel to what extent Islamic leaders were using arguments against women leaders merely as ammunition in their battle for the power. By the time of the lead-up the general election June 1999, fierce controversy raged as to whether Islam had any reason to deny the legitimacy of a woman becoming president.266 some Islamic circles serious doubts began raised about the appropriateness of women holding positions of national leadership. Despite plenty of experience of women leading other Islamic nations, Muslim leaders were divided on the issue and women's organizations Megawati's defense on this were slow come issue because they feared being seen as lending their personal and political support to her.267 265 Abdur Rahman Wahid, "Religion and Women's Status in Development," Suara Pembaharuan (December 12, 1987) 266 With Megawati Sukarno Putri, a woman, running in the Presidential election, the discussion of sexuality and politics gained a whole new focus and perspective. l61 It was necessary to open a new door for a (re)interpretation of the place of women in the realm of political power, and not only in relation to the concept of power in the Islamic arena in general. 172 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 187] === In November 1999, in Jakarta, a national Islamic congress was held where some 2000 participants (132 of whom were women) denied women the right to hold the office of President. The congress was directed at producing a fatwa rule) provide Muslim women definite (a binding guidelines whether they should be a "willing ally" or even an uneasy ally woman disagreements leader. z68 among congress the turned out, there participants were concerning interpretations of certain verses in the Qur'an that are said to bar women from occupying a country's top position. However, Professor Chamamah, prominent leader the 'Aisyiyah organization, was reported as saying that she was prepared to vote for Megawati as President, not because she was Megawati the daughter of Sukarno, the first President of Indonesia, but because she was a woman. Therefore she wanted 'Aisyiyah to make it clear whether or not Islam approved of voting for a woman for President.265 The Indonesian constitution itself has gender overtones regarding the election of a President.270 However, 266 See Rochayah Machali, "Women Power in Indonesia," (2001), p.4 and the Concept 269 Jawapos October 20, 1998. And see also Rochayah Machali, "Women and the Concept of Power in Indonesia," p.4 270 The only reguirements of the Institution are those contained in Article Five: (l)The President is to be a native Indonesia; and (2) The President and Vice President 173 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 188] === the Islamic faction and those opposing women as serving as President continue to debate whether or not women can hold such a high office. Both sides in the Islamic faction refer to the Qur'an and the Hadith to support their claim.271 However, in Indonesia's case, it is not fair to see the concept of "power" for women just as an issue for Islam, since women's being essentially powerless during the New Order Era was a result of systematic repression that did not rely on religious underpinnings. 272 The importance of religion as a world-construction activity the women's movement Indonesia cannot be underestimated. Religion plays a powerful role indeed in the Indonesian women's movement. Efforts to re interpret Islamic teachings regarding women have been noted recently. itself, Maybe rests sufficiently the future, whether sensitive both the women Islamic gender innovations and changes in thinking, Islamic teachings for and Indonesia organizations issues are initiate especially in analyzing from gender perspective. And it is here, perhaps, that the legacy of 'Aisyiyah may prove most enduring. is to be elected by the General Assembly on the basis of the majority of votes cast. 271 See Rochayah Machali, Power in Indonesia," (2001). "Women and the Concept 272 Ibid 174 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 189] === Chapter 4 THE MAIN REASONS FOR THE BIRTH OF THE 'AISYIYAH The Indonesia Muslim twentieth-century must Islamic reform conspicuous women's seen movement characteristic inclination towards mysticism. movement within the the context twentieth Indonesian the early the century. One Islam was its Heterodoxy and syncretism--an admixture of superstitious and popular religious practices— along with a certain moral society. Various social laxity were prevalent attitudes also in Muslim infiltrated Islamic culture in response to the Dutch colonialist presence, and were then assimilated as norms and identified with Islam. The situation generated by these conditions served to undermine the position of Indonesian Muslim women who became less and less part of social life in general. The reformists or modernists pressed for a return to the basic Islamic texts and tradition, articulated the Qur'an and Hadith. 273 They wanted to purify Islam from the mystical and traditional traditionalist religious adulterants and additions. And schools renewed their curricula by replacing most of the Malay and Javanese writings on which they had long relied with texts of recognized Middle Eastern 23 James L.Peacock, Purifying the Faith: The Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam (Menlo Park, California: The Banyamin/Cumming Publishing Company, 1978), p. 24 175 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 190] === origin.274 They maintained that religious reform would revitalize Islam, and then called for Muslims to unite in a single community rejected other authorities, including the venerated Kyai and other Muslim teachers and scholars who taught the ornate philosophies and legal systems of medieval times. They were undoubtedly influenced by both social and ideological streams. The reformist or modernist Islamic organizations also spearheaded the foundation of Islamic women's organizations. Conditions in Indonesia lent themselves to the rise of new ideas empowered women that and led them to engage in the public domains of politics and religion. K.H Ahmad Dahlan, the founder of Muhammadiyah, wife, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, among others, had serious concerns about the backward social status of Muslim women. reason, establishment 1917, Dahlan and 'Aisyiyah his order and his wife For that initiated the promote their position.275 They also sought to return Indonesian Muslim women (Muslimat) to the teachings of Al-Qur'an and Hadith, improve the condition Muslim women276 and to initiating 274 Mark R. Woodward, Islam in Java: Normative Piety and Mysticism in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta (Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1998), p.35. 275 See, Boeah Congress Moehammadiyah Seperampat Abad (The Fruit of the 25th Annual Congress of the Muhammadiyah), Yogyakarta: Hoofdcomite, Congress Muhammadiyah, 1936, pp.2425, See also Solichin Salam, K.H. Ahmad Dahlan, Reformer Islam Indonesia (Ahmad Dahlan, the Islamic Reformer of Indonesia) (Djakarta: Djajamurni, 1963), p.54. 276 See Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan 176 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 191] === innovations and changes especially Islamic analyzing thinking about teaching gender issues, from gender perspective. Many factors come into play in the social construction of gender, history, including internal and external pressures, socioeconomic contexts, responses. state policies, local and social These factors all mediate the interpretation of Islam that comes to prevail in a given country at a given time. They also mediate the many interpretations that confront one another. In the changing modern social life, Indonesian Muslim women have been continuously struggling to seek proper roles and positions for themselves. On the one hand, they wish to hold on to Islamic teachings and traditional values. On the other hand, they want to have active roles in their nation's social, cultural, economic, and political life. While the role of Muslim women in various fields has been advancing in line with increases reforms, many traditional circumstances, women values, educational have opportunities, continued beliefs, and adhere and practices. other the old such the desire for change can surface as a great upheaval. Based on the above, several main reasons for the birth of 'Aisyiyah may be identified. However, I will limit myself to a brief discussion of three aspects of the factors in this dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, (Jogyakarta: Pimpinan 177 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pusat === [PDF page 192] === chapter. First, I will discuss the Indonesian Muslim situation before Muhammadiyah was established (Indonesian Muslims in the early twentieth century). The birth of 'Aisyiyah cannot be discussed separately from the rise of Muhammadiyah. There were a number of variables that relate to Muhammadiyah, which are linked to one another form a solid foundation for the establishment of the 'Aisyiyah. Secondly, there is a need to stress the fact that 'Aisyiyah emerged as a response to the condition of Indonesian Muslim women in the early twentieth century. Thirdly, each finding has been substantiated and corroborated by certain facts believed to explain the main driving force behind 'Aisyiyah. By attending more closely to the historical and cultural forces it is possible beyond reductive accounts of women and Islam. to move The birth of this organization was brought about by the interaction of a number of complex factors that we will discuss further below. 1. Indonesian Muslim before the Establishment of Muhammadiyah (Indonesian Muslims in the early 20th Century). a. The influence of Mysticism. It must be noted, that long before Islam spread in Java, generally the Javanese community had been engaging in mystical practices. Historically speaking, mysticism was to play significant role in influencing the spread and development of Indonesian Islam. 178 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 193] === Indonesian Islam, prior the crisis Muhammadiyah, was state "backwardness" its followers, birth caused due the the its static educational system. Although the Indonesian people generally regarded themselves as Muslims, they were not all devoted Muslims. A large number of them still practiced Islam with some admixture local customs, some which, however, derived from Islamic mystical roots. It has been acknowledged that the Sufis had played a very important role in spreading Islam in the Indonesian archipelago. 277 According to Alfian, the term Sufi constitutes what we understand in our modern terminology Mystic, while Sufism (better known tasawuf) expresses what we mean by mysticism.27b Through a mystical spiritual life traditional Sufi seeks to create a harmony with the divine will through words, acts and thoughts. The ultimate aim of a Sufi, then is to triumph over all attachment to the flesh until his or her soul finds the true God, al Haqq. which seemed to have remained observant to orthodox Islam and to have repudiated pantheism. This was even true of the Shattariyah Order, which Abdur Rauf 277 The success of the Sufis in spreading Islam in Indonesia thirteenth scentury was based the characteristic readiness to build on the past and enroll elements of local belief and custom in the service of Islam. It was, therefore, the absorption of Islam by non-Muslim communities, which was made possible by specific nature of Sufism, which led to the tariqah orders. 278 Alfian, Muhammadiyah: The Political Behavior of a Muslim Modernist Organization under Dutch Colonialism (1989). 179 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 194] === of Singkil279 brought to Indonesia, although the Shattariyah Order, which flourished in Madina under Ahmad Qushahi in the seventeenth century, was strongly subjected Indian influence.280 However, the tariqah orders in Indonesia were not of this type of Sufism. The mystical orders in Indonesia were seen by the heterogeneous Muslim culture as manifestations of popular piety and resisted the "Salafi"281 encroachment. "Agami Islam" and "kejawen" were designations of the typical associations organized in peasant communities between the traditional cults which were reflected in customary norms (adat) and the Islamic Shari'ah. Naqsabandiyah considered itself as the protagonist of a unified Indonesian Muslim culture, and was engaged in capturing popular support against other mystical orders. Since this latter type mysticism stressed the importance of good intentions rather than actual observation of the rules and obligations of the orthodox teachings of the 279 Better known as Teungku Dikuala (because his grave, a sacred shrine, is located at the mouth of the Acheh River), he was considered a saint, as were many other Shaykhs. 280 See Archer Leroy, ''Muhammadan Mysticism in Sumatra." Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society (JRASMS) Singapore, XV, Part II, Sept 1937, p.90 281 A Sufy Shayk, Abd Qadir al-Jazairi (d.1883) contributed to the emergence of the Salafi reform movement and brought together Egyptian reformers and his followers. A1 Jazairi represented a different strain of religious reform from that of the Wahhabis. See Fazlur Rahman, Islam (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Co, 1966), pp.240-249. On the Wahhabi movement, see H.St.John Philby, Saudi Arabia, (New York: Praiger, 1953) 180 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 195] === Faith, it was bound to be influenced by the specific local characteristics and customs as the various mystic-orders were flourish Sumatra, the various parts Indonesia. Thus, for example, the local adats were to be syncretized into Islam, while in Java the more or less animistic sub tradition of the abangans282 and the highly Hindu-influenced Javanese culture of the priyayis283 also found their way into the religion. According to Geertz, Islam had little influence either on the Javanese nobility, their Hindu-Javanese heritage, small traders. complex spirit 'animistic The abangan beliefs, aspects' the priyayi, nor the abangan peasants and religious and who retained tradition represented Javanese comprised stress the syncretism.284 Through this process of syncretism Islam was to spread very rapidly, but at the same time its purity was contaminated by all kinds of local traditions and forms belief.z85 The heritages Abangan Hindu-Buddhist-animist syncretistic Islam, as Peacock described the Abangan Pattern in Java; "Islam is joined with peasant animism and an elitist Hinduism." According to him, such a mixed culture is known as abangan. See Peacock, James L, Purifying the Faith: The Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam, 1978, p. 20 283 The word priyayi derives from two words para and yayi, meaning "little siblings of the noble king." The term later expanded its usage to include civil servants. See, Perubahan Strutur Masyarakat di Soedjito Sossodiharjo, Djawa, The Change of the Social Structure Java (Yogyakarta: Penerbit Karya, 1968), p.18. 284 See Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java (Chicago: University Press, 1960), pp.5-6 285 Deliar, "Masyarakat Minangkabau II" in Media IV, 4, Nov, 1957, p.16 181 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 196] === ancient Javanese established religions overlaid uprooted Hinduism displaced. were Instead, too Islamic elements were easily absorbed into Javanese culture.286 This type Islamic Islam itself from within, mysticism could have destroyed since by its syncretism it would have completely disregarded many of the rules and obligations of the pure teachings of Islam as they were laid down in the Holy Qur'an and the tradition or sunnah of the Prophet. The perceived corruption of religion through syncretism and moral degeneration was abhorrent to the more orthodox in the Muslim community. Thus Islam in Indonesia was shaped and influenced by the cultures that it encountered there. There there was general were other problems. virtually no critical discussion on teachings (syari'ah) in particular. and on Islamic practicing mysticism, theology This is a problem as regards the Muslim community, in that it led to an uncritical acceptance of any religious explanation given by the Imam or Kyai. In such conditions, there arose many heterodox mystical teachings which led to the creation of spiritual sects or kebatinan (the esoteric group),287 28(3 Ann Kumar, "Dipanagara and the Java War, " Indonesia 28' The word Kebatinan derives from the Arabic root batin, which denotes "inward" in the sense of the "the science of the inner." Basically, Kebatinan seeks to establish a direct relationship between the individual and God, unmediated by any religious law or Prophet outside Java. See, Harun Hadiwijono, Man in Present Javanese Mysticism (Baarn: Bosch and Keuning, 1967), p.2 182 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 197] === The Sufi temperament seemed consonant with aspects pre-Muslim religion, but from the perspective of the orthodox Muslim, the sufi weakened, not strengthened Islam, because what was being taught was incomplete and distorted, lacking the spirit of jihad so central to the orthodox. As a result, the varied Muslim mystical ascetic traditions known collectively as "Sufism" facilitated the dissemination of an attenuated version of Islam.288 In this regard, Muslim as Peacock has emphasized in his book Puritans: Reformist Psychology Southeast Asian Islam: ...we should recall the general consensus of ethnographic studies that the Javanese traditionally view the world as composed of spiritual energies contained in forms and images, such as magical potent swords, sacred shrines, deities, teachers, and rulers. The Javanese syncretism world is what Weber termed "a garden of magic"— indeed, an animistic jungle. Syncretistic mysticism fostered preoccupation with the "inner life and the afterlife" the expense social problems. Ritual specialists invoked guardian spirits to gain access to supposedly magical powers. And references to nonIslamic deities were made the prayers puppeteers, ‘88 Anthony Johns, "Islamization in Southeast Asia: Reflections and Reconsiderations with Special Reference to the Role of Sufism," Southeast Asian Studies (Tokyo), 31:1, 1993, pp.43-61 285 James.L.Peacock, Muslim Puritans: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), pp.42-43 183 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 198] === healers, and midwives, all of whose ritual supplications often included offerings to guardian spirits. had Most Indonesian Muslims were illiterate and poor. few the details chances to immerse themselves Islamic law or literature— activities that required, very least, training in classical Arabic. In day, They at the the course of a these ordinary Muslims were able, at best, to perform the required worship and to utter a few petitionary prayers, which might include magical invocations. They did engage in Islamic life-cycle rituals and celebrate the holidays. But at times of crisis and transition, such child's birth, circumcision, or marriage, or at times of illness, harvest, or death, Muslim villagers would turn to ritual specialists to invoke the guardian spirit. Those involved in these activities justified them on the grounds that these apparent "divinities" were really just species of Jin, a type of being acknowledged by the Qur'an as having been created by God along with Adam and Eve. For more orthodox-minded polytheism, Muslims, which however, sin Islam. 290 From the earliest Indonesia such activities would become the main aim such strictly period were rituals smacked forbidden (haram) growth Islam's criticized.Their of Muslim abolition reform movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It still is today. 290 Robert W. Hefner, "Religion: Evolving Pluralism," in Donald K. Emmerson (ed), Indonesia beyond Suharto: Policy Economy Society Transition (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), p.216. 184 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 199] === b. The Influence of Hinduism and Buddhism After Islam entered the Indonesian dominant religious pattern was animism and Islamic there Mysticism archipelago, mixture super-imposed pagan culture heavily influenced by both Buddhism and Hinduism.291 During the early centuries of the Common Era, the Hindu culture had a great impact on that of Indonesia. Hindu priests had come to the early Indonesian Kingdoms from India, especially in Java, chancellors, supervisors advisors in the government construction Hindu affairs and temples.29" The process of the diffusion of the Hindu and Buddhist religions and their socio-political culture among the indigenous people evolved through and acculturation.293 Buddhism was thedominant influence on other island kingdoms. The Buddhist cultural absorption empire the seventh to thirteenth century, Sriwijaya, in southern Sumatra, was one of the greatest.294 See Taufik Abdullah, Sejarah dan Masyarakat: Lintasan Historis Islam di Indonesia (Jakarta: Pustaka Firdaus, 1987). 292 See for more discussion about this issue see, James L. Peacock, Purifying the Faith: The Muhammadiyah movement in Indonesian Islam, 1978, p. 17 29j See Alwi Shihab, The Muhammadiyah Movement and Its Controversy with Christian Mission in Indonesia. Unpublished Dissertation, Temple University, 1995. 294 O.W.Wolters, The Fall of Sriwijaya in Malay History (Ithaca: Cornel University Press, 1970) 185 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 200] === Buddhism extend their and, most roots especially, beyond the Hinduism were royal courts able into the hubs, presurrounding society. addition state-sponsored religious Muslim Java, for instance, had monasteries, hermitages, spirit shrines, and cult centers that depended less directly on the court.295 In addition, diffuse Hindu-Buddhist influences were felt in the arts, law and politics, and in folk traditions of healing and mediumship. Although eventually the majority of the inhabitants converted to Islam, it was said that the new religion never really displaced the pre-Islamic culture, but merely covered it over or mixed it into a syncretistic whole. Islam was generally acceptable to the Indonesian people only in so far as it was able to accept the old religious patterns and to associate itself with existing practices and beliefs. Thus, not only mystical practices, but also aspects of animism and remnants of "Buddhist and Hindu" culture still have much influence in Indonesian society. Many Javanese, for instance, followed Islam that had heavily incorporated Hindu-Buddhist and other pre-Islamic beliefs, although Muslims some other regions prided themselves orthodoxy associated with the Middle East.296 following But basically 295 See Theodore G.t.Pigeaut, Java in the 14th Century: A Study in Cultural History, Vol.4 (The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus JNijhoff, 1962), pp.251-266 296 See Robert Cribb, "Nation Making Indonesia," in Donald K. Emmerson (ed), Indonesia Beyond Suharto: Policy Economy Society Transition, (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), pp.16-17. 186 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 201] === Islamic beliefs and practices were simply grafted existing Indonesian culture, particularly in Java. one features the most striking the In fact, Hindu-Buddhist influence in Java found its expression in the emergence of Indonesian political powers. The Hindu influence was clearly evident in the early empires of Indonesia. his Islamic book, identity Islam Java, Woodward describes how supplanted that Hindu-Buddhism and provides a detailed analysis of the surviving Indie elements of Javanese culture.29' However, many of these elements, as the Indian epics used in the shadow theatre, such have been transformed through contact with Islam and Woodward concludes that the significance these Indie elements Javanese religious philosophy itself has been overstated.298 Many indigenous religious practices continued after the arrival of Islam, but most under the guise of being part of Islam itself. Indonesia, In other words, while the coming of Islam to brought changes to the values and traditions of Indonesian society, the implementation of Islamic teachings in society at large was influenced by pre-Islamic tradition. Clifford Geertz in his study "The Religion of Java," discussed the slamaten ritual communal feast that is held to celebrate significant life events in Javanese society. He sees 29' See Mark R. Woodward, Islam in Java: Normative Piety and Mysticism in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta, 1989, pp.215240 298 Ibid 187 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 202] === this ritual feast system, and the Islamic, although feast, the core his view, incorporates the Javanese religious essentially pre- Muslim prayers.299 Geertz also describes the significant life crisis rituals surrounding marriage, pregnancy, birth, important phases in child's early life, first menstruation and male circumcision. All of these— even the circumcision required by Islam— rely on traditional ceremonial forms including spirits. 300 Over many established a deep the propitiation centuries cultural affecting attitudes, Indonesian throughout Java celebrate Hindu paintings featuring scenes society that are still today.301 Villages holidays, from Hinduism providing myths, and establishing mores present non-Islamic influence, underpinning, very much batik markets the display Ramayana and Mahabrata stories, and traditional Javanese gamelan orchestras perform their haunting music in villages as well as at grand hotels.302 299 Clifford Geertz, The Religion University of Chicago Press, 1960) Java (Chicago: 300 Ibid J01 The first signs of both Hindu and Buddhist influence Indonesia date back the early fifth century C.E.Borobudur and Prambanan, the Buddhist and Hindu temple complexes in Central Java, were erected in the eighth and ninth centuries respectively. See Eric Oey (ed), Indonesia (Singapore: APA Publications, 1989), pp.21-23 302 Gamelan music is made with brass gongs on a twelvetone music scale, creating music that is delicate and intense by turns. 188 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 203] === For the Muslim educated in Islamic faith and teachings, while the Qur'an acknowledges the reality of human diversity and affirms the importance of respecting other people's way of life, it also stipulates that for Muslims, divinely revealed religion should institution, given precedence custom or practice. over merely human Indeed, as Islam has spread to and through diverse societies, a primary task of Muslim scholars and rulers has been to ensure that local customs as practiced by Muslims do not violate God's commands. Again, however, what some people regard as practices consistent with these divine requirements, This would prove reformers to be they others may consider forbidden.30j the nub of the problem for Muslim looked critically many traditional Indonesian practices in light of the requirements of divine revelation. Indonesia's Hindu-Buddhist influence in modern times, heritage has it has been argued, retained its in areas as diverse as the classical arts, architecture, social etiquette, and notions of power and rule. This background allows understand some the tensions that have animated Indonesian religion from its early times until today. Historical evidence indicates that in the first days of Indonesian Islam, many pre-Islamic customs and beliefs were simply carried over into the new religion. As the 30j See John R.Bowen, Muslim Through Discourse: Religion and Ritual in Gayo Society (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1993), pp.245-250 189 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 204] === process of Islamization advanced, however, some in the Muslim community objected to some of these older ways as violations of the true spirit of Islam. Though the above-mentioned factors were very important, there was another factor, "Colonialism," which was equally important. The impact of colonialism will be discussed in the next section. c. The influence of Colonialism. Until the end the nineteenth century, cultural contact between Europeans and Indonesians was very limited. It was largely confined to a few scholars and other interested men on the Dutch side, as well as few high dignitaries on the Indonesian side. The Dutch only offered education to a very small group of future officials. The rest of Indonesian youths were just environment educated their parents pasantren (Islamic boarding the the Muslim school).j04 Among the aristocracy, the traditional education of Indonesian boys was intended mainly to develop character and teach the social abilities honored in the community such as etiquettes, courtesy, modesty, self confidence and the like, embodied the Indonesian ideal of nobility. In addition, which they 304 The pasantren where Indonesians acquired education which focused on religious instruction; both men and women learned Arabic to enable them to read Islamic books written in Arabic, or at least, the Qur'an. See A. Mu'ti Ali, The Muhammadiyah Movement: A Bibliographical Introduction, MA Thesis, (Montreal: McGill University, 1957), pp.16-17. 190 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 205] === were expected customs, and family acquainted traditions, with ancestral these were manners, the moral pillars of Indonesian society. Even when more modern attempts at education were begun order create more-skilled laborers and industrial workers, the Dutch provided the mass of Indonesian people with far less education than the elite; most women did not have a chance to get a higher education or to go to university. The Colonialist definition femaleness reflected gender division of labor and a sexist bias.305 Female education was also constrained by inherited social customs.J06 Educational opportunities for women were almost non-existent during the colonial period. The colonial state was not disposed educate girls, and did little to encourage the advancement of girls' schooling. 307 The opportunity for higher education was basically limited only to the elite who served the interests of the Dutch government. Education in Indonesia is one of the areas that suffered tremendously from the many decades successive colonial oppression and subjugation. 305 Barbara N.Ramusack and Sharon Sievers, Women in Asia; Restoring Women to History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), pp.88-89 306 See M u ’ti Ali, "The Muhammadiyah Movement," pp.16-17 307 It was, however, responsible for planting the seeds of the desire for education, as can be seen in the case of women like Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, the founder of the 'Aisyiyah organization. 191 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 206] === Under neither the Dutch nor the Japanese colonial administration was there any effort to educate or develop the skills of women, since they were considered unnecessary to secure political domination and enhance economic exploitation. Education, even literacy, was not considered useful for women they were expected household management. perform only domestic work and Hence the status of Indonesian Muslim women began to deteriorate in light of the changes wrought and demanded in modern times. For security reasons, the Christian missions the Dutch were reluctant to allow take advantage the local religious cleavages. One such rift appeared in east central Java Tensions the 1830s. were growing among Muslims-- legalistic Santri on the one hand, eclectic "Javanists" on the other. A few of the more mystically inclined in the latter group had even begun wondering whether they were really Muslim at all. In this turbulent context, some peasants in the area converted to Christianity under the guidance of a mixed-blood Javanese aristocrat. Colonialism sought political dominance and economic culture, least among modernity a result the control, elite. Dutch to impose not only but And also western the colonialism, arrival was everincreasing challenge to traditional ways of life. Thus, the challenge of colonial domination and the social changes that stimulated the came search with the for new encroachment answers in this modernity transformed 192 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 207] === socio-cultural environment. Local and international influences merged character produce from many different spiritual, movements ranging educational, actively political. A deep-felt sense of injustice also erupted into periodic rebellions and wars throughout the succeeding several modernist movements^08 centuries. The emergence championed by Muslim scholars a response the was Dutch socialist parties urging of "forced Christianization," which called turning the government education over Christianize Christian the natives mission schools. Traditional religion-based views of authority and leadership, for example, became vulnerable to revision. Reforms introduced an important measure of pluralism into the Muslim community and fostered a new spirit of criticism and public debate. From 1909 to 1912, during which the Muhammadiyah movement emerged, the Christian mission schools increased in number by 308 Indonesian Muslims were in touch with the wider Islamic world and growing number of pilgrims were journeying to Mecca. Some scholars returned having been influenced by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, and Rashid Ridha. The Dutch, for their part, were very concerned with the mid century emergence the Pan-Islamic Movement, which coincided with resurgence of the "Turkish" Naksyabandiyah tarikat. All the new movements of religious renewal, as well as the defence of the old ways, claimed to speak for orthodoxy of Islam. The Modernists were highly critical of the Sufi brotherhoods, whom they charged with contaminating the pure and rigorous sources of Islam with superstitions and practices of no legitimate standing within Islam. See Reid, A.J.S., "Nineteenth-Century Pan-Islam in Indonesia and Malaysia," Journal of Asian Studies 25, pp.267-83, See also Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia 1900-194 (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp.4,910 193 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 208] === 40 percent. schools, Twenty percent all pupils were in private a large majority of them in mission schools. 305 For Indonesian Muslims, into native the penetration of colonial institutions society caused crisis confidence indigenous authorities, including religious ones. One response to this crisis, was evident in the actions of Muslim reformers, distance religion from the compromised political establishment and to work for a purification of the faith. They became aware that they would not be able to face the challenge Dutch Islam's mixture colonialism, local Christian penetration, beliefs and its struggle and for advancement unless they introduced changes and reforms and by deepening its Islamic character. These reformists ideas can generally be divided into two large division: where the First, the educational and social movement, Muhammadiyah responsibility Second, political the the movement religious assumed and movement, most educational was the planes. represented organizations, such as Sarikat Islam (Islamic Association) and the Association of Indonesian Muslims.Jl° However, the various groups shared the same sense of religious Islamic values among the people. Muhammadiyah, They all, duty to protect and particularly also had serious concerned about the backward 309 See Vandenbosh, The Dutch East Government, Problem and Politicts (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1941), p.66 Indies: Its Los Angeles: 310 Deliar Noer, The Modernist, p. 177 194 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 209] === social status Indonesian Muslim women that will discussed in the next section. The Condition of Indonesian Muslim Women in the early 20th century In part twentieth the century Indonesian when community, 'Aisyiyah was until the early established, the situation and condition of Muslim women was one of very low status, regardless of her position in the family, whether as wife, mother, or daughter. Most women had a staggering lack of education. Women were largely prevented from participating in the educational systems because men feared loss of cultural hegemony. Female education was viewed a threat the traditional customs and the way of life of the society. There was, and remains still, a wavering social attitude that is not totally supportive of equal rights for women. Furthermore, the situation Dutch and condition of Indonesian society both under the occupation(before 1942) and under the Japanese occupation (after 1942) was one of very great uncertainty, for both men and women. The opportunity get advanced education was basically limited to priyayi and the wealthy, even for men. Women had far less access to prestigious public roles and thus were almost entirely subordinate to men. However, Anthony Reid in his book Southeast Asia the Age Commerce 195 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. finds === [PDF page 210] === evidence for the autonomy of pre-Islamic women in consistent Indonesia and observes that women, far from lacking religious consciousness, actively resisted the introduction of the new religions of Hinduism and Islam as they felt these undermined the authority women commanded in adat.311 However, by the early twentieth century, custom did not approve of women working outside the home or even appearing in public places, especially women the middle and upper classes. The division between private and public spheres was very strong. The home was associated with the private domain proper women and everything outside this space was perceived as the public domain, off-limits to women. To some extent, the government itself was not supportive in providing the same educational opportunities for girls for boys. Education was not considered important for women, whose lives were assumed to be limited to household management and serving their spouses. Consequently, the majority of Indonesian Muslim women remained traditional ignorance. education from Girls their received much mothers, who their focused training them in the household duties associated with being a wife and mother, such as domestic work, household management and childcare.313 Even young girls were kept in the house and 311 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680: Volume Two, Expansion and Crisis (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1988). 312 See Pimpinan Pusat dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan ( Jogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat 196 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 211] === the courtyard order to protect them from the risk slander and shame through possible contact with young men.31' It was particularly in the culture of the traditional Javanese aristocracy stayed at home (budaya priyayi) as housewives, that women most often educating and raising their children in the traditional way. These mothers always sought to harmoniously plant ethical values and respect in children. (Indeed, one unfortunate by-product of the more open role of the housewife lateyears has been the loss this traditional shaping of the minds and mores of many children, with ensuing negative results.)314 The Indonesian term ibu means both wife and mother; however, in fact women are strongly perceived as always being relation unmarried to husbands women are and children, generally seen that simply even young "potential wives."315 This single perception of women's role kept them in a state of ignorance and backwardness. experience, even more They had little social and most women were illiterate, underdeveloped as people. They skills, generally just ability and carry those care for needed for which made them had only limited daily children was life; the the principal 313 Ibid, p. 12 314 Suryatno Kartodirjo, "Gaya hidup dan Istri simpanan" (Lifestyles and Mistresses), Matra 72 (Julyl992), p.69 315 Tiwon, "Models and Maniacs: Articulating the Female in Indonesia," in L.J. Sears (ed), 197 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 212] === barometer of agirl's qualities.316 In the village, caring for younger brothers or sisters, besides girls helped their parents in harvesting rice, and in the kitchen. Early marriage for women was common. A girl moved from obeying her especially her father, to obeying her husband and parents, in-laws. Dependency and obedience were praised. From beginning to end, almost all decisions were made for her. Understanding this helps the reader to grasp the basic condition of women in the period before 'Aisyiyah was established. light this background I will discuss and set out the situation of Muslim women in the early years of twentieth century as follows: a. Women and Culture. Various proverbs against women demonstrate that women's role was aphorism very limited such and "Suwarga less nunut than fully neraka respected. katut" ("Following husband to heaven or hell") suggests that women were not seen as having a right to consult their own will and that they were dependent on men for their entire happiness. This implies that a woman was unable to work or pursue a career without her husband's help.31' The status of women formed an integral part social symbolize the ideology which rejection demanded that imposed women's alien bodies culture 316 Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, p. 12. 317 Suratmin, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, (Jakarta: Direktorat Sejarah dan Nilai Traditional, 1982), p.67 198 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 213] === maintaining traditional customs, such as veiling, deprecating female opinions, and subordinating them to all male members of the family. The proverb reflects control. Men dominated politic, and social a form of male the public life outside society and male sphere, the the household economic, and women, dependant and powerless, were relegated solely to the domestic realm of home and family, as useful adjucts of male comfort and convenience. Furthermore, cultural values related women's sexuality, which reflected the inequality of gender, very much influenced the formulation of law in Indonesia. It can be presumed that when the law has already put women in an unequal position, certain situations will neglect women's interest altogether. Women were ignorant not only of outside affairs, but also of their legal rights in terms of marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Society was sharply segregated into male and female, with maleness emphasized by social markers such as beards while feminine sexuality was totally obscured. Roles were clearly defined; the man was the family provider and the sole source of authority; the woman was the homemaker and nurturer. Her sole legacy was the inculcation traditional values in future generations. evident that women have been more closely associated with the family than men in most cultures. In Mary Ann Tetreault's discussion of the situation of women in Africa 199 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 214] === and Asia, she concluded that women, as primary producers, are essential for the state to be successful, yet women are, and are perceived to be, biologically bound to human reproduction in ways that men are not.j18 The physical facts of pregnancy and lactation are often understood as necessarily as embedding women in the private subsistence economy of the household. Women rarely have been viewed as substantial agents in the public square. Therefore, the personification women individuals, or as members of the same kinds of social groups into which men are categorized, is thereby blurred or even negated.319 In short, the ideal Indonesian woman is self-effacing, meek, passive, and obedient to the male members of the family, sexually shy and modest, self-sacrificing finding her true vocation marriage and nurturing, and motherhood. Ignorance and upbringing hindered Indonesian Muslim women from working, or even appearing, in public places. However, situated near the Kauman the palace villages called the "Kampung Kauman", sultan, were famed residences of the pious,j2° and it was here that Muhammadiyah and 'Aisyiyah were founded. Here there were some very limited opportunities for women to assume public roles. Unusually the Jl8 Mary Ann Tetreault, Women in Revolution in Africa, Asia, and The New World, 319 See Mary Ann Tetreault, ibid 320 Peacock, James Purifying the Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam, P.30 Faith: 200 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The === [PDF page 215] === women Kauman communities pengajian (religious meeting) houses the Kyai (the were permitted attend the in the Agung mosque or in the religious leader). Pengajian was performed weekly after subuh prayer or on other certain and special occasions, such as an Islamic holiday, a wedding, center kitanan (circumcision), and so on. The traditional Kauman village was the pengajian that gathered at some ulama's and kyai's home. These Kyais were automatically teachers the pengajian. The students were not only men but also children and women. And the students were not just from theKauman community but also from outside the village. Because of village thus was a lively center offaith. And the door there was open, at least a crack, to women. the pengajian,the Kauman The above discussion is an invaluable demonstration of the problematic nature of the Indonesian Muslim womanhood. The next sections will discuss the ways which education influenced the construction of womanhood. b. Women and Education. Education can be used both as an instrument for equality and as an indicator of women's development. However, era the image of women was only domestic; in this hence they were never given a really good education. Girls stayed only until the third santri grade at primary (religious teacher) school. Even daughters the did not receive formal education, 201 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 216] === although they were taught to recite the Qur'an at home. They were not married until around fifteen or sixteen and tended to be held in high esteem by their spouses. However, priyayi girl children might go up to the level of HIS Shool), the (Holland Indische which was regarded as an improvement. age of twelve they were kept at home, However, from where they had little to do, as there were many servants. After marrying in their mid-teens, they confinement.321 Furthermore, continued live a life child marriages were possible in all classes. The rationale behind the promotion of such unions was to prevent a girl from choosing according to the dictates of her heart rather than reason/2^ In this regards, Jacqueline Van Voris writes in her book Carrie Chapman Catt: They are in revolt of mind but, poor little prisoners, they do not know what to do. They went to a Dutch school but were taken away at about twelve, for after that it is wrong for a woman to be seen in public. Soon they will be married to some man they have never seen. If breaking windows could liberate our sex, we ought to smash every one in the world.32' However, attitudes towards only from family to family, but female education varied not from region to region. general, family life was kept very private; women were quite secluded, even in the Kauman communities. Also in the Kauman communities until about 1900, education at school for children 321 See Cora Vreede-De Stuers, The Indonesian Women, p. 52 "2z: Ibid, p. 52 323 Jacqueline Van Voris, Carrie Chapman Catt: A Public Life (New York: The Feminist Press, 1987), p. 94 202 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 217] === of either gender was not regarded as important. At that time, the culture Kauman communities regarded someone who attended a government school as a Kafir or Nasrani because they assumed that government schools would teach their children about something not permissible in Islam.324 It is not difficult to see how easily "religion" could be used as an excuse to justify the exclusion of women from the educational process. Furthermore, which was not all children could even enter school, limited largely children civil tolerated for servants, priyayi, or the rich.j25 And what might barely boys was completely unacceptable for girls. The Kauman feared the moral consequences if girls spent the whole day with boys.3^6 In the Kauman community, the parents did not even allow their daughters to play with boys, so the thought of them spending a whole day with intolerable. them Older away girls from parental especially were supervision was discouraged from going to school in order to save them from the spectre of losing their pregnancy and virginity, and out-of-wedlock the humiliation births. unwanted Consequently, most daughters ended up not going to school at all. Even if a girl 324 Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, p.13 Sejarah Pertumbuhan 325 Ibid, p. 13. 326 Ibid. 203 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. dan === [PDF page 218] === was permitted to go to school, only a small percentage enjoyed an elementary and secondary education. fundamental obstacle, besides the fears undue contact with boys, was the parental conviction that a girl's only goal was to prepare for and succeed in getting married and that formal education was thus utterly unnecessary for a woman. Most parents did not understand that a formal education would give girls knowledge and education which they simply could not did not get at home and realize that formal education would help girls to develop their ability to perform better as a wife and mother. It is also undeniable that girls had greater domestic responsibilities than boys in the family, which allowed preferred less sending time their for sons their school school, work. the Parents need for educating boys instead of girls was more obvious. The basic education system that Kauman communities had at that time was traditionally that given by parents at home. The main recitation education the was religion Qur'an was the courses: first Shalat requirement and for child, whether a boy or a girl. A girl would be taught to recite the Qur'an, as well as the basic principles of Islamic law, but generally, girls were not taught how to write. It was argued that writing for a girl 32' See Suratmin SF, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan: Pahlawan National, Amal dan Perjuangannya (Yogjakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, 1990) 204 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 219] === is haram and would lead to immorality. The fear was that a girl could write a letter to a boy, and that this could lead her to do something impermissible. Beside a basic knowledge of religion, a girl was trained to do housework and help her mother at home by cooking, washing, cleaning, and caring for younger sisters or brothers. This was the real training for her future. in some cases girls were also Beside all this, trained for appropriate female professions, such as sewing, menyulam (embroidery) and membatik. This last, interestingly, proved a particularly significant one for improving the later role and status of women. There, at least, mothers could own and manage businesses and as a result their husband and the children could society, the obtain title honorary titles.32b important social Indonesian category. profession of membatik was also a highly lucrative one. appears that Muhammadiyah/'Aisyiyah had very The strong following among the batik entrepreneurs/traders. Boys were given many more educational opportunities than girls. A boy was taught how to read the Qur'an, write Arabic and Javanese, and was given more instruction about religion. However, certain special cases, depending the Kyai(Religious leader, another small door would open for girls in the Kauman community. study the Qur'an the Some would allow not just boys to Kyai's house) Langgar (small 326 Commonly these businesses were managed from home. See Sudarmono, The Appearance of Batik Merchants in Laweyan at the Beginning of the 20th Century, unpublished Master's thesis, (Yogyakarta: Gajah Mada University, 1987). 205 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 220] === mosque) but also some girls were permitted to study religion as well at certain levels. Among theKyais who would teach girls were K.H. Muhammad Padhil, the father of Nyai Ahmad Dahlan; K.H. Khatib Tengah; K.H. Khatib Wetan; K.H. Muhammad Nur; K.H. Mat Pekkih, given and few others. the pengajian was how The main course was read Qur'an. girl's education was, however, regarded as complete once she knew how to read the Qur'an fluently. However, a boy was allowed to continue his study in a pondok (religious boarding school). It was common for a boy, in order to advance his study religion, to live for some time in the pondok. Also the Kyais who taught religion home seems would have graduated from pondok. education, despite their did not grant sufficient opportunities for women to study. Actually, Islam reputation for piety, the clear Kauman that community encourages both men and women to pursue knowledge. Everyone has the right education, both females and males. Education for women is regarded as an integral dimension of social development.029 There is no priority for men over women. Both are equally encouraged to acquire education "from the cradle to the grave."330 029 S.A.A. Maududi, Purdah and the Status of Women in Islam (Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications Ltd, 1976), p.152 330 Fida Husain Malik, Wives of the Prophet (Lahore, Pakistan: S.H.Muhammad Ashraf, 1979), p.47 206 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 221] === For instance, the notes Imam Bukhari, the Prophet's wife, Aisyah binti Abi Bakrra, praises the women who were always studying: "The greatest women are those of the Anshar; the women who are never ashamed to always be studying about religion."331 And there is also the account of the woman went to the Prophet surrounded by men, for advice. appoint She said, a day "You are always for us." The Prophet promised to do so and went to them and taught them.332 It is important for every woman to have knowledge, for the sake both of her household and for the society in which she lives. Education in itself cannot be a source of harm, and it is almost impossible for ignorance not to have harmful consequences. Nonetheless, it is important stress that, because Islam recognizes that women are in principle wives and mothers, they should place special emphasis seeking knowledge in those branches which could help them in those particular spheres.330 It is undeniable, however, that women who are educated know their rights much better than uneducated women, and educated women are in a better position than others avail themselves their rights, and demand more justice. 031 Riwayah Bukhary, as quoted by Abdurrahman I.Doi, Women in Syari'ah (Islamic Law) (Kuala Lumpur: A. S. Noordeen, 1990), p. 138 332 Ibid 333 S.A.A, Maududi, Purdah and Status of Women in Islam, p. 152 207 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 222] === However, in early twentieth century Kauman communities, only a boy was given the freedom to study more broadly and to stay long could the pondok. Girls were not permitted to advance their knowledge about religion at the pondok. Thus it can be argued that the source of educational deprivation and the social underestimation women was basically a reflection of traditional beliefs and customary practices. And without women's full and active participation in education and development programs, their success could not be far-reaching. Education combating and gender opportunity training play discrimination, to break out of important providing old molds women role with the and to become more competitive in the public place. Thus Vreede-De Stues declares that the early women's organizations saw that the way improve the position of womenwas through education, and thus they "flung open the doors of the domestic prison in which women of the middle and upper classes were imprisoned like birds. "j3i Equally significant is the fact that the impetus for change came from Indonesian women's organizations. These reforms, that traditional however, social occurred cultural because norms were of the fact seen discourage women from seeking redress of their legal rights. In term of the Islamic framework, the subordination by treating 'Aisyiyah model decreases women's Islam as a dynamic civilization, 334 Cora Vreede-de Stuer, The Indonesian Women: Struggle and Achievement, 1960, pp.64-67 208 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 223] === able to adapt to changing conditions, by reinforcing specific aspects of Islamist gender discourses and by elaborating on those aspects of women's roles which leads to a strengthening of women's power and authority. Furthermore, beside education and culture, there was also another issue, "religion," that affected women's position in the early twentieth century, which we will discuss in the next section. c. Women and Religion The view that women did not understand the meaning of the Qur'an was based on the fact that they were only taught how to read the Qur'an and to recite the short surahs, but women for did not have deeper knowledge the religion example, fiqih (Islamic Law), aqaid (belief), tarikh (Islamic history), learned and nahwu (grammar). They also about religion and ethics basically through songs and prayers. time, Because some women appeared including Nyai Ahmad movement, the general backwardness 'Aisyiyah). In this husband, she was K.H. Ahmad Dahlan, of women in that pioneers for the women's Dahlan (the founder supported by her husband. Her came to be completely convinced that Islam should give an equal position to women and men, based on his reading of some ayah (verses) in the Qur'an, and some Hadith. For instance, in the Qur'an, he found the surah an-Nahl, ayah 97, that mentions the position of women 209 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 224] === Islam, and justification for used this the surah 'Aisyiyah the foundational organization. This ayah explained: "Whoever works righteousness, man or women, and has faith, Verily, to him will We give a new life."335 Despite Islamic teachings that give women the same position as men, with the same rights and responsibilities, Dahlan, like many others since, recognized that the reality in many Muslim societies was and still is that the position of women subordinate that men, and that limited opportunities and rights are given to women. Like Muslim women in other countries, Indonesian Muslim women have been subject to denigrating interpretations of their status. However, this is not in accord with Islamic teaching. Qurais Shihab defines how Islam teaches women's equality in terms of their humanity: There is no difference between one person and another, whether they are women or men, so that both sexes are allowed to work in various fields in or outside the household, individually or with other people, in public or private institution, as long as they need the employment or they are needed by it...33e Likewise the responsibilities given to women did not conform to Islamic teaching. And according to Farzaneh Milani, 3J5 Abdullah Yusuf Ali, The Qur'an, Text, Translation and commentary, Surah An-Nahl, ayah 97, Elmhurst, New York: Tahrike Tarsile Qur'an, Inc, 2001. But this is only an example; in the Qur'an many ayah describe the position of women as equal to that of men. See, for instance: Q. 23:40, Q. 4:124, Q. 33:35, Q. 9:71, and Q. 2:187 336 Qurais Shihab, Qur'an Back to Earth) p.280 Memhumikan A1 Qur'an (Bringing the (Bandung: Mizan Publication, 199), 210 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 225] === a scholar of comparative literature: "Women experience their confinement not only metaphorically and mystically but also spatially, physically, and verbally their social segregation, cultural confinement, and enforced silence."337 In the Qur'an itself there are detrimental to women. Rather, injunctions which are it is cultural practice which has adversely affected gender relations and which favors men. This is why Muslim women living under Islamic Law in different cultures can live such very different positions subordination or dominance. If we return to Islam as a way of life and the source of solutions, the place women has become the first battleground to prove one's renewed religiosity: it has become the easiest measure of a society's return to the faith. the early twentieth century, Kauman village women were not participating in social life, even though it was one women's rights and responsibilities, for they did not realize this: they had not been taught their duties of study, education and full participation. 33/ Farzaneh Milani, "Unveiling the Other: Forugh Farrokhzad" in Veils and Words: The Emerging Voices of Iranian Women Writers, Syracuse University Press, 1991, p.7. 211 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 226] === Nyai Ahmad Dahlan has described Islamic teaching in this period very backward and much tainted pre-Islamic influences: The view of Islam which guaranteed an equal position between women and men (there are only differences in some matters) was disregarded (in those times), and the teaching of the Qur'an which gives the guidelines as to how women actually have to behave in house and the society were rejected and became a dead word.338 These attitudes shape the minds of both women and men, giving them unquestioned their development concepts mature that adults. may These further affect religious and cultural values have also considerably affected the role and position women, women's perceptions themselves, women's development. The birth of Muhammadiyah and and 'Aisyiyah was the direct and result of the situations that we discussed before. For K.H.Ahmad Dahlan, there was no other alternative but to respond to the challenge. This will be discussed in the next section. The Founding Muhammadiyah and 'Aisyiyah and the Realization of What Was Needed for Women. K.A.Dahlan, as an Indonesian Muslim reformer, was well aware that he was in need of a strategy to meet the challenge of backwardness and Western domination in Indonesian Muslim 338 As quoated in Saskia Wieringa, Sexual Politics in Indonesia (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p.66 212 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 227] === society. founded Muhammadiyah 1912 Yogyakarta, respond to the Islamization problem.339 The Muhammadiyah movement viewed itself as having a Godgiven moral duty to preserve the existence of Islam in the region by introducing reform ideas, because according to Kyai H. Ahmad Dahlan, the only way to bringabout improvements conditions for Muslims was to return to the true principles of Islamic teaching. He thus sought to purify Islamic rituals of any accretions of non-Islamic practices and ideas.340 Again, majority it must be noted that Indonesian Muslims at that distorted the vast still practiced Islam with some admixture of local customs and beliefs, change time interpretation thus resisting Islam. This "interpretational error" was identified by K.H. Ahmad Dahlan and his followers as being in need of dramatic correction. Dahlan's emphasis in founding Muhammadiyah was in the creation of a new social structure which would transform the Islamic values embodied in the Qur'an and Sunnah into Islamic culture which would serve as a model for the development of a modern Indonesian society.041 Dahlan's view, 339 K.H.Ahmad Dahlan introduced changes and reforms and improved the traditional activities intended to uphold Is1am. 340 See Peacock, James L, The Purifying the Faith: Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam. The 341 Thus, for Alfian, the Muhammadiyah, has at least a three fold role: "As a religious reform movement, as an agent of social change, and as a political force." See Alfian, Muhammadiyah, p.178 213 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 228] === "interpretational error" had caused the backwardness of the Ummah (Islamic community). For respond Dahlan, there challenge of the was no other alternative syncretism but well modernization. Muslims would have to arrange their way of life according both to the spirit of Islam and the requirements of science and civilization. challenges was to Javanese His response these twin establish an organization that would cleanse Islam ofthe admixture of local customs and beliefs and strip away superstition. Thus, one of the most important reasons for the birth of the Muhammadiyah was a response to the "impurities" that had long been rooted in the society created by the priyayi culture. And the birth of Muhammadiyah was a challenge presented to the Indonesian people in general and Indonesian Muslims in particular. In other words, Muhammadiyah sought to free the Muslim community and the Indonesian peoples from the snares colonialism, conservatism, traditionalism, and isolationism.j4" And alongside this came the birth 'Aisyiyah, dogmatism, motivated by formalism, a desire improve Muslim women's conditions. The main establishment concern Dahlan educational institutions was the and central the the aim organization. In order for Dahlan to escalate his educational program and advance Islamic quality, established 342 Salam, Solichin, Muhammadiyah dan Kebangunan Islam di Indonesia (Jakarta: N.V. Mega, 1965), p.54 214 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 229] === Muallimin schools (male teachers) which the and Muallimat instructors (female for the teachers) Muhammadiyah elementary and secondary schools were trained. Dahlan also set Muballighin preachers) (male schools equivalent Muhammadiyah's social restricted women hundreds throughout preachers) (female to other secondary schools.34J activities and Muballighat were has course, pharmacies and orphanages archipelago.344 Muhammadiyah also publishes some established and schools. not, also clinics, the and books, as well as organizing farming cooperatives, factories, and other instruments of development. While the organizational achievements the Muhammadiyah are impressive, one may well follow the account of Solichin Salam in singling out feminism and education as two of its culturally noteworthy developments.345 It was the situation of women which challenged K.H.Ahmad Dahlan, and inspired him to seek to improve the position of women and to think deeply about how to empower women. Thus 'Aisyiyah was founded, initiated by K.H. Ahmad Dahlan with the support of his wife, Siti Walidah, better known as Nyai Ahmad Dahlan.346 343 Mukti Ali, "The Muhammadiyah Movement," pp. 50-55. 344James Peacock, Purifying the Faith: Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam, P.53 The 345 Ibid, p. 51 346 Walidah, father, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, whose maiden name was Siti was born in Kauman, Yogjakarta, in 1872. Her KyaiPenghulu Haji Muhammad Fadlil, was a teacher 215 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 230] === Like other reformers of the day, K.H. Ahmad Dahlan and Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, sought to defend the nation and religion by gathering the ilmu (knowledge), property, and strength of the people. change. The Dahlans believed Therefore, education K.H.Ahmad Dahlan the door initiated the establishment of 'Aisyiyah and started the work by recruiting six girls and giving them the necessary training and education to become the first leaders of their forthcoming organization. The six girls were Siti Bariyah, Siti Dawimah, Siti Dalalah, Siti Busro, Siti Wadingah and Siti Badillah. 34' On April 22, 1917 'Aisyiyah was formally born, with these six girls as the core of its first leadership; Siti Bariyah and Siti Badilah were to become its first chairperson and secretary, respectively.346 The 'Aisyiyah organization was first introduced into the urban communities of Laweyan and Kauman in Yogyakarta; like Kauman, Laweyan is a community where the position of mothers very important conferer entrepenuerial women can aquire wealth. titles, and where The active role of 'Aisyiyah women and the social recognition of their importance protected them from being exploited. This differed from the custom of the priyayi in the upper-class community, in which the husband was the only decision-maker, while the wife merely and Muslim scholar. 347 See Alfian, Muhammadiyah, pp. 171-172 348 Alfian, Muhammadiyah, p. 172 216 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 231] === followed. was generally Kauman Yogjakarta, read Like case with people living Siti Walidah during her childhood learned Al-Qur'an language. the and other religious young books girls that the time, confined and not allowed to associate with boys school. ability The mere to read Javanese she was or attend the holy Qur'an and the observance of religious duties were considered sufficient for her. But after she became the wife of K.H. Ahmad Dahlan, she followed all of her husband's teachings, particularly those concerning women. K.H. Ahmad Dahlan organized a pengajian in his home, as well as teaching at other pengajian. Through these pengajian he spread his reformist ideas, pure teaching and Islamic teaching his students about the genuine spirit Islam. Furthermore, Dahlan insisted that to be devout or faithful is very important in building character and thus transforming the whole society. students his efforts, stone for building he motivated his close together Dahlan from the Kauman community. foundation base, more his training This pengajian was the organization. this friends organizationally. began From and students to work broad rational His and teachings and engaging personality inspired his students to enliven and develop other pengajians.From this early begining Muhammadiyah and 'Aisyiyah arose and have evolved prominence in Indonesia. 217 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. into === [PDF page 232] === mentioned, the Kauman community was and was very successful powerful Dahlan economically inspiring the Kauman community to increase both in its charitable life and its devotion. The attracting the economic larger because the strong religious factor was very important society toward becoming more perceived spirit connection was also people to be charitable, with devout, prosperity. factor in The encouraging out of a religious obligation. The wealth and hospitality of the community served as a tool in providing the organization the stable base and support that it needed. These 'Aisyiyah factors their not only inception, supported Muhammadiyah but also influence of both these organizations accounted for and the as they developed in this period. Nyai Ahmad Dalan followed in her husband's footsteps in promoting Muhammadiyah, experience Thus, thereby increasing her knowledge and and affording almost ironically, her an opportunity to her Muslim a dutiful wife to useful. scholar husband and as a pious woman, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan broke with conservative forward, and fought help women move in order not to lag behind the men. Her aspirations and achievements death, beliefs inspired innumerable women. After Dahlan's she carried on the work of her husband in developing Muhammadiyah and 'Aisyiyah. Nyai Ahmad Dahlan and K.H. Ahmad Dahlan faced an initially difficult situation in founding 'Aisyiyah, because 218 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. socially === [PDF page 233] === women were However, very Nyai continually weak Ahmad and did Dahlan educate not did and have not empower enough education. give laboring women. She built temporary school in front of her home and used very simple equipment in teaching. At first, the students would just sit on mats, or on seats made from used boxes and empty oil cans. However, these deficiencies did not stop her from seeking to empower the women and children she was teaching. Her goal was expand and improve women's participation and responsibilities to, family and community development, and to ensure that more opportunity be given to them to enhance their roles as mothers as well as decision and policy makers. Nyai Ahmad Dahlan argued for the need to train young Muslim women to take on leadership position within groups and organizations that would advocate women's women must challenge not rights. only She was convinced that the political and religious authorities who ruled over them but the deeply-rooted cultural values and mores that were instrumental in defining their self-identities. Dahlan's serious interest in 'Aisyiyah led him to do much for it, as can be seen from his action in sending three girls to public Kweekschool to obtain knowledge of secular subjects, after having had their religious training. These girls were groomed and recruited by Dahlan to make them the cadres for the establishment of 'Aisyiyah's own Kweekschool for girls (known as Mu'allimat). The goal was successfully achieved in 219 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 234] === 1924 with the opening of that school. Nyai Ahmad Dahlan was the first to establish a pondok (Muslim boarding School) for girls in Indonesia; before this, the pondok was intended only for boys. She used her own house as a dormitory for girls, especially for those studying at the Mu'allimat Muslim girls' school Mulo, and the teachers' college, including those hailing from other areas such as Bandung and Bukit Tinggi. She believed that a woman needed to be educated in order to have understanding 'Aisyiyah would her own concentrate will. 345 Her religious, goal was that educational, and social activities among the Muslim women, just as Muhammadiyah did among the men. 'Aisyiyah was to have its own muballighat (women propagators), religious training courses, and a cadreschool. Facilitating access to education, and promoting the rights women were thus the inherent the goals practices 'Aisyiyah. 'Aisyiyah also sought extend Islamic concrete ways. For example, it prescribed a head-dress for its members that left the face bare but covered the head and the neck.350 This partial veiling occurred during the twentieth century in a culture where most Muslim women had previously 349 See Suratmin S.F, Nyai Ahmad National, Amal dan Perjuangannya, 1990 Dahlan: Pahlawan 350 This issue of the head-dress or hijab has been controversial in Indonesia to the present day. Indonesia is a pluralist society and Muslims come from many different backgrounds. Many scholars there have argued that there is nothing in the Qur'an that requires Muslims women to wear the hijab, whereas in many Muslim countries, it is considered the obvious duty of a Muslim woman to do so. 220 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 235] === not worn any head-covering. Thus it became clear that, perhaps ironically, religious reform for women might bring some restrictions on their legal rights and dress on one hands, while simultaneously providing education and participation more opportunities in religious activities, for as in women's mosques, on the other.351 Before 'Aisyiyah was founded, although Kartini's ideas about the woman's movement had already spread throughout the country, education, the situation and not at all had changed only in decision making. "Swargo nunut, neraka katut" little The proverb ("Following to hell or heaven") was still normative, and if a woman's husband was a doctor, she was doctor" called "ibu (Mrs. Doctor). However, after 'Aisyiyah was founded, the Muslim woman was encouraged not to use the title of her husband. The proverb "Swargo nunut neraka katut," was resisted; this view was regarded as out of date and not in accord with Islamic teaching. The Muslim woman, according to Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, was to find a balance between her role in the home and her participation in public society and politics. 'Aisyiyah has made impact by its emphasis the mother's role as an educator, as well as on the need for women to be economically independent and make decisions on their own. The fact that the Kauman women had been permitted to See Cora Vreede-de Struggle and Achievement, 1960 Stuers, Indonesian 221 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Women: === [PDF page 236] === attend pengajian meant that these women had not merely a role only at home and were otherwise isolated from social life. By attending the pengajian, women had learned something of how to communicate with one another and to develop their religious and social knowledge. These activities impacted the development processes of the position of Muslim women and also occurred simultaneously with a growing self-mobilization among women in the Kaumam village. They were thus, perhaps, the ideal women to whom to introduce the reformist ideas of the Dahlans. A description active 'Aisyiyah women at about the time of the organization's establishment portrays these women as traders, businesswomen, large-scale merchants and members of the emerging middle-class society in the early twentieth century; not at all the kind of women who follow or who were socially attached only through their husbands' status. However, position and in formal education they were the same as other women at that time. Although both Muhammadiyah helped knowledge develop the kinds, Muhammadiyah all and nation the 'Aisyiyah was and 'Aisyiyah organizations through main the goal to spread advancement establishing Islamic teaching. Nyai Ahmad Dahlan faced multiple tasks that were necessary in balancing old and new ideologies, and breaking into new areas of knowledge. Finding ways to accomplish this task without open conflict required sensitivity and strategy. With this in 222 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 237] === mind, 'Aisyiyah strove to advance the education and teaching of women, to enable them to join men in the moral and material development society, attain just and prosperous society blessed by God's grace or baldatun toyyibatun warobbun ghofur. 352 Nyai Ahmad Dahlan's views about the role of women were realistic: they should be a support and not a burden to their husbands in their struggle. Her opinion reflects the general view of Muslim women in the present time, who aspire for bigger social roles for women. In her last publict message in 1946, she stated: The Dutch who have colonized Indonesia are driven away, but the Japanese occupation forces have posed an even greater danger. However, thanks to the nation's struggle, Indonesia has gained her independence. And it is the duty of all of you to foster and maintain what has been achieved so far through that struggle.j53 Wishing for the female character to be developed on the basis of the religion of Islam, in the interest of family life, she set forth her basic dicta: 1. The family fundamental institution the Community; 2. If the family is good, the community will also be good. Nyai Ahmad understood that women are, more than men, 352 KOWANI, Sejarah Setengah abad Kesatuan Pergerakan Wanita Indonesia, (Half a Century of Unity of the Indonesian Women's Organizations), Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1986, p. 47. 353 As quoted in Murdiati, Diati Ganis, Kartini Sabekti, and Sabarish, The Women of Indonesia, Jakarta: Department of Information Republic of Indonesia, in cooperation with the Office of the Minister of State for the Role of Women, 1985. 223 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 238] === viewed as the harbingers of the future of society. 'Asyiyah women view modernity are took serious appropriating her note Nyai Ahmad ideas. tradition Dahlan's and conceptualized, women tend to be identified as the keepers of tradition and the guardians of those institutions, values, and practices that are most closely domains, linked tradition. The idea that women are the guardians of tradition has served to reify some of the most regressive aspects of tradition and womanhood. This does past, however, reinforce not confine essentialized vision them conceptually the because their duty is to maintain continuity with the imagined moral values of the ancestral past and to transmit them to future generations. Particularly in their role as mothers, they are considered to hold the moral fate of the nation in their hands. 'Aisyiyah women were encouraged by a tradition promoted by reformist Islam that women could serve their communities and God by becoming educated and working outside the home. 'Aisyiyah created a cadre of women leaders who were able to focus solely securing women's right and education. 'Aisyiyah also advocated an Islamist reformist orientation, emphasizing passages changing the the reinterpretation Qur'anic women. 'Aisyiyah status demanded empowerment within of Muslim women in Indonesia. the We will discuss these efforts in the next chapter. 224 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 239] === Chapter 5 THE ISLAMIC WOMEN'S MOVEMENT: 'AISYIYAH'S WORK The Establishment and Early Days of the ’Aisyiyah Movement. The first associations of Indonesian women extending beyond local community boundaries were formed in the 1920s. Few of these organizations were independently established and managed by women. One of the earliest and most successful was (1917); also a branch women's 'Aisyiyah auxiliary the Muhammadiyah organization, 352 the oldest and second largest Muslim organization in Indonesia after Nachlatul Ulama. 'Aisyiyah viewed the emergence of Islamic reformism in Indonesia as benefiting Indonesian women.35" 'Aisyiyah's objective is to honor and revere Islam, and to promote education for women, as well as to profess pure Islam as a way to worldly and eternal happiness.35,5 Although 'Aisyiyah's branch organization, Muhammadiyah, the major Islamic reform movement, was founded 1912 352 Muhammadiyah aimed to purify the Islamic faith by seeking to eradicate superstitious practices and traditional admixtures, and also to develop modern Islamic thought in Indonesia. Initially, Muhammadiyah's efforts were directed towards increasing awareness of nationalism while also encouraging women to engage in public acts. The conviction was that the most important pillar in the development and progress of Indonesian civilization would be secured by the development, progress, and advancement of women. 353 Saskia Wieringa, Sexual Politics in Indonesia, p. 123 354 See Suratmin SF, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, Pahlawan National, Amal dan Perjuangannya (1990), p.73 225 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 240] === educationally and culturally oriented organization; by the time 'Aisyiyah was formed four years later Muhammadiyah "was a still, but deep, tributary of the stream of political nationalism and quietly but sustainedly nourished and strengthened that stream."355 If we look back to the early women's movement, Saskia Wieringa, participation Indonesian feminist, in the national argues that women's revolution had two important consequences. First, it brought upper class women into contact with the common people. Second, some women came to realize that sharing the struggle with men could not in itself bring an end to male sexism. 356 Her argument is that some women entered the national revolution as actors with their own scripts which overlapped with those of the male leaders but were not always identical.35' Yet they were regarded by many men as mere appendages of the male leaders. However, for some women's organizations, including 'Aisyiyah, support for the national revolution was one of their primary objectives. The advancement Indonesian womanhood was deemed crucial for the achievement of the goal of nationalism and modern progress. 355 See George Me Turnan Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1952), p.88 356 See Saskia Wieringa, pp.66-67 Sexual Politics in Indonesia, 357 Ibid, p. 87 226 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 241] === For several reasons, the political situation in the early women movement was highly conductive to a growing interest in organizational and political activities. Women's participation in public was ideologically important to the nationalist cause even as it contradicted the established customs gender separation and subordination of women. Organized women have always identified areas where there is gender ineguality. 'Aisyiyah is steered by Muhammadiyah,j58 but in general, they are expected to take care matters considered appropriate for women. Understanding the discursive impact of the woman question and its challenge in the modern world, 'Aisyiyah advocated reforms in education for women and in the interpretation of Islamic law in order to meet the demands of a changing world and to bring Indonesian Muslim women into conformity with the standards of the age. Furthermore, studies on women in Islamic societies are numerous, but despite the fact that Indonesia is the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, it has yet to be included in the comparative discussions on women in Muslim societies, which are largely dominated by scholarly works on Middle Eastern, African, and even South Asian countries. Because the dominant feminist frameworks on Islam and gender are highly 358 All decisions made by 'Aisyiyah, especially decisions made at 'Aisyiyah annual conferences, have to be formally approved by Muhammadiyah, and this included election results. The leader of Muhammadiyah had greater authority than 'Aisyiyah chair. This is according to most of 'Aisyiyah's members. 227 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 242] === influenced by research on the Arab world, there is a need for the articulation of a completely different treatment of gender in Islamic places like Indonesia and some other parts of Asia. Recognition of this fact and dissatisfaction with it inspired several individuals and groups to advocate greater unity and cooperation as a means to achieve more autonomy and influence for women. The result of this line of thought was the founding of the 'Aisyiyah organization, which must rank as the most significant milestone in the history of the Indonesian women's movement. Although the founding groups and individuals had different immediate purposes and programs, they were all committed to the advancement of the position of Indonesian women. In addition we have to acknowledge the role of the state in Indonesia in controlling women's organizations. Governments during the colonial period and the New Order followed remarkably similar policies that came, under Suharto, to be referred to as the "floating mass notion" that the rural population should be kept out of politics. Hence the only women's organizations that were really free to flourish at the village level were those considered apolitical, such as religious organizations like 'Aisyiyah and, during the New Order, the state controlled Family Welfare Program (PKK),j59 which was intended to promote family welfare and more 059 The PKK was the government's primary tool for the purpose of incorporating poorer women into a framework that supported the government. In 1974, the PKK was institutionalized at the level of village and urban neighborhoods. For more discussion see Norma Sullivan, "Gender and Politics in 228 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 243] === generally helped implement the government's development plans, especially family planning. In the 1950s-1960s, it was politically difficult for a women's organization to organize rural working women. The government suppressed radical organizations that tried to do so, whether by the colonial government or the New Order. Only at the end of the 20th century, therefore, was it possible to organize working women in rural areas independently. Furthermore, a revolution against the condition of women in the traditional Muslim societies is probably inevitable. I have already mentioned that Hasan Turabi said that the Islamists are urged by their own ideals to reform the traditional society and to close the gap between the fallen360 historical reality and desired model of ideal Islam. This is even more urgent with respect Indonesia" in Maila Stivens (ed), Why Gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics (Clayton: Monash Asia Institute, 1991). The PKK was described in official literature as a "voluntary movement," consisting of about two million volunteers, mostly women, mobilized community participation in the village development activities. The leaders of PKK were wives of State officials and therefore subject to moral pressure to take on these social duties. The PKK implemented ten major programs including fostering the official State ideology of Pancasila and other social and welfare-related projects as directed by the office of the Minister for the Role of Women and other government agencies. 360 By the middle of thirteenth century C.E., many Islamic countries had fallen behind, and experienced backwardness as a result of the stagnation of intellectual activities. See Fazlur Rahman, Islam (1968), pp.81-89. And in many Muslim societies, the social status of women, as more rigidly interpreted over the centuries, formed an integral part of this stagnation. The ideology demanded that women's bodies symbolize the rejection of an alien culture by maintaining traditional customs, such as veiling, deprecating female opinion, and subordinating women to all the male members of the family. 229 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 244] === to the present state of women.361 Many Indonesians have claimed that Muslim women already enjoy equal rights in Indonesian society. What they really wish to say is that there is no need for women's emancipation. It is true that some women have achieved extraordinary influence in modern Indonesian society, but the vast majority of them have not. It is also true that is some parts of Indonesia women have certain freedom of movement, perhaps more than in many other parts of Southeast Asia. The degree of this freedom depends much on their family social status. Through 'Aisyiyah and similar organizations women were represented in the early stages of the nationalist movement, but their role clearly was subsidiary. Because of the flexible nature of Islam in Indonesia and more specifically because of the influence of modernist Islamic ideas, religion could play a significant role as a vehicle for an Indonesian Muslim women's movement. Women's participation in 'Aisyiyah extended to embrace their social (private, family and organizational), economic and religious lives. 'Aisyiyah ties women into a larger social sphere right up to the present day. 'Aisyiyah also develops strategic programs for regulating the well-being of women and children in Muslim communities, such as health programs in every city around the country. Indonesian women were aware that the significance and future of their work was to rely on education. Education was a means 361 Hasan Turabi, Women In Islam and Muslim Society (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986), p.302 230 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 245] === to an end, and in the minds of some Muslim women, such as the women of 'Aisyiyah, the end was not just bringing up children and caring for husbands, but economic independence for women and ultimately uplifting the welfare of the human race. emphasized the necessity extending 'Aisyiyah "enlightenment and education" to women as well as men. Education was viewed as the key to reforming women. At the same time, however, this emphasis on education and enlightenment was applied not only to women, but to society in general. 'Aisyiyah believed that women would lay the whole foundation for future generations. Th e Status of ’Aisyiyah in the Muhammadiyah organization In the beginning, Muhammadiyah for 'Aisyiyah was the instrument of the the purpose developing Muslim women's understanding of the teachings of Islam. It was important that women understand the basics of the faith, based on the "five pillars" in their most formal sense, that is, not only the recognition of the unity of God and the recognition of Muhammad as the final Prophet, but also they would know how to practice the five daily prayers, fasting during Ramadhan, paying zakah (the religious tax), going on a pilgrimage to Mecca, etc.j62 362 See Suratmin SF, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan: Pahlawan Nasional, Amal dan Perjuangannya, pp. 68-70 231 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 246] === In addition, it was important that women know the basis of virtue in the Qur'an and Hadith, and understand the prohibitions against adultery, cheating, lying and so on. When 'Aisyiyah was founded, part its parent organization, it was directed by the needs of the time of its establishment. 'Aisyiyah's statutes affirmed that 'Aisyiyah was special department position. 36of Initially, Muhammadiyah, its with organizational autonomous objectives and activities were aimed at religious education, as well as the general educational, economic and socio-cultural needs of women in the whole society. However, its activities and programs nowadays have shifted its focus to the needs of its organization's members. In the first stage, bylaws, officials 'Aisyiyah did not even have its own administrators; was managed Muhammadiyah.364 After 'Aisyiyah officially became an independent organization, it gradually developed its own administration and management, with its own staff from the national, provincial, and district levels, and began to expand outside of Jogyakarta into other cities, at first as an adjunct of Muhammadiyah, and then on its own. Tangga See 'Aisyiyah, Anggaran Pokok dan Peraturan Rumah 'Aisyiyah (Yogjakarta: Muhammadiyah, 1955), pp.16-32 364 Ibid 232 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 247] === In the early years Nyai Akhmad Dahlan, the wife of K.H.A Dahlan, would travel with her husband and gather the women in those places where he was organizing the Muhammadiyah.365 And today, 'Aisyiyah has begun to play a role in national development and, as it has expanded, its activities have adjusted to national programs, guided by the GBHN (Broad Outlines of State Policy) which require that women take part in all fields and at all levels of development. Hence women need to perform tasks beyond those of wife and mother, so as to render services in various categories of society and thus participate in the development of the nation and the community. However, 'Aisyiyah follows the traditional gender division of labor: men (the main organization of Muhammadiyah) relate to the public sphere which includes politics, organizational policies, issues of religious law, development of macro-economic enterprises, administration of wakaf (a religious endowment, rather like a grant, made privately or by the government, but always designated for special uses), and government relations. Women are restricted to the home and the stereotypical women's activities of education and health. Not even the 1984 convention in Surakarta, which supposedly put more emphasis on women's role in development, has produced the hoped for changes, as women are still limited to the fields of education, health and economics. 365 Ibid, p. 58 233 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 248] === The Muhammadiyah, as parent organization, does not object to, nor hamper, the involvement of members of the 'Aisyiyah in political organizations or government institutions, as long as this does not involve the organization's name. But if a leader in 'Aisyiyah occupies a position in a political party or in a government institution like the legislative assembly, most give up their position in the organization. Although 'Aisyiyah is the woman's branch of a larger organization, 'Aisyiyah cannot make its own decisions when it comes to the important fields of politics and religious laws. For this they must follow decisions made by the Muhammadiyah, consisting solely of men. Furthermore, all decisions made by 'Aisyiyah, especially those made at conferences, have to be formally approved by Muhammadiyah, and this includes election results.366 The leader of Muhammadiyah has greater authority than 'Aisyiyah's chair. As Barorah Baried stated regarding the power of the leader of Muhammadiyah in her interview with Saskia Wieringa: He is our counselor. If the counselor is good, he will let 'Aisyiyah, he will let 'Aisyiyah find its own way. But if the counselor is bad he can restrict 'Aisyiyah. Muhammadiyah has the right to veto our decisions but that is very rarely applied. They also can fire members of the 'Aisyiyah Board, which they have done in the past. We cannot fire them and we don't have a veto in their organization. You see, it is rather like a husband-wife relationship.j67 366 See Saskia Wieringa, Sexual Politics in Indonesia, p. 123 367 As cited Indonesia, p.123 Saskia Wieringa, Sexual Politics 234 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 249] === In some points, 'Aisyiyah is independent in the formulation of its status, rule of association, and working programs. However, in fact 'Aisyiyah's autonomy in relation to Muhammadiyah is rather limited. 'Aisyiyah's statutes stipulated organization had the rights to make and implement decisions, While reality had follow the that the its own decisions Muhammadiyah. The parent organization (Muhammadiyah) itself no longer has any women's programs since they are all managed by 'Aisyiyah. The socio-political reform initiated Muhammadiyah included not only the political system, but also educational reform that attempted to juxtapose modern science and Islamic knowledge. This also opened up the opportunity for Muslim women to elevate their knowledge not just in Islamic education but also in modern science.068 All efforts will continue to be undertaken to sensitize and enhance the awareness of the society on decisive role women for the social, political, and cultural transformation of the country. 3. Special Characteristics of 'Aisyiyah The special characteristics of 'Aisyiyah are, first, as a woman organization, 'Aisyiyah is constantly seeks to promote the status and consciousness of Indonesian Muslim women for their 368 Ibid 235 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 250] === participation in nation building. 3 6 9 It is important to recognize that because of 'Aisyiyah, Indonesian Muslim women grew more aware of their rights in public domain. 'Aisyiyah designs programs to increase the number and upgrade the quality of women leaders and public servants. Secondly, 'Aisyiyah carries out the principles of the teaching of Islam, and educates women about their legal rights and responsibilities, especially regarding the problems of women in promoting the welfare of their families and of society. Women, then, are assigned a clear role in nation-building. They are to be the nation's cultural signifiers and the mothers/educators of the nation's children. Thirdly, 'Aisyiyah stresses its programs on social and educational activities. Socially, numerous problems, instance, Indonesian women still face such as basic women's health issues. For there is still a very high level of mortality in childbirth. 'Aisyiyah expands health care in rural areas and improves mother-child health care system. 'Aisyiyah's strategy is also to empower women because women have always lagged behind men in several areas, including the political process. 'Aisyiyah tries to change the position of women in Indonesia by attempting to address an authentic Islamic identity in the context of Islam and modernity. However, it can "69 As an"Orang tua" (respected Acehnese Ulama, Tgk. Ismail Thaib Payabujouk, the founder of Modern Islamic School in Langsa, Aceh) has said; "One of the yardsticks of civilization is woman's place in society and the success she has attained." 236 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 251] === only be successful when there has been a complete reexamination of the primary sources of Islamic thought and praxis. j7° 'Aisyiyah also encourages the "double role" of wife and mother as long as it does not violate the "women's qodradh".371 Once having achieved the status of wife, the next step for women is to prove their womanliness by becoming mothers, because without that legitimization the woman's status as a wife remains in constant jeopardy. To become a mother does not mean to become any kind of mother, but to be a perfect mother (besides being, of course, a perfect wife).3,2 This means on the one hand, that a mother is source of love, self-sacrifice, patience, wisdom, and faithfulness. On the other hand, she must possess some practical knowledge about nutrition, and begin education of her children. There is no necessary contradiction between affirming the sacred role of women in the home and respecting the right of women to participate in social activities outside the home. 370 "0 Mankind! Be conscious of your Sustainer, who has created you out of one living entity, and out of it created its mate, and out of the two spread abroad a multitude of men and women. And remain conscious of God, in whose name you demand (your rights) from one another, and of these ties of kinship. Verily, God is ever watchful over you. (Muhammad Assad, The Message of the Qur'an, Gibraltar: Dar Al-Andalus, 1984) The Qur'an, 4:1. 371 This is a view of woman's qodradh, which relates the meaning of woman's life to marriage and childbearing. This view results in a dominant gender ideology that secures a women's role in the family as a top priority in her life. 372 See Suratmin SF, Nyai Ahmad Dahlan, p. 69 237 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 252] === For 'Aisyiyah, so long as the education system is governed by the spirit of Islam throughout, there will be a harmony between these two modes of social activity, permitting women to express themselves in accordance with their natural dispositions, and to be given the respect and honor which is very important for Islamic values. Furthermore, 'Aisyiyah has always stressed the importance of improving the skills of its members in order to increase the income of their families through establishing needlework, cooking and other kinds of courses. 'Aisyiyah also supports political aspirations for its members, as women's advent in the political arena was increasingly viewed as a necessity if women were to play a key role either in elections or in parliament. For Indonesia, with a majority Muslim population, the equal status of women and their opportunity to participate activities in political is based on the legal jurisprudence of the 1945 Constitution. 37j But there are still a multitude of discriminatory issues facing women, with only some progress towards the goal of development being achieved Moreover, in recent years 'Aisyiyah has participated in government programs such as national family planning, maternal and infant health, the promotion of the status of women in rural areas, and programs concerning population and environment. The 373 Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 (The Constitution of 1945), Republic of Indonesia 238 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 253] === activities and programs which are implemented in the regions are adjusted to the potential and the conditions of the regions. Some regions are advanced in the field of education, or in the field of preaching tabligh, others are economically advanced or advanced in promoting the religious community's prosperity (Pembinaan kesejahteraan Umat), and still others have a special focus on clinics, and hospitals. The Principles, Goals, and 'Aisyiyah's Organizational Structure. One of the guiding principles of 'Aisyiyah is Pancasila.31* It is based on the principles of Islamic teaching, and 'Aisyiyah encourages the ongoing commitment to Pancasila as the Indonesian way of life, which has to be practiced correctly and consistently. The obvious goal of 'Aisyiyah is to glorify the teaching of Islam in order to realize a prosperous Indonesian community under the guidance of God, encourage women to increase their knowledge of the Qur'an and Sunnah, as well as to provide other 374 "The five basic principles of the Republic of Indonesia: Belief in one God Almighty; Humanity that is just and civilized; Unity of Indonesia; Democracy guided by the wisdom of representative deliberation; and Social Justice for all Indonesians." All state organizations must acknowledge these principles as their sole foundation, a requirement that was expanded in the 1980s to include all social and political organizations. For more information about how the government required organizations to put "The Pancasila" as a base principle of organization, see Robert W. Hefner, "Islamization and Democratization in Indonesia," in Robert W. Hefner and Patricia Horvatic (eds), Islam in an Era of Nation-States: Politics and Religious Renewal in Muslim South-East Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1997), pp.75-127 239 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 254] === learning opportunities, teach women implement their knowledge, develop leadership qualities and abilities in women, assist in finding Islamic solutions to daily problems, and encourage women to get involved and make a difference. 'Aisyiyah set its goal as that of empowering women and changing their place both in the home and in society through the application of Islamic principles. 'Aisyiyah tries to implement, primarily, Sura Ali Imran (3) verse 104. God says: "Let there arise out of you a band of people inviting to all that is good, enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong, they are the ones to attain felicity." A second significant text is Sura An-Nahl (16) verse 97. God says: "Whoever works righteousness, male or female, and has faith, verily to them We give a new good and pure life, We will bestow on them reward in accordance with the best of their deeds. "j75 The structure of the 'Aisyiyah organization is similar to that of the Indonesian government: The national level is under the leadership of the Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, PPA (the Central Board of 'Aisyiyah). 375 'A. Yusuf Ali, The Holy Qur'an, commentary and translation by 'A. Yusuf Ali, Brentwood, MD: Amana Corporation, 1991. 240 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 255] === The provincial level is under the leadership of the Pimpinan Wilayah 'Aisyiyah, PWA (the Provincial Board of 'Aisyiyah). The regional and municipal level is under the leadership of the_Pimpinan Daerah ’Aisyiyah, PDA (the Regional Board of 'Aisyiyah). The district level is under the guidance of the Pimpinan cabang ’Aisyiyah, PCA (the District Board of ’Aisyiyah). The sub-district level is under the guidance of Pimpinan Ranting 'Aisyiyah, PRA (the sub-district Board of ’Aisyiyah). The 'Aisyiyah organization has members almost all provinces. In each of these provinces guidance for members reaches down to the village level. At this point, guidance is delegated to the leadership of the organization's village branch, which constitutes the membership level. The largest membership can be found in the region where 'Aisyiyah has its headquarter, which is Yogyakarta. The Development and Activities of ’Aisyiyah. In order to achieve its goals, 'Aisyiyah carries out a number of activities in order to realize the teaching of Islam and to work towards advancement of the status and position of the 241 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 256] === Indonesian Muslim women in the family as well as in society. 'Aisyiyah, women's organization, stresses activities concerning the problems of women as a means to improve the status of women as a mother, a wife, and as a member of the society. These activities provide guidance in such fields as education, health, social welfare, economic matters and other activities related to the improvement of women's skills. Its activities and programs nowadays have shifted their focus to the needs of their organization's members. 'Aisyiyah also outline a broad program to free women from domestic confinement an raise their political, cultural and productive levels. Hence the prime focus education, religious knowledge aiming at enhancing the role of women, and social and political activities conforming to Islamic teaching. In the social field, 'Aisyiyah carries out such activities as assistance for orphans and disabled children; the care of the aged, the establishment of clinics, and maternity and nursery centers, and training for improving family welfare especially to overcome economic problems. As an equal partner to men, women are responsible both for the welfare of the family and the public welfare. According to Baried, 'Aisyiyah urged women to be aware that they had the same duties as men, in running the household, building up the community and in the service of God, (so that) women who have felt Aisyiyah's guidance will realize that the important 242 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 257] === duty of women is in her home. After having managed the household successfully she will realize that she has to do the same to her society. According to her, the most suitable way to achieve this is through working with organizations.37b Women's role in social development as a support in an overall development effort is also gaining in importance. Thus educated women are being urged to participate. 'Aisyiyah also contributes to Social Welfare, either through separate or joint efforts with other groups in the spirit of religious tolerance and harmony. 'Aisyiyah provides women with legal advice through the programs conducted by the Legal Awareness Cadre (Kader Sadar Hukum) focusing on laws relating to marriage, family welfare and labor conditions and on all regulations affecting women. In this, 'Aisyiyah works with KOWANI, 37' the Department of Justice, the Department of Labor and the Department of Religious Affairs. In the educational field, in attempts to modernize education, 'Aisyiyah has established a large number of formal as well as informal schools such as kindergartens and diniyah (religious schools) throughout Indonesia.378 These institutions are intended to promote the development of Islamic culture and education. 'Aisyiyah also seeks to establish vocational schools for women, 376 See I.H.B Baried, "Aisyiyah and Social Changes in the Indonesian Woman's Life," mimeo, pp.16-17 311 The official umbrella organization for womens groups. 378 From the report by P.P 'Aisyiyah 1995, 'Aisyiyah already has 3962 kindergartens and 507 diniyahs (religious school) around Indonesia in 1995, with thirty students each class. 243 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 258] === schools of home-economics, nursing schools, teachers' colleges, midwives' schools and other institutions.375 These schools also have helped to furnish the needed teachers in places where 'Aisyiyah operates and 'Aisyiyah-run maternity to provide midwives clinics and nurses and hospitals. for Furthermore, 'Aisyiyah is offering training for midwives to become qualified nurses through a three year diploma program of the Nursing Academy, and providing continuing education to broaden the perspective of teachers while providing them additional skills relevant to their profession up to Bachelor's degree level. In the course of the 20th century, the government responded to pressure for the advancement of the education of girls and women by expanding educational opportunities, with the result that by the 1990s equality had almost been attained at primary school levels, although inequality increases with the level of schooling. As the need for educational reform in the post-New Order era gains support, it is likely, however, that more attention will come to be focused on the curricula and pedagogy of schooling rather than just on enrollments. The gender aspects of the education system will come under increased scrutiny from women's organizations, which are now free to raise such matters, because education has long been seen as an essential factor in development. However, the general educational level of Indonesian women is 379 See Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, 1997. 244 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 259] === Still fairly low, although girls increasingly go on to higher levels of education. Statistics disseminated by Bappenas National Statistics, (Central Bureau of in 1997 concerning education and culture in Indonesia, reveal a striking imbalance between the educations of females compared to that of males. During the period from 1980-1990, the number of females attending school was incredibly low in comparison to that of males. According BAPENAS (Central Bureau National Statistics), 82.1 percent of Indonesian women have not received more than an elementary school education.j80 Mothers' level of education is mostly Elementary school (SD) or lower. Furthermore, the results also showed higher the level of education, the lower the number of female students.381 The 1992 National Socio Economic Survey also reveals that 67.85 percent of mothers are able to read and write the Roman alphabet and 3.12 percent are able to read and write another alphabet or writing system. The data thus suggests that almost 30 percent of mothers are illiterate. The National Socio Economic Survey also reveals that only 30 percent of ever-married 380 See report provided by Jayakarta May 1, 1995. 381 See Central Bureau of National Statistics, Statistical Profile of Education and Culture in Indonesia (Jakarta: Central Bureau of Statistics, 1997) 382 Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Profile of Mothers and Children in Indonesia, Jakarta: Central Bureau of Statistics, 1993. 245 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 260] === women have ever engaged in any social or cultural activities.3b3 According to BPS (Central Bureau of Statistics), of women in a workforce of approximately 80 million women, 57.8 million have an educational level of elementary school or less. 384 It is apparent that the number of females attending university or having the opportunity to attend university is very low. Only 1.5 percent of Indonesian women have had a university education.385 If we look at results from primary school through to senior school, males dominate the education system in Indonesia.3St The imbalance concerning access to education, for males and females, rests on the hold of the "male oriented society," thus, placing the importance of education for the male before the importance of education for the female. Within the "male oriented society," the male child will become the head of the family and will be given preference, especially in the area of education, over the female. In a low income family, where money is of real concern, education will be offered to the male child and denied to the female child. 383 Ibid 384 Report from BPS Statistic), 1994 385 Soekanto, ( The Central Bureau of National 1999 38b Statistics collected from BPS (the Central Bureau of Statistic) between the years 1980-1990, show that across the board, the average rate of females attending school is much lower than that of males. 246 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 261] === Although education is an equal right for all persons,307 the reality is quite different. Often, the less fortunate or lower status groups of society are not given the same opportunity for education as those of a higher status. Thus, because the social position of women in Indonesia is considered lower than that of men, their ability to access education is more restricted. The government's dedication to education and access to education impacts greatly on the people of a nation, especially in developing countries. A lack of commitment regarding education means that not only does education become a "product" unobtainable by many, but it also has the affect of dividing the nation into two classes: the "common" class and the "educated" class. It can be said, then, that only those with money have the opportunity to go to school, as alternative methods, such as scholarships, are few. The laws providing for equal access to education or jobs are not yet effective in dealing with the discrimination women meet in the course of their lives and careers. One of the results of lower education levels is lower understanding of health and nutrition, which are reflected in high infant mortality rates and high population growth rate, which in the end will slow the j87 Every citizen has the same right and opportunity to obtain education as guaranteed in the Constitution (Article 31) and the National Education System Act 1989. Legally, there is no discrimination between boys and girls in entering school; the act requires that all citizens age 7 and above are obliged to undertake 9 years universal basic education from primary school through lower secondary school. 247 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 262] === development process. And the lack of opportunity for females to attend school and have access to an education impacts heavily on their position within the social, political and economic spheres of society.388 From the start of the 20th century, Indonesian women were voicing their dissatisfaction about not having the same access to education as men. What was at stake here was of far-reaching significance. Women want education for a variety reasons. Access to better-paid, modern employment was an obvious attraction of schools, and although such work is by no means guaranteed by schooling, it is certainly restricted to those with the right educational qualifications. It was also hoped that staying at school longer would provide girls with more autonomy in the selection of husbands, since parents customary arranged the marriage of daughters at very young ages. Finally, women hoped that with an education they would be both better mothers and better wives, able to hold their own with educated husbands. This situation challenged 'Aisyiyah to put more focus on education. 'Aisyiyah also realized that a strong formal education was needed to prepare youth to face the future, since their ill-educated mother could not be fully relied upon. For 'Aisyiyah, increasing education for women is not only a matter of justice but would yield exceptional economic returns down the road.389 388 In Parliament, only 8% of parliamentary members are female. See Journal Perempuan, no 23, (2002). 389 Through this change in perception education is expected 248 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 263] === And education can also play a major role in improving the status of women and would significantly improve household health through better nutrition, lower child morbidity and mortality rates, and slower population growth. 'Aisyiyah believes that when education succeeds it will effect social change and social justice. In this they are in full agreement with the observation of Haddad in her article "Islam, Women and Revolution in Twentieth Century Arab Though" that changes in the role and status of women seems to occur more within the context of a stable group identity.390 In summary, educational opportunities for women make a significant difference in the lives of women and the well-being of the whole society. An illiterate mother is indirectly affecting her capacity to increase family welfare. A better education leads to a better understanding of health, nutrition and a better way of life. Thus from an educated mother we can expect healthy, smart and good children. Education for women will increase current human capital quality and will prepare better human resources for future development.391 Education is the social basis for increasing welfare and prosperity, because through education one can acquire to bring equality among humans, particularly between the sexes. 390 See Yvonne Haddad, "Islam, Women and Revolution in Twentieth Century Arab though, " in Yvonne Haddad and Ellison B. Findley, Women, Religions, and Social Change (Albany: SUNY 391 It is to appropriate to say here that the key to the situation of women is in increasing the awareness of women themselves of their rights. Thus organizations like 'Aisyiyah remain crucial. 249 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 264] === skills which will be used to earn a good living in the modern age. It is difficult for an under-educated society to raise its economic level in an era of science and technology. 'Aisyiyah insists that investment in women will have a positive impact on the family and on the whole society. However, success in investing in women's education depends on a multitude of critical factors beyond the classroom and the school itself: economic, social-cultural, institutional, political and institutional factors as well as human resources and school curriculum. Likewise, a person's faith and knowledge can only obtained through their social conditions and surroundings, desires, means of livelihood and ability to work hard. For 'Aisyiyah, education is the precise field in which in to carry out any sort of defense of women and the struggle for justice. Education is the key instrument to initiate any form of social change. Education paves the way for people to know their abilities and strengths, raises questions about preconceptions, look for truth and to struggle for the truth. Education is a strong social and political base for all women. Therefore, education has become even more important for women in this era if they are to have true, meaningful political participation. To many of the women entering to the political arena, this can only be achieved if they involved in decision making. 250 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 265] === 'Aisyiyah has constantly striven to elevate the economic standards of Muslim women. Therefore, 'Aisyiyah has organized an economic development program through BUEKA, 392 Badan Usaha Ekonomi and Koperasi 'Aisyiyah ('Aisyiyah's Executive Branch for Economic and Co-operatives). The program gives priority to enterprises involving co-operatives, industrial skills, "window shops,/,39j and marketing. Three of these activities are already operational down the branch level. The enhancement industrial skills covers handicrafts, sewing and embroidery.394 The activities of the co-operatives generally include saving and loans, renting out party equipment, and efforts to increase managerial skills. In order to improve employment for women, 'Aisyiyah encourages the businesswomen among its members to increase their entrepreneurial efforts through co-operation with the government and private sector.j95 'Aisyiyah also encourages the establishment of skills-training centers to prepare its members for becoming businesswomen skilled workers. 396 394 'Aisyiyah has four hundred and thirty five (435) BUEKA co-operatives throughout Indonesia. 393 "Window shops" are small shops in the homes of members where they can sell their products at any time; this is common in Indonesia and these shops are generally managed by women. 394 See Ismah Salmah, Peran Organisasi 'Aisyiyah Dalam Mewujudkan Keluarga Sakinah Di Kalangan Anggota (Jakarta: Graduate Program of women Studies University of Indonesia, 1995), p.59 395 See Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, pp.7 9-82. 396 Ibid 251 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 266] === Therefore, by utilizing the opportunities provided directly through 'Aisyiyah to improve their own standard of living, women also are participating in the development of the country. At the same time, the leadership of 'Aisyiyah extols the initiative of 'Aisyiyah members who have formed their own co-operatives. This experience has shown not only the urgency of devising a new approaches to economic development but also that women's economic empowerment is an essential element in any strategy for poverty alleviation. 'Aisyiyah defines economic empowerment as having access to and control over the means to make a living on a sustainable and long-term basis, and receiving the material benefits of this access and control. Such an approach, thus, goes beyond short-term goals of increasing women's access to income and looks for longer term sustainable benefits, not only in-terms change laws and policies than constrain women's participation in and benefits from development, but also in terms of changes in power relationships at the household, community and market levels.397 Nowadays the presence of women as one of the potentials in enhancing development is very essential. Women have double roles in development process: on the one hand as mothers/wives, they responsible for the welfare of the family; on the other, they also serve as breadwinners. There are positive and negative impacts in these double roles. On the positive side, women can 397 Ibid 252 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 267] === help raise the family income, which can have a positive impact on the social status of women. Furthermore, women's potential in decision making can be raised due to their increased importance. As well, women can be more autonomous so they can provide a better model for children. And finally, giving a woman a wider perspective helps her in mastering her environment. Some negative impacts are that women are overloadedwith work. In rural areas, this can be seen from the fact that many must distribute their household duties to their children and are less able to be present for their children. This can attenuate the hoped-for effect of the mother's impact on her children. However, while there are some decided challenges in these double roles, women are still making valuable contributions to their families. And 'Aisyiyah faces these challenges with an emphasis on family values and on strong faith.j96 Gender equality is a central feature of sustainable human development because equal recognition for women is a sign of a just society. The concept of women's development entails the empowerment of women as equal members of a society. Additionally, upholding equality of rights is not an act of benevolence by those in political power, but a necessity for economic development in every society. Thus, gender equality as a matter of social justice and as matter of good economic policy should be considered an essential national goal its right. Promoting 398 Ibid 253 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the full === [PDF page 268] === participation of women in social and economic development is impossible without strong political commitment and fundamental changes to societal norm and values. Development can be effective only if it empowers women and counts them among its most important human resources. Strong basic educational skills, knowledge, and appropriate vocational and technical training of women provide the guality of human resources necessary to ensure the future economic vitality and viability of the country. In the religious field, initially the activities of 'Aisyiyah were directed towards pengajian (informal Islamic teaching) in order to promote the status of Indonesian women, especially Muslim women, through introducing the principles of Islam based on the Qur'an and the Sunna of the Prophet. In the beginning the female religious meeting (pengajian) was held in the homes of members;~'?s' it constituted a woman's social and religious network. Pengajian included instruction Islamic teaching, Islamic law, and reciting the Qur'an. The news of a pengaj ian was often spread by word of mouth to neighbors, relatives and friends. These activities stressed the importance of the duties and obligations of women. Later the activities of the pengajian were oriented towards informal Islamic teaching in giving guidance to women in regard to their functions as a wife, as a mother, and in their responsibilities to the society. 400 However, these religious 399 See 'Aisyiyah, Anggaran Pokok dan Peraturan Rumah Tangga 'Aisyiyah, p. 58 400 Ibid, pp. 74-75 254 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 269] === meetings also mediated by everyday social and political events. 'Aisyiyah organizes many centers of religious activities for women in order to improve their knowledge and practice of the teaching of Islam based on the Qur'an and Sunna, since religion is regarded as one of the motivating forces for active participation in development. 'Aisyiyah provides Islamic training ranging from comprehension of Qur'anic verses to reinterpretation and updating religious thought to conform with changing times. This education is provided through Majlis Taklim401 or Pengajian from the provincial down to the village level. Like Muhammadiyah, 'Aisyiyah sought concentrate religious, educational, and social activities among Muslim women. It was to have its own muballighat (women propagators), religious training courses, and a cadre-school, Waal- 'Asri. One interesting aspect of 'Aisyiyah's activities was its involvement in giving basic religious training to the women workers in the various cottage batik industries in Yogyakarta. appears that Muhammadiyah/'Aisyiyah had a very strong following among those batik entrepreneurs/traders.403 401 Coordinating institutions for Qur'an recitation or the pursuit of Qur'anic knowledge. 402 Cloth dyed using a wax-resistant process. Repeated dyeing with wax applied to different sections of the cloth creates intricate colored patterns. Traditional batik patterns used for sarongs for court officials in Javanese palaces are done in brown and black tones. Other regions feature different color combinations in their traditional batik cloths. 403 Alfian, Muhammadiyah: Political Behaviour of a Muslim Modernist Organization under Dutch Colonialism (1989), p.172 255 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 270] === In 1978, the 'Aisyiyah Congress put forward the rural women's development program to intensify the efforts of Muhammadiya1s general family welfare program. Since then, the new program was to be implemented by using, and building upon, the traditional Qur'an reading group system. Traditionally, illiterate women have learned and memorized the holy text by participating in pengaj ian where verses of the Qur'an are recited and quoted. The Qur'an reading groups traditionally have the following structure: first, the participants are not obliged to follow the course regularly; second, the curriculum is up to the teacher giving the lessons; third, there is no target or conclusion decided for every lesson; and finally, there is no general syllabus for every Qur'an reading group. The main purpose of these groups is to get women together for religious lessons relevant to them, at their own age and educational level. In 1978, the 'Aisyiyah Congress had decided to initiate its new program in five areas, with ten Qur'anic reading groups in each area. Each of the fifty Qur'anic reading group sites was to have at least forty 'Aisyiyah members, thus involving a minimum of two thousand women. The emphasis would be on women between 20 and 35 years, i.e. those of childbearing age.404 The ultimate objective of the project was to provide information and training to rural women. In addition to the religious instruction of the 404 See Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, 1997 256 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 271] === traditional Qur'an reading group, these groups would emphasize health education, nutrition, family planning, and home economics, with the stress skill training for income-generating activities. During the first year of this three-year pilot project, the goal was to train 30 'Aisyiyah leaders to implement the program, to select the 50 Qur'an reading groups to participate, to encourage at least 55 percent of the non-users in these groups to accept family planning by the end of the year, and to reach at least 10,000 followers of 'Aisyiyah with family planning information. The second year of the program included an evaluation procedure, with means to communicate the results of the evaluation to the leaders of the Qur'an reading groups. The third year aimed at maintaining at least 2, 500 women of childbearing age in the Qur'an reading group program and to motivate at least 500 new women in this group to accept a family planning method. In addition, the program aimed to attract at least 800 active family planning users by the end of the three years and to reach at least 5,000 more 'Aisyiyah followers with family planning information.405 Having carried out this program, 'Aisyiyah realized that utilizing the Qur'an reading groups was a new and important method of rural education and development. 'Aisyiyah has expanded this program from the five original areas to other provinces, including those outside Java. Through this program, 'Aisyiyah is able to 405 Ibid 257 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 272] === reach into rural areas and to teach members how to make their lives better, as well as that of their family and community. The dissemination of Islamic knowledge within a family is not the only source of transmission of religious knowledge, but has extended the series formal Islamic educational institutions. Today the practice of memorizing the Qur'an and its meaning is not found just in Muhammadiyah schools but also encouraged for children at Islamic State National School. In the field of health care, 'Aisyiyah is aware that due to the low level of education, particularly among the women, in the villages, there is inadequate understanding and insufficient awareness among them of health problems. Superstitious beliefs also inhibit attempts to improve health conditions by modern means. Although the development of Indonesia's economy shows great improvements, at the present stage, when annual income per-capita is still low, it will be very difficult to raise sufficient funds for development in the health sector and to offer better food and nutrition. Therefore, 'Aisyiyah has established PKM, Pelayanan Kesehatan Masyarakat (Public Health Care Services) and BKIA,40* Balai Kesehatan Ibu dan Anak (Mother and Child Health Care Centers), as well as health care programs aimed at family planning and nutritional education. BKIA founded by 'Aisyiyah are found 40b In 1995 'Aisyiyah already had 133 BKIA (Mothers and Child Health Care Centers) around the country. 258 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 273] === in almost all areas of the country. 407 'Aisyiyah also has a paramedic program, which was developed with two purposes: to establish a maternity hospital408 and health services, and to train paramedics. 409 Each BKIA planning programs, branch not only implements family but also provides health and nutritional education. Earnings from BKIA go to support the organization's needs. 'Aisyiyah also participates in government health care programs like PKHA, Proyek Kelangsungan Hidup Anak (Project for Child Survival). This project is the product of co-operation between the Department of Religious Affairs and UNICEF and aims at lowering infant and child mortality. PKHA also provides health and family planning education, and mass medical treatment. The PKHA project is supported by tens of thousands of motivators and thousands of supervisors who implement this program effectively. Furthermore, 'Aisyiyah also constantly participates government programs such as family planning and maternal and infant health. And 'Aisyiyah is the first women's organization to help really change the social image of the family planning 407 See Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, p.74. 408 According to the report by the Central Board of 'Aisyiyah (Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah) 1995, 'Aisyiyah already had established 63 clinics and 33 hospitals throughout Indonesia by that date. 409 See Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, p.39 259 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 274] === program in Indonesia. Traditionally, family planning was thought of in a negative way in Indonesia. Religious peoples in general, and the Muhammadiyah in particular, thought that birth control was forbidden in Islam. 'Aisyiyah followed suit. In 1957, when 'Aisyiyah's representative visited the United State as a member of Indonesian women's delegation, she did not join the observation problems of the family planning activities, because family planning problems were still "taboo" among Indonesian Muslims. When it became clear that a family planning program would be carried out by the government in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah started to discuss Islamic teaching in relation to family planning in its forum on Islamic laws. That was in 1963. The discussion concluded that consultation family planning was showed the mother's justified, health when medical required family planning.410 In Islam there are also teachings involving family planning. For example, there is the teaching that the time span between one childbirth and the next should be at least 30 months, as well as the teaching that parents should not leave their children in a state of neglect, and the saying that a strong Muslim is more loved by God than a weak one. According to Islam, Muslims should be strong people--physically, mentally, economically and educationally— able to observe the religious teachings well, in order to create strong members in society. Moreover, they should be able to provide for their children and descendents. 410 See Pimpinan Pusat 'Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan 'Aisyiyah, 1997 260 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 275] === Since then, family planning program in Indonesia have been justified by Muhammadiyah and by 'Aisyiyah as based upon Islamic teachings. One feature of family planning that is prohibited, however, is killing the fetus, or abortion. Also, family planning should, if at all possible, make use of contraceptive equipment that does not do harm to the human body, as do tubectomy or vasectomies. In 1971, during the Muhammadiyah and 'Aisyiyah Congresses, family planning was adopted within the framework of guiding families and insuring family welfare. Soon 'Aisyiyah began to realize the usefulness of family planning programs, since they involved family welfare problems, nutrition, in a wider education scope— including health and improved skills for the augmenting of family income. Since then, information on family planning based on Islamic law has been put forth by 'Aisyiyah. The program has been centered at 'Aisyiyah's maternity clinic and hospitals. There information on family planning is given and carried out under the supervision 'Aisyiyah medical officials.411 411 Empowering women through improving information on reproductive health and reproductive rights needs to be carried out. Reproductive health knowledge covers information about the menstrual cycle, the reproductive process, pregnancy, female reproductive infection, sexually transmitted diseases and the danger of HIV/AIDS. These topics must be introduced the young prevent unnecessary pregnancy and morbidity/mortality in the future. 261 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 276] === It is obvious that family welfare is closely related to the implementation of family planning and population programs. It is imperative that Indonesian women, especially those in the rural areas, are given information and education on health care and child care to enable their offspring to develop in properly and to ensure for them a better qualify of life. In this context educated religious teaching is a necessity and also in this respect the role of women is very important. Another 'Aisyiyah activity is the 'Aisyiyah rural women's program. This program seeks the promotion of the status of women in rural areas, as well as the programs regarding issues of over-population and the environment, and special programs for family income generation. 'Aisyiyah has been involved in the government's alleviation IDT poverty program. IDT the Presidential Instruction on Assistance to Less-Developed Villages (Instruksi Presiden Desa Tertinggal); its focus is on increasing the income of villagers through skills training and development of small-scale enterprises. 'Aisyiyah has always stressed the importance of the position of women as mothers. It has argued that since the first education a child receives is at home, women as mothers had the greatest responsibility for the advancement of society through the child's upbringing. A girl could easily be sent to school for her training and education, but adult women, especially at the time of the establishment of the 'Aisyiyah, could only be trained through 262 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 277] === the willingness of their Muslim sisters to give information on anything of value to the mother. 'Aisyiyah also paid attention to younger as well as older girls, and a special section called Nasyiyatul 'Aisyiyah was founded for them.412 To raise the economic level in rural areas, 'Aisyiyah has implemented a program called Qoryah Toyyibah, which aims at developing a village until it meets the criteria of a "prosperous village", as measured by achievements in education, health, economic improvement and religious practice. 'Aisyiyah encouraged families to provide religious education for their daughters and therefore, increased women's access religious learning relative to what had been available before 'Aisyiyah began the program. According to 'Aisyiyah, the measure of educational success is the percentage of school-age children actually attending school. Concerning health care, all women are given access to medical check-ups by the Muhammadiyah Health Care Group (Pembinaan Kesehatan Muhammadiyah). Every woman should have income-generating skills, while with regard to religion, every member should be able to meet her religious obligations. And the Qoryah Toyyibah program is currently being extended to all provinces, with the goal that every province should have at least one such program. 412 Noer, The Modernist, p. 79 263 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 278] === One of the 'Aisyiyah's first important efforts was the building of women's mosques and prayer-houses--institutions allegedly unique to Indonesia. The first such mosque was built by 'Aisyiyah in the Kauman of Yogyakarta in 1920 (some say 1919). The women's mosque in Yogyakarta is a white building in which an old woman beats a drum, rather than calling, to signal that it is time for prayer.4lJ Another mosque was built by 'Aisyiyah in a Kauman village in 1922 and another was built in the Yogjakarta santri neighborhood of Karang Kadjen in 1923; another was built in Garut, West Java and afterwards, subsequently many such buildings were constructed throughout Java and Indonesia. The mosque offered space not only for communal prayer and learning but also for socializing. The mosques, called Musalla 'Aisyiyah, enabled women to gather to pray together {jama'ah) five times a day. They also provided meeting places for 'Aisyiyah women, and were the natural centers for religious courses, and communities activities, such as the distribution of food alms {Zakat fitrah). This function of the Mosque as philanthropic institution is very important for the ummah. See James L. Peacock, Purifying the Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam, p.51 Faith: 264 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The === [PDF page 279] === All of 'Aisyiyah's activities are carried out by its boards, called Bagian (Bureaus) on the central, provincial, and regencial level, or urusan (Sections) on the district level. These bureaus are as follows: Bureau for the Preaching of Islam: Its activities are related to the programs for preaching Islam through the founding of pengajian, the upgrading of mubalighat (women preachers), developing the character of Muslim women, and publishing a manual on how to improve the happiness of families (Keluarga Sakinah, literally means "tranquility"). Bureau for Education and Culture: Its activities center on establishing infant schools named Taman Kanak-kanak 'Aisyiyah Bustanul Athfal (TKABA); vocational schools of religious teaching for women, named Ibtidaiyah on the elementary level, secondary level, Tsanawiyyah on the and A'liyah on the highest level; and establishing other vocational schools for women. Bureau for the Guiding of the People's Welfare: Its activities are related towards improving the welfare and health of the community through founding clinics for 265 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 280] === maternal and infant health, clinics and maternity centers, orphanages, centers for the care of the aged, and nurseries. Bureau for Economic Affairs: Its activities are concerned with setting up 'Aisyiyah's Board of Economic Activities. The activities of this board are related to the cooperatives. Bureau of Paramedical Training: Its activities are related to establishing schools for nursing, maternity nurse training programs and to other programs for paramedical training. Bureau for Training Cadres: Its activities concern training young women of 'Aisyiyah. Beside the above activities, 'Aisyiyah Press and Publication Foundation, which was founded in 1926, publishes a monthly magazine named Suara ’Aisyiyah, (The Voice of 'Aisyiyah). This is for disseminating the organization's messages, religious preaching, life legal information and news family publications which are disseminated to all local branches. This is also the voice for women concerned beyond the issue of welfare, even stretching to political support for women who demand rights in the political arena. This publication is probably the oldest 266 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 281] === women's magazine in Indonesia. It has been able to survive since the time of Dutch colonization, through the period of Japanese occupation, and Indonesian independence, up to the present time. All these 'Aisyiyah activities are financed by the funds raised by its members and through other kinds of assistance from the community, as well as from other institutions. In all of these activities 'Aisyiyah has brought about significant kinds of social change. First, 'Aisyiyah releases housewives from bondage to the household alone. They can leave their homes to spend time at 'Aisyiyah centers, tending to their own growth and education, and to that of their children. Second, in seeking knowledge and improving themselves, 'Aisyiyah's women have developed the ability to observe their environment. They understand what it means to be active in an organization and in the public domain to improve the social environment, based on Islamic teachings. Third, they are conscious through 'Aisyiyah of the value of their role as mothers in bringing up the younger generation and implanting peace and harmony in society. Fourth, they begin to feel like subjects, not just objects. They begin to realize they can do many things. Finally, they are able to join in decisions about the problems that they are facing, because they are conscious of being involved in something larger— the society. However, it is still the case that all decisions made by 'Aisyiyah, especially those made at conferences, have to be 267 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 282] === formally approved by Muhammadiyah, since 'Aisyiyah operates under the auspices of Muhammadiyah. Despite this, some positive effects of this relationship cannot be denied, especially with regard to increasing women's role in development and improving their access to benefits through complying with the government's policy on the integration of women into development. 'Aisyiyah and Its Network. 'Aisyiyah was one of seven women's organizations which joined in establishing the Federation of Indonesia's Women Organizations 1928, called Kongres Wanita Indonesia, or Kowani (The years ago), Indonesian Women's Congress).414 After KOWANI was established (already 75 'Aisyiyah was a member and constantly joined its programs with those of KOWANI which were not contrary to 'Aisyiyah's goal. 'Aisyiyah cooperated with all the activities KOWANI's committees. And through KOWANI, which is as a member of ASEAN Council of Women, 'Aisyiyah takes part in international NGO conferences. Also order relate other Islamic organizations in the Asia-Pacific region, 'Aisyiyah is a member of the Regional Islamic Council for Asia and the Pacific, RICSEAP. 414 Today this women's organization coalition has branches in several parts of the country, and is on its way to becoming an alternative to the KOWANI as an umbrella for women's organizations. 268 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 283] === Together with other Islamic women organizations (Muslimat NU, Wanita Islam, Wanita Tarbiyah and others), 'Aisyiyah also has established a federation called the Conference of Indonesian Islamic Women's Organizations, BMOIWI (Badan Musyawarah Organisasi Islam Wanita Indonesia. The federation has widened both its national and its international scope. One example is its achievement in 1977 of obtaining government attention to women-specific issues when on pilgrimage, which had been a long-standing concern of BMOIWI. Delay of menstruation, the selection of suitable male relatives to accompany female pilgrims, the rules for pregnant women, the preparation for the pilgrimage's ceremonies, are issues specific to women pilgrims. A number of seminars were held on these topics and the outcome handed to the Department Religious Affairs. Not long afterwards the Department published a manual for pilgrims called Buku Pedoman Haji (The Pilgrim's Guidebook) In other fields, 'Aisyiyah cooperates with semi-governmental women's organizations, for example, Pembinanan Kesejahteraan Keluarga, PKK (Promotion of Family Welfare Program), Yayasan sayap Ibu (Mother's Wing Foundation Foundation for Helping Disadvantaged Children), and Majlis Ulama Indonesia, MUI (The Indonesia Council of Ulama). 'Aisyiyah also cooperates with international organizations such as the Overseas Education Fund 269 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Oil, The === [PDF page 284] === Pathfinder Fund, UNICEF, NOVIB, The New Century Foundation, and The Asia Foundation. These cooperative fund-raising and grant efforts involve proposals the preparation and making donations for facilities and equipment, to finance courses, and for attending international seminars by 'Aisyiyah delegates, as well as other activities. '‘Aisyiyah and. Its Participation in Nation-Building and Development. this era national development, 'Aisyiyah has contributed several programs in the fields of education, health, nutrition, population and environment, training of women's skills. economic affairs, and Education has become even more important for women in this era to have true, meaningful political participation. To many of the women entering into the political arena, this can only be achieved if they are involved in decision making.415 Besides its educational programs, which aim at helping women who wish to have access to political power or "participation", 'Aisyiyah also promotes the status Indonesian women by implementing Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara (Guidelines of National State Programs. The role of women in development is marked 415 Many of women who think that they should be involved in political leadership are aware of the obstacles, especially because leadership means power, and the very word makes men feel threatened. 270 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 285] === by women's participation in "segaia bidang" (all fields) development as stipulated by GBHN,416 but with the caution that this participation does not reduce women's role in promoting the prosperous family.41' And when it comes to defending the role of women in development, the Country's Broad Guidelines of State Policy (GBHN) and Successive Long and Short Term Development Plans have been unequivocal. Women, both as citizens and as human resources for development, have equal rights and obligations with men in all sectors of development.418 Women have the same rights, duties and opportunities to participate in all development activities as men. The first GBHN, issued in 1973, discussed women's role in development under the larger rubric of "Religion, Belief in God and Social Cultural Matters."419 416 Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara, GBHN (Broad Outlines of State Policy), Jakarta, 1993 417 Guidance of the prosperous family is an instrument for guidance of the young generation. For the guidance of the (prosperous) family, women's rights are guaranteed and their position in society is likewise secure 418 See Indonesia Source Book 1996 (Jakarta: National Development Information offices, 1996) Indonesia 419 In recognition of a changing reality, the 1993 GBHN suggests the creation of a "social" cultural climate which is more supportive of the effort of raising the harkat (dignity) and martabat (status) of women to enable them to play a greater role in society and in the family in light of these factors. 271 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 286] === The formulation of women's development functions in Outlines of State Policy (GBHN 1998) was influenced by the prevailing atmosphere of political and social unrest. GBHN 1998 stated that: a. Women are equal partners of men, but perform their development functions with reference to their nature, dignity and status as women/ b. The socio-cultural climate should be made more conducive for women to become more active in decision-making in all fields of developments, in the family environment and in the community in a harmonious, complementary and balanced way; Efforts to improve family welfare should be increased, including through the Family Welfare Movement (PKK); Women's role in developing the community— in rural and in urban areas— in order to deal with socio-economic problems should be increased; Women should be developed as a source of employment.4 'Aisyiyah has been successful in implementing a number of government programs, specifically those directly related to the lives of women and their families.421 Experience suggests that state intervention on behalf of women can enhance women's rights 420 Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara, GBHN (Broad Outlines of State Policy), 1998, Jakarta 421 The 1988 GBHN recognized the need for women's participation in development; however this participation still anchored their position firmly in the family environment. 272 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 287] === and improve women's condition significantly, particularly in the field of law, economics, and education. However, the issue is complex. From one viewpoint, the concept of women as protectors of the moral and social order was more empowering than that of women as in need of protection and seclusion from corrupting influences. It was through this latter kind of idea, however, that the State worked to co-opt women as force for political conservatism and continuity.422 The heightening awareness amongst women of the interplay between what used to be typical women's concerns and their newer political role has brought new life to politics, and is creating a new understanding of the term. The definition of the role of women in development has been formulated, planned and coordinated by the State Ministry for the Role of Women in line with Presidential Decree No.25, 1983. According to the Ministry's Analysis of the Situation of Indonesian Women, women's integration in development covers the following sectors: The economic sector, including labor, agriculture, services (trade, transport and communication, finance and services), natural resources and the environment, co-operatives and transmigration/ 422 Center of Southeast Asian Studies, Working paper of Indra McCormick, Women as Political Actors in Indonesia's New Order (Victoria, Australia: Monash University Press, 2003), 273 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 288] === The socio-cultural sector, including education, health, nutrition and family planning; Others sectors, including politics, government institutions, law, information, mass media and internal relations. The Minister for Women's Affairs, Islamic preacher Tuty Alawiyah, elaborated further on the proper role for women in 1998. She told thousands of Muslim students on 23 April 1998 that women were the "pillars of the nation" (Wanita Pilar bangsa). She said, "[I]n addition to being wives and mothers, they are the nation's moral guardians."423 This formulation reminded women that they were perceived by the State as socially conformist and firm sponsors of the status quo. Accordingly, the Minister's speech invited immediate criticism from feminist activists who argued that equal partnership rhetoric of the GBHN was preferable to one where women single-handedly shouldered the burden responsibility for national development. The challenge lies in giving practical effect to the national ideal of equality. That challenge is by no means confined to Indonesia, as is attested to by the continuing call for recognition and safeguarding of women's rights not just in developing nations but in advanced countries as well. Nevertheless, for Indonesia the task is perhaps more complicated than in many other parts 423 "Pilar Bangsa dari Tuty," Gatra (May 2, 1998). 21A Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 289] === of the world, given a country with more than 300 separate ethnic groups, each of which has its own traditions and precepts concerning the respective roles of men and women in society. Moreover, as a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Indonesia has to be committed to elevating the status, rights and protection of women. 'Aisyiyah has made significant contributions towards improving the Indonesian woman's status, particularly with regard to her role in improving the education and the welfare of the community and Indonesian society. Through efforts to fulfill the people's basic needs, many and considerable changes have taken place in the Muslim community as the result of the development of the educational process. 'Aisyiyah seem to have had a significant effect on women, not only with regard to increasing their role in development and improving their access to benefits complying with government's policy on the integration of women into development, but also particularly by emphasizing the importance of education in the family and by stressing the role of the mother. 275 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 290] === 'Aisyiyah has certainly increased women's social access; however it is difficult to say that 'Aisyiyah has succeeded in increasing women's power. According to Baried: 'Aisyiyah is a superior kind of school for housewives, who are able to produce social changes that could release housewives from being chained only to responsibilities and duties in the household. They can leave their home to do something which is necessary to upgrade themselves to be more useful to settle their household and in the process make them conscious about their position and function as the savior of the younger generation, as the mother of society.424 From the colonial period until today, 'Aisyiyah has been implementing development activities as best it could with its respective conditions and potentials, and has sought to embody the confirmation of women's position in the world of men.425 The voices of women, as a component of civil society, were eliminated by a regime determined to manufacture political and social conformity. State planners employed women's organizations to promote the official ideology of "womanhood," which included an emphasis domesticity, political conservatism and social conformity. This discourse substantially limited the public space within which women could legitimately operate. State planners considered women to be the social and moral glue in an increasingly restive social and political environment, whereas in fact, women openly flouted the official gender discourse and were at the forefront of pressure for political and social change. We are 424 I.H.B Baried, "Aisyiyah and Social Changes in the Indonesian Woman's Life," p.18 425 Kuntowijoyo, "Arah Pengembangan, " p. 5 276 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 291] === again in the middle of witnessing a women's movement to help build a more just future for Indonesia. With the greater presence of women in politics, it is hoped that policies will be formulated that will empower all kinds of people, ridding the society of cultural discrimination and putting a stop to violence against those in lower positions. 'Aisyiyah indeed optimistically is hoping that involvement of women in larger number of areas will provide a greater opportunity for justice and prosperity for all. Indonesian women, and, indeed, the whole population will have to stand together to fight to gain this end. As women start to perform more visible roles in society, attitudes towards women's roles tend to change on the ideological level. There is still a nation among some Muslims that women are in charge of domestic affairs, but the emphasis has shifted from regarding the home as the woman's only responsibility. Thus, it is acceptable for a Muslim woman to work outside the home, if she takes care to fulfill primary tasks inside the home first. 'Aisyiyah has shown that effective education can begin to reshape women's consciousness and is sharpening its ability to influence the situation of women in positive ways in the face of challenges as yet to be fully met. 277 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 292] === Chapter 6 CONCLUSION The women's struggle against movement in Indonesia colonialism and rose with the the spirit liberation, it also struggled against traditional behaviors that suppressing were the rights of women. Tradition itself may provide a sort of framework within which gender roles evolve. Family and lineage inheritance, status, and solidarity are points in the gender ideology regarding women that emerge particularly in class societies, both in rural and urban regions. A number of social groups became active and demanded political, economic and social changes, giving rise to social movements, including the women's movement. Thus it was necessary to establish and promote women's organizations capable of supporting the national struggle. For women, the but opposed also discriminated struggle not only challenged traditional adat, against women. Their which main colonialism, historically concern was advance women's education as well as to bring the focus of the women's movement on improvements in cultural and social fields. There was a distinct difference in the backgrounds and reasons for the founding of the various women's movements. 278 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 293] === Some organizations working to improve the position of women were formed on the basis of religion, community and ethnic groups, while others mobilized the wives of civil servants or women workers in the government. Over women's were time pattern organizations, generally exclusively whether formed male emerged for the secular counterpart organizations, and foundation religious. They organizations the women directly involved in their formation were generally the wives of the founders organizations the male focused organizations. the education These women's women their Indonesia was primary mission. The Muslim women's movement influenced by the Islamic reform movement in the twentiethcentury. The reformists tried to return to the fundamental truth of the Islamic texts and tradition, as articulated in the Qur'an and Hadith. reform movements played The women's divisions of active roles advocating implementing social and educational reforms. An 'Aisyiyah, which the group founded 1917, religious example the and women's section of the Islamic reformist movement, the Muhammadiyah. Initially, their efforts were directed towards increasing awareness of nationalism while also encouraging women to take up public roles. 279 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 294] === Among Indonesian Muslims it was recognized that women as well men should acquire religious education. The emphasis on women's education took on another dimension in the 1930s when Muslim women became actively involved in the nationalist movements. Given the prevailing attitude that women and men have an equal right to education (particularly Qur'anic education), Islam became a legitimating force for women's entry into political activity. The establishment of Aisyiyah was intended to promote Indonesian Muslim women and to strive to return Indonesian Muslim women the (Muslimat) to the teachings of the Qur'an and Hadith. perspectives Analyzing was Islamic innovative teaching initiative from gender and change in thinking patterns on gender issues. The led 'Aisyiyah movement provides a good reference point for examining the vertical and movement. 'Aisyiyah seems to have had a significant effect particularly women, horizontal mobility emphasizing the Muslim the women's importance education in the family and by stressing the role of women in the Muslim community. In the Muslim tradition, it is often said that women and family are heart of Muslim Islamic the law, foundations the society. ideal That the Islamic centrality blue-print for community, reflected Muslim 280 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the society, === [PDF page 295] === within which Qur'an and family the law has Sunnah often the seemed sacrosanct. Prophet provide the The textual sources for the development of law. The word of God, however, is interpreted and applied in socio-historical human beings. which contexts by Cultural values related to women's sexuality, reflected the inequality gender, very much influenced the formulation of law in Indonesia, both secular law and Islamic law. Islamic law is thus the product of divine law (syari 'ah) understood (fiqh), interpreted and applied male religious scholars who are both using reason and precedent and are being influenced by diverse geographic locations and customs and cultural assumptions. Indonesian women have had higher levels of participation in public life than in most other Muslim countries. law that protects women's right inherit Islamic was often circumvented by families who sought to protect the property the patriarchal family. Indonesia, Islamic law has been family law, the sphere governing such matters as marriage, divorce, child maintenance and inheritance. On the other hand, support for women's activism and participation is not shared express all. There skepticism, legitimation and are some necessitating confirmation. the need community for this 281 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. who repeated point, === [PDF page 296] === consistent with postcolonial the general societies tendency infuse nationalists ideology with national concepts and language derived from the indigenous culture, that political spokespersons invoke tradition and adat However, one complication results from the general fact that the position of women according to the adat of each region varied widely in Indonesia. In Aceh, history records the rule of queens in the 17th century. As mentioned by A. Hasyimy in The Role of Acehnese Women in Government and the War, Aceh was ruled by a queen for 34 years from 1641-1675., and there it was understood that women can become good rulers, regional chiefs, and so forth. Other areas might have different views of the roles appropriate to women according to their local adat, but there Indonesian women had, reason believe on the whole, that pre-colonial a more significant and stronger place in society than would later be the case. Thus, while there is a strong heritage of respect for the abilities of Indonesian women, feudal and colonial life caused a weakening and decline in the status of women over the period of the hundred years of 19th century. Men came to assert their domination over women in the community. By the end of the 19th century, although women continued to have a strong general, role agriculture and household economics, feudalism, along with the backwardness and the lack 282 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 297] === of education of even middle-class women, made it easy for men "enslave" them and contributions. These conditions, rural parts provide many reasons minimize which city-centered for the treatment their are widespread cultures important females Indonesia, that I have described above. Historically, women's role in society was determined as much social and economic factors religious prescriptions. Social customs, property, and illiteracy often eroded or subverted Qur'anic objectives. While Islamic law did provide the parameters for behavior regarding marriage, divorce, and inheritance, the actual roles in practice, such as whether or not men took more than one wife, or whether divorce was common, or modesty expressed itself in terms of women's dress or participation in the work place, results of local conditions and social class, were the which often differed from urban to rural settings and from one country or region to another. the case Indonesia, a d a t, of women's social and public status important as it might be in the thousands of relatively isolated villages throughout the country, is not necessarily of direct relevance to political behavior at the national level. This is not to say that a d a t norms have no significance determining opportunities and 283 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. actual === [PDF page 298] === participation However, women Indonesian it may be true are not women that directly national traditional carried over politics. attitudes toward into modern the bureaucracy's parties, and differential economic interests in the capital and other urban centers. the regarding other the hand, role popular women and preferred Indonesia thinking provides excellent example of the selective utilization of the adat in the formulation and propagation of a sociopolitical myth, myth not in the sense of an erroneous belief, but rather in the sense of a belief shared widely enough and valued highly enough that helps Although in Indonesia, integrate the political culture the 1945 Constitution ensures rights and equal responsibilities for men and women, this is still far from the daily social reality. The heightening awareness amongst women of gender perspectives in politics has brought new life to politics, and is creating a new understanding of these issues. but usually The political arena belongs to all citizens, men monopolize differentiates between interpretations men beliefs and and Legislation that women grounded culture. The question women's roles in decision-making processes and participation leadership and management far from simple. The opportunities and environment created for men and women in 284 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 299] === all political areas do not converge. women political parties, The representation of government, and leadership positions in still quite small. Beyond this kind of extremely broad comparison, however, it is difficult to specify the nature and degree of variation in women's politics attributable to cultural influences. Part this difficulty stems from the incomplete and dated character of the scholarly literature on adat as it relates to gender roles. However, the more important point is that in Indonesia, different levels called in most local, transitional loyalty regional, and and sociopolitical activity, national, which are systems, might not neatly interrelated or mutually reinforcing. In the case of women's social and political status, the consequence that the adat, important as it might be in the thousands of relatively isolated villages necessarily throughout expected the country, should not direct relevance important because the political behavior at the national level. Finally, this sense, conceptualize the bargaining power becomes women process of subtle negotiation is such an important constant in social women relations. have To put strong it briefly, bargaining households and their social Indonesian Muslim position within their spheres because they have some 285 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 300] === control over the acquisition and use of individual skills and resources. When compared with households are hierarchical, women societies where embodying the ideal of age and gender distinctions in specific role constraints, Indonesian Muslim women are less bound by hierarchical constraints and somewhat freer to make independent, responsible decisions. The question the role religion gender constructions in Indonesia has not been asked often enough, but is clearly of great relevance to contemporary debates, Indonesia struggles towards rights of women and accepting democracy. Respecting their equality with men not an easy task that can be achieved overnight. the Society's traditional notions in general and the negative attitude of the majority of men towards women, in particular, must be changed. But this is a struggle against a problem caused by ignorance, religious beliefs, culture, and impressions developed over many centuries. Indonesian Muslim women are taking an active role in current cultural, debates legal, the and economic Indonesian Muslim women 'Aisyiyah ratification roles professional organization, have women's social, their society. groups, been such the spearheading reexamination of traditional Islamic sources for answers to these complex matters. For 'Aisyiyah, there is a need for 286 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 301] === change and it urges women to improve their their their duties. rights, and secular and Aisyiyah inspires realize religious, key Indonesian women lives, obtain Education, both women's programs. to dedicate themselves to establishing educational opportunities for women. To change in attitudes requires a change in method, even in organizations where family ties and kinship seem to have strong roots. Therefore it may be noticed that the way 'Aisyiyah develops strategic well-being of the religious in orientation towards programs for regulating community illustrates the values of work the a shift and education. 'Aisyiyah's influence has made a difference for many Muslim women by its emphasis on the mother's role as an educator, well the need for women economically independent and make decisions on their own. However, other women groups within like some large social organizations controlled by men, 'Aisyiyah cannot make its own decisions when the comes religious laws. For this, they must made the Muhammadiyah, which important spheres politics follow the consists Although 'Aisyiyah is legally independent, and decisions all men. in reality it is not. There are also number Indonesian women's organizations that appear to have increased in diversity of 287 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 302] === forms and goals. Their activities today not only center on the improvement placing women women's legal deep which includes but they also in decision-making positions, focus on improving the welfare from status, poverty, which of women who remains still urgent suffer priority Indonesia. Finally, the burden of ensuring the equality of women does not rest on the shoulders of women alone; women should of course, be the most concerned vanguard of the struggle. However, society in general and men actively take part in this struggle, nation can afford ignore the in particular should for their own good. No God-given potential gifts of half of its citizens. 288 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and === [PDF page 303] === BIBLIOGRAPHY Reference in Indonesia: Abdullah, Taufik. Sejarah dan Masyrakat: Lintasan Historis Islam di Indonesia. Jakarta: Pustaka Firdaus, 1987. The 'Aisyiyah Publication. Suara 'Aisyiyah Aisyiyah). Yogayakarta: P.P. Aisyiyah (The Mission ____. The'Aisyiyah Publication. Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan Aisyiyah (History of Aisyiyah and Islamic organization's Movement in Indonesia). Yogyakarta: P.P. Aisyiyah, 1992. Tuntanan Nasyiatul Aisyiyah (The Guidelines of 'Aisyiyah. Jakarta: P.P. Muhammadiyah, Majlis Aisyiyah, Seksi Pendidikan dan Pengajaran, 1962 ____. The'Aisyiyah Publication Membentuk Nasyiatul Yogyakarta: Pustaka Dakwah, 1966 'Aisyiyah. Alfian, Ibrahim. Perang di Jalan Allah. Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1987. A.K., Baihaqi. "Ulama dan Madrasah Aceh," in Taufik Abdullah (ed). Agama dan Perubahan Social. Jakarta: CV Rajawali, 1984. Aziz, Abdul, Imam Tholkhah, Soetarman (ed). Gerakan Islam Kontemporer di Indonesia. Jakarta: Pustaka Firdaus, 1991. Chirzin, M.Habib. "Agama dan Ilmu dalam Pasantren,"in Pasantren dan pembaharuan, ed.M.Dawam Raharjo, Jakarta: LP3ES. The Central Board of 'Aisyiyah. Aggaran Dasar dan Rumah tangga 'Aisyiyah (Basic Principles and Regulation of 'Aisyiyah. Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Nasyiatul Aisyiyah, 1966. Hasyimy, Ali. Kebudayaan Aceh dalam Sejarah (The Acehnese Culture in The History). Jakarta: Beuna, 1983. ____.Peranan Wanita Dalam Pemerintahan dan Peperangan (The Role of Acehnese Women in Government and the War), Banda Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 304] === Hidayah, Nur. Kontraversi Pabela, 1998. President Zainuddin, Srikandi Aceh, Medan, 1966. Medan: wanita. Surakarta: Pustaka Iskandar Muda Idrus, Ani. Wanita Dulu dan Sekarang (Indonesian Women, Past and Current). Medan: Waspada, 1980. Kongres Wanita Indonesia. Sejarah Setengah Abad Pergerakan Wanita Indonesia. Jakarta: Balai Pusat, Kowani 1978. Muhammadiyah. Boeah Congress Moehammadiyah Seperampat Abad (The Fruit the 25th Annual Congress the Muhammadiyah). Yogyakarta: Hoofdcomite, Congress Muhammadiyah, 1936. Naim, Mochtar (ed). Menggali Hukum Tanah dan Hukum Waris Minagkabau (Developing Minangkabau Land and Inheritance Law). Padang: Sri Dharma, 1968. Notosusanto. Organisasi dan Jurisprudensi Peradilan Agama di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Gajah Mada, 1963. Rais, Amin. "Tantangan Keluarga Dalam Usaha Peningkatan Sumber Daya Manusia," in Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah. Keluarga dan Peningkatan Kualitas Sumber Daya Manusia. Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, 1995. Salam, Solichin. K.H. Ahmad Dahlan: Reformer Islam Indonesia (K.H. Ahmad Dahlan: The Islamic Reformer of Indonesia). Djakarta,: Djajamurni, 1963. _____. Muhammadiyah dan kebangunan Jakarta: N.V. Mega, 1965. Islam Indonesia. Salmah, Ismah. Peran Organisasi 'Aisyiyah Dalam Mewujudkan Keluarga Sakinah di Kalangan Anggota. Master's Thesis, Jakarta: Graduate Program of Women Studies University of Indonesia, 1995. Shihab, Qurais. Membumikan A1 Qur'an (Bringing the Qur'an Back to Earth). Bandung: Mizan Publication, 1992. Soebadio, Haryati. Satu Abad Kartini 1879-1979. Jakarta, 1979. (A Century of Kartini) Soeroso, Soewondo. Kedudukan Wanita Indonesia dalam Hukum dan Masyarakat (The Position of Indonesian Women in Law and Society). Jakarta: Timun Mass, 1955. 290 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 305] === Soewondo, Nani. Kedudukan Wanita Indonesia Dalam Hukum dan Masyarakat. Jakarta: Chalia, p.134. Sossodiharjo, Soedjito. Perubahan Structur Masyarakat di Djawa (The Change the Social Structure Java). Yogyakarta: Penerbit Karya, 1968. Suratmin, SF. Nyai Ahmad Dahlan: Pahlawan Nasional, Amal, dan Perjuangannya, Yogyakarta:Pusat Pimpinan 'Aisyiyah,1990. Suryochondro, Sukanti. "Timbulnya dan Perkembangan Gerakan Wanita Indonesia" (The Emergence and development of the Women's Movement in Indonesia), in T.O.Ihroni, Kajian Wanita Dalam Pembangunan (The Studies on Women in Development), Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1995. ____. Potret Pergerakan Rajawali, 1994. Wanita Indonesia. Jakarta: Thala, Nashruddin. Pedoman Perkawinan Ummat Islam ( Marriage Guide for the Islamic Community). Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1957. Tour, Pramoedya Ananta. Panggil Aku Kartini (Call Me Kartini). 2 Volls, Jakarta: n.p., 1962. Reference in English: Abd-al-ati, Hamudah. The Family Stucture Indianapolis:American Trust Publications' 1977. . Islam in Focus, 1976. Islam, Indiana: American Trust Publications, Abdullah, Taufik and Sharon Shiddique. Islam and Society in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986. Abdullah, Yusuf Ali. The Holy Qur'an: Text, Comentary, Brentwood, MD: Amana, 1983. Translation and Abdur-Rauf, M. Marriage in Islam. New York: Exposition Press, 1981. Afkhami, Mahnaz and Erika Friedl, Muslim Women and the Politics of Participation (implementing the Beijing Platform), Syracusde: Syracuse University Press. 291 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 306] === . Claiming Our Rights: A manual for Women's Human Rights in Muslim Societies. Wasington Dc: Sisterhood is Global, 1996. . Faith and Freedom: Women's Human Rights in the Muslim World, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1995. Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender In Islam, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1992. London: Ajijola, Alhaji Adeleke Dirisu. "The Problem of Ulama," in Charles Kurzlam (ed). Liberal Islam. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. Al-'Attas, Sayed Muhammad Naqib. Raniry and the Wujudiyah of 17th Century of Acheh. Singapore: MBRAS, 1966. Alfian. Muhammadiyah: The Political Behaviour of a Muslim Modernist organization under Dutch, Colonialism. Yogyakarta: Gajahmada University Press, 1989. Ali, Maulana Muhammad. The Religion of Islam: A Comprehensive Discussion of the Sources, Principles and Practices of Islam. Lahore, 1983. Ali, Mukti. The Muhammadiyah Movement: A Bibliographical Introduction. M.A. thesis at the Institute of Islamic Studies, Me Gill University, Montreal, 1957. Amin, Qasim. The Liberation of Women, A Document in The History of Egyptian Feminism. translated by Samiha Sidhom Peterson,Egypt: The American University in Cairo Press, 1992. ____. The Liberation of Women and the New Women. Cairo: The American University Press, 1995. Asad, Talal. Anthropological Reflections on Geertz Conceptions Religion: Assad, Muhammad. The Message of the Qur'an: Translation and Explained. Gibraltar: Dar Al-Andalus, 1984. Badawi, Jamal. "Women in Islam," in Khurshid Ahmed. Ilham: Its Meaning and Message. Leicester: The Islamic Foundation, 1980. Barorah, Baried. "Islam and the Modernization of Indonesian Women," in Taufik Abdullah and Sharon Sddique (eds). Islam and Society Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986. 292 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 307] === Berger, Peter L. The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion. New York: Doubleday Bird, Phyllis. "Images of Women in The Old Testament," in Religion and Sexism: Images of Women in the Jewish and Christian Traditions, ed. Rosemary Reuther, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1974. Boland, B.J. The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971. Boserup, Ester. Women's Role in Economic Development. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1976. Boulding, Elise, Shirley Nuss, Dorothy Lee Carson and Michael A. Greenstein, Handbook of International Data on Women (New York: Sage Publication, 1976). Bowen, John R. Muslim Through Discourse: Religion and Ritual in Gayo Society. Princeton,NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993. Burger, D.H. Structural Changes Supra-Village Sphere. 1956. Cady, Javanese J.F. Southeast Asia: Its Historical York: McGraw Hill, 1964. Society: The Development. New Carmody, Denise Lardner. Women and World Religions. Englewood, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1989. Carmody, Denise Lardner, and John Tully Carmody. Ways to the center. 2nd ed, Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Co, 1983. Central Bureau of National Statiatics. Statistical Profile of Education and Culture in Indonesia. Jakarta: Central Bureau of Statistics, 1997. _____. Statistical Profile of Mothers and Children in Indonesia. Jakarta: Central Burea of Statistics, 1993. Cote, Joost. On Feminism and Nationalism: Kartini's Letters to Stella Zeehandelaan 1894-1903. Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asian Institute, Monash University, 1995. Cribb, Robert. "Nation making Indonesia," in Donald K. Emmerson (ed). Indonesia Beyond Suharto: Policy Economy Society Transition. New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1999. 293 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 308] === Dewan Kemakmuran Masjid Indonesia. Islam in Indonesia Today. Department of Information of Republic of Indonesia. The Women of Indonesia. Jakarta: Percetakan Negara RI, 1990. Dhofier, Zamaksyariyah. The Pesantern Tradition: A Study of the Role of the Kyai in the Maintenance of the Traditional Ideology of Islam in Java. Ph.D. diss., Autralian National University. Djamour, Judith. The Muslim Matrimonial London: Athlone Press, 1966. Court of Singapore. Doi, Abdur Rahman I. Women In Syariah (Islamic Law). Malaysia: A.S.Noordeen, 1990. Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Douglas, Stephen. "Women in Indonesia Politics: The Myth of Functional Interest," in Asian Women in Transition, ed. Sylvia A.Chipp and Justin J.Green, University Park and London: Pennsyvania State University Press, 1980. Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Trans. Joseph Swain, New York: The Free Press, 1965. Edwards, Louise, and Mina Roces (ed). Women in Asia: Tradition, Modernity and Globalization. Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 2003. Ei-silh, Camilla Fauzi and Judy Mabro (ed). Muslim Women's Choices (Religious Belief and Social Reality). Berg, 1994. Emmerson, Donald K.Indonesia's Elite: Politics. Ithaca: Cornel University Political Culture . "Islam in Modern Indonesia: Political Impasse, Cultural Opportunity," in Philip H.Stoddard (eds). Change and the Muslim World. Syracuse:Syracuse University Press Engineer, Asqhar Ali. The Rights of Women in Islam. C.Hurst and Company, 1992. India: Faruqi, L.Lamya. Women, Muslim Society and Islam. American Trust Publication, 1988. Indiana: Feith, H, and L.Castle, eds, Indonesian Political 1945-1965. Ithaca: Cornel University, 1970. Thinking 294 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 309] === Feith, Herbert. The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia. Ithaca: Cornel University, 1962. Geertz, Cliffort. The Interpretation of Essays, New York: Basic Book, 1973. Culture: Selected . Religious Belief and Economic Behavior in a Central Javanese Town: Economic Development and Culture Change. 1956. _____. The Religion of Java. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. Geertz, Hildred. The Javanese Family. Ne York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1961. Haar, Ter. Adat Law in Indonesia. Pacific Relation, 1948. New York: Institute Haddad, Yvonne, and Ellison B. Findley. Women, Religions, and Social Change. Albany: Suny Press, 1985. . "Islam, Women and Revolution in Twentieth Century Arab Though," Yvonne Haddad, and Ellison B. Findley. Women, Religions, and Social Change. Albany: Suny Press, 1985. Hadiwijono, Harun. Man in Present Javanese Mysticism. Baarn: Bosch and Keuning, 1967. Heering, B.B. (eds). Indonesian Women: Some Past and Current Perspective. Btuelles: Centre d'etude du sud-est Asiatique et de I'extra line orient, 1976. Hefner, Robert W. "Religion: Evolving Pluralis," in Donald K. Emmerson (ed). Indonesia Beyond Suharto: Policy Economy Society Transition. New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1999. . "Islamization and Democratization in Indonesia," in Robert W. Hefner, and Patricia Horvatic. Islam in an Era of Nation-States: Politics and Religious Renewal in Muslim South-East Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai'I Press, 1997. Al-Hibri,Azizah. Women a n d Islam. New York: Pergamon Press, 1982. . "An Introduction to Muslim Women's Rights," in Gisela Webb (ed), Windows of Faith, Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 2000. 295 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 310] === Hull, Valerie. Women in Java's Rural Middle-Class: Progress or Regress, Yogyakarta, 1976. Jackson, Karl. Traditional Authority, Islam and Rebellion: A Study Indonesian Political Behavior. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. Jackson, Karl, and Lucien Pye, eds. Political Power and Communication in Indonesia. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978. Jenkins, David. Suharto and His General: Indonesian Military Politic 1975-1983. Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesian Project, 1984. Jung, C.G. Psyche and Symbol. Edited by Violet S. De Lazl, Ne Work: Anchor Books, 1958. Kahane, Reuven. The Problem of Political Legitimacy in an Antagonistic Society: The Indonesian Case. Beverly Hills, Calif: Sage Publications, 1973. _____. Religious Diffusion and Modernization: a Preliminary Reflection on the Spread of Islam in Indonesia and Its Impact on Social Change. 1980. Kahin, George Me Turnan. Nationalism and Revolution Indonesia. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1952. Karim, Wazir Jehan. Women and Culture: Between Malay Adat and Islam. Colorado: West-View Press, 1992. Kartini, Raden Ajeng. Letters of Javanese Princess. Translated by Agnes Louise Symmers, and edited by Hildred Geertz, New York: W.W.Norton, 1964, originally published 1920. ____.Letters from Kartini: An Indonesian Feminist, 1900-1904. Translated and introduced by Joost Cote, Clyton, Victoria: Monash Asian Institute, Monash University, 1992. Kartowijoyo, Suyatin. "The Awakening of the Women's Movement in Indonesia," in B.B. Heering,(eds). Indonesian Women: Some Past and Current Perspective. Btuelles: Centre d'etude du sud-est Asiatique et de I'extra line orient, 1976. Lev, Daniel S. Islamic Courts in Indonesia: A Study in the Political Bases of Legal Institutions, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972. 296 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 311] === Levy, Reuben. The Social Structure Cambridge University Press, 1962. Islam. Cambridge: Lioyd, Grayson, and Shannon Smith (eds). Indonesia Today: Challenges of History. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publisher, INC, 2001. Machali, Rochayah. "Women and the Concept of Power in Indonesia," in Susan Blackburn (ed). Love, Sex, and Power: Women in Southeast Asia. Clayton: Monash Asia Institute, 2001. Majid, Nurcolish. "The Issue of Modernization among Muslims in Indonesia: From Participant's Point of View," in What is Modern Indonesian Culture? ed Cloria Davis, Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Papers in International Studies. Malik, Fida Husain. Wives of the Prophet. Lahore, S.H.Muhammad Ashraf, 1979. Pakistan: Mankin, David. Man and Work. Cambridge: University Printing House, Cambridge University, 1976. Mankuprawira, Syafry. "Married Women's Work Pattern in Rural Java," in Tscarlett Epstein and Rosemary A.Watts, (eds). The Endless Day: Some Case Material on Asian Rural Women. New York: Pargamon Press, 1981. Maududi, S.A.A. Purdah and Status of Women in Islam, Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications Ltd, 1976. Mernissi, Fatima. Books, 1996 Mies, Women's Rebellion and Islamic Memory, Zed Maria, patriarchy and Accumulation on a Wold Scale, London: Zed Press, 1986. Murdiati, Diati Ganis, Katini Sabekti, and Sabarish (eds). The Women of Indonesia. Jakarta: Department of Information Republic of Indonesia, in cooperation with the Office of the Minister of State for the Role of Women, 1985. Noer, Deliar. The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia (1900-1942). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973. Ong, Aihwa. Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline: Factory Women in Malaysia. Albany: Suny Press, 1987. Oey, Eric (ed). Indonesia. Singapore: APA Publications, 1989. 297 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 312] === Paden, John N. Religion and Political Culture in Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973. Kano. Papanaek, Hanna. "Implications of Development for Women in Indonesia: Research and Policy Issues." in Kathleen A. Staudt and Jane S. Jaquette, (eds). Women in Developing Countries. New York: The Haworth Press, 1983. Peacock, James L. Purifying the Faith: The Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesian Islam. Menlo Park, California: The Banyamin/Cumming Publishing Company, 1978. . Muslim Puritants: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. Pigeaut, Theodore G.T. Java in the 14th Century: A study in Cultural History. Vol 4, The Hague, Netherland: Martinus Jnijhoff, 1962. Rahman, Fazlur. Islam. New York: Anchor Books, 1968. Ramusack, Barbara N., and Sharon Sievers. Women in Asia; Restoring Women History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999. Reid, Anthony. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 14501680: The Land Below the Winds. Vol.I, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988. Reenen, Joke Van. Central Pillars of the House: Sisters, Wives, and Mothers in a Rural Community in Minangkabau, West Sumatra. Leiden: CNWS Publication, 1996. Rochayah, Machali. "Women and the Concept of Power." in Susan Blackburn. Love, Sex and Power: Women in Southeast Asia. Clayton: Monash Asia Institute, 2001. Saadawi, Nawal. "Women in Islam," in Azizah Al-Hibri Women and Islam. New York: Pergamon Press, 1984. Sabah, Fatna. The Women in The Muslim Unconscious, New York: Pergamon Press, 1984. Santoso, Widjajanti, Ketty Kandarwati, Djaka Soehendra. From Women to the World Few Voices from Indonesia. Jakarta: Limpad Foundation, 1995. Secretariat Minister of State of Community Welfare. A National Plan of Action for Indonesian Women. Jakarta, 1976. 298 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 313] === Sen, Krisna and Stivens, Maila (eds), Gender and Power in Affluent Asia, London: Routledge, 1989. Ser.J, laurie (eds). Fantisizing the Feminine in Indonesia, London: Duke University Press, 1996. Al-Siba'I, a-Maria Damascus, 1992. Bayn al-Fiqh Wal-Qanun, Beirut, Shaarawi, Huda. Harem Years, The Memoir of an Egyptian Feminist, translated, ed, and introduced by Margot Badran, New York: The Feminist Press. Siegel, James. The Rope of California Press, 1969. God. Berkeley: University "Acehnese Religion," in Mircea Eliare (ed), The Encyclopedia of Religion. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1987. Smith, Jane I, and Yvonne Y.Haddad. "Eve: Islamic Image of Women," in Azizah Al-Hibri (eds). Women in Islam, Elmsford, New York: Pergamon Press, 1982. Smith, Marjorie Procter. In Her Own Rite: Reconstruction of the Feminist Liturgical Tradition. Nashville, Tenn: Arbingdon Press, 1990. Stevens, Maila (ed). Why Gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics. Clayton: Monash Asia Institute, 1991. Stowasser, Barbara Freyers. Women in the Qur'an, Traditions, and Interpretation,. New York: Oxford University, 1994. Sudarmono. The Appearance of Batik Merchants in Laweyan at the Beginning the 20th Century. Master's Thesis, Yogyakarta: Gajahmada University Press, 1987. Sullivan, Norma. "Gender and Politics in Indonesia," in Maila Stevens(ed). Why Gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics. Clayton: Monash Asia Institute, 1991. Survey of Women's Outside Roles in India, Indonesia, Thailand. Women in Asia: Beyond the Domestic Domain. Bangkok: Unesco Principal Regional Office for Asia and the Pasific, 1989. Suryakusuma, Julia I. State Ibuisme: The Social Construction of Womenhood in the Indonesian New Order." Unpublished Master's thesis, The Hague: Instutute of Social Studies, 1987. 299 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 314] === . "The State and Sexuality in New Order Indonesia." In Laurie j. Sear, (eds). Fantasizing the Feminine in Indonesia. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996. Tiwon, Silvia. "Reconstructing Boundaries and Beyond." in Juliette Koning, Marleen Nolten, Janet Rodenburg, and Ratna Saptari (eds). Women and Households in Indonesia: Cultural Notions and Social Practices. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000. _____. "Models and Maniacs: Articulating the Female in Indonesia," in Laurie J. Sears (ed). Fantasizing the Feminine in Indonesia. London: Duke University Press, 1996. Tetreault, Mary Ann. Women in Revolution in Africa, Asia, and The new World. Turabi, Hasan. Women in Islam and Muslim Hodder and Stoughton, 1986. Society. London: UNESCO Bangkok, Women in Asia: Beyond the Domestic Domain; Survey of Women's Outside Roles in Indonesia, India, Thailand. Bangkok: UNESCO Bangkok, 1989 Utas, BO. (eds), Women in Islamic Society. Branch Press, 1988. New York: Olive Van Bemmeler, Sita. Madelon Djayaningrat-Nieuwen huis, Elsbeth Locker Scholten, Elly Touwen-Bouwsma (eds). Women and Mediation in Indonesia, Us distribution by the Cellar Bookshop, Detroit, Michigan Vanden, Bosh. The Dutch East Indies: Its Government, Problem and Politics. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1941. Vreede-de Stuers, Cora. The Indonesian Women: Struggles and Achievements, Netherlands: Mouton and C.o.,1960 Vergouwen, J.C. The Social Organization and Customary Law of the Toba-Batak of the Northern Sumatra. The Hague: Martinus-Nijhoff, 1964. Van Voris, Jacqueline. Carrie Chapman Catt: A public Life. New York: The Feminist Press, 1987. 300 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 315] === Whalley, Lucy A. "Urban Miangkabau Muslim Women: Modern Choices, Traditional Concern in Indonesia," in Herbert L. Bodman and Nayereh Tohidi. Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity Within Unity. London: Lynne Rienner Publisher, 1998. Wieringa, Sakia. Women's Brookfield, 1988. Struggle and Strategies. Gower: . The Politicization of Gender Relations in Indonesia: The Indonesian Women's Movement and Gerwani until the New Order. Unpublished Phd Thesis, University of Amsterdam, 1995. ____. Sexual Politics in Indonesia, Institute of Social Studies, 2002. Palgrave, Macmillan: . The Perfumed Nightmare: Some Women's Movement. The Hague: Studies, 1985. Notes on Institute Indonesians Social "Matrilinearity and Minangkabau Western Subversive Women, 1995. Women's Interests: The Sumatra," Wieringa, Williams, Linda B. Development, Demography, and Family Decision Making: the Status of Women in Rural Java. Boulder, San Francisco: Westview Press, 1990. Wolf, Diane L. Factory Daughters, Gender, Household Dynamics, and Rural Industrialization Java. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. . "Beyond Women and the Household in Java: Re-examining the Boundaries," in Juliette Koning, Marleen Nolten, Janet Rodenburg and Ratna Saptari, Women and Households in Indonesia. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000. Woodward, Mark R. Islam in Java: Normative Piety and Mysticism in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1998. Wolters, O.W. The Fall of Sriwijaya in Ithaca: Cornel University Press, 1970. Malay History. Zainu'ddin, Ailsa. A Short History of Indonesia. New York and Washington: Praeger Publishers, 1970. Zainuddin, H.M. Srikandi Aceh. Medan: Pustaka Iskandar Muda, 1966. 301 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 316] === Zuhur, Sharifa. Reveiling-Reveiling: Islamist Gender Ideology in Contemporary Egypt, Albany: State University Press of New York, 1992 Various of Dictionaries: Guralnik, David B. Webster’s Newworld Dictionary of American Language, Second Collage Edition, Prentice Hall Press, 1984 John M,Echols. Hasan Shadily, Indonesian-English Dictionary, Jakarta: PT. Gramadia: Jakarta, 1982 Hans Wehr, Arabic English Dictionary (A Dictionary Modern Written Arabic), ed. JM. Cowar, Ithaca, Jakarta: Spoken Language Inc, 197 6. John M. Echols, Hasan Shadily, English- Indonesian Dictionary, Jakarta: PT. Gramadia, 1988. Maggie Hanna, The Dictionary of Feminist Ohio State University Press, 1990. Theory, Columbus: Articles Abdurrahman. "Child (August 1917) Marriages." Putri Deliar. "Masyarakat 1957). Minangkabau Mardika, Media (November, Hassan, Riffat. "Equal Before Allah? Women and Equality in the Islamic Tradition." Harvard Divinity Bulletin, Vol II, no.2, 1987. Katjasungkana, Nursyahbani. "Ideologi Gender Dalam Pergerakan Perempuan." A paper presented in a conference Pendidikan Alternatif dengan Perspectif perempuan Menuju Masyarakat Egaliter, held by Kompas, Kalyanamitra, and LBH Jakarta, in Jakarta, March 8, (1989). Kumar, Ann. "Dipanagara (1974). and the Java War." Indonesia 302 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 317] === Mydas, Seth. "Can She Run Indonesia? It's About Islam: or Is IT?." The New York Times, (June 20, 1999). Nurhadi, Toety Heraty. " Wanita dan Politik di Indonesia." Paper presented in women conference, Generasi Muda dan Politik, held by DPP PPP, Jakarta (January 25, 1986). "The Predominantly Islamic." Republika, Suryakusuma, Prisma, Julia I. "Wanita Syahrir, Kartini. "Wanita: Prisma 10, (1985). Dalam Mitos Beberapa dan Emansipasi." Catatan Antropologies." "UU No. 1/1194 Segera direvisi: Karena Tidak Berperspektif Gender." Media Indonesia, (February 10, 2000). Yusuf, Maftutah. "Wanita dan Politik di Indonesia." Paper presented in women conference, Generasi Muda dan Politik. Held by DPP PPP, Jakarta (January 25, 1986). Wahid, Abdur Rahman. "Religion and Women's Status development." Suara Pembaharuan. (December 12, 1987). Journals Abdullah, Taufik. "Adat and Islam: An Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau." Indonesia 2. (October 1966). Archer, Leroy. "Muhammadan Mysticism in Sumatra." Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society (JRASMS). Singapore, XV, Part II, (September 1937). Baried, Barorah. "Aisyiyah and Social Indonesian Woman's Life." Mimeo. N.d. Changes the Faruqi, L.Lamya. "Islami Traditions and the Feminist Movement: Confrontation or Cooperation?." The Islamic Quarterly 27, (Third Quarter, 1983). Geertz, Hildred. "The Vocabulary of Emotion." Psychiatry 22, Hassan, Riffat. "Messianism And Islam." Journal of Ecumenical Studies 22 (Spring 1985). Johns, Anthony. "Islamization in Southeast Asia: Reflections and Reconsiderations with Special Reference to the Role of Sufism." Southeast Asian Studies. Tokyo, (1993). 303 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 318] === Jones, Sidney. "What Indonesia's Islamic Revival Means". Asia (New York) 4 (no.3) Langenberg, Michael. "Analizing Indonesia's New Order State: A Keyword Approach." Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affair 20, (1986). Macdougal, John.A. "Pattern of Military Control in Indonesian Higher Central Bureaucracy." Indonesia 33, April (1982). Pardiaman, Djunah. "Sedjarah dan Perkembangan BP4." Penuntun Reid, A.J.S. "Ninetennth-Century Pan-Islam in Indonesia and Malaysia." Journal of Asian Studies 25. Soewondo, Nani. "Indonesian Marriage Law and its Implementation Regulation." Archipel. Vol 13, (1977). Switler, Ann. "Culture in Review 51, no.2, (1986) Action." American Sociological Weatherbee, Donald E. "Traditional Values in Modernizing Ideologies: Indonesian Example." Journal Developing Areas, (October 1966). 304 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.