She Who Earns: The Politics of Prostitution in Java

=== [PDF page 1] === INFORMATION TO USERS The negative microfilm copy of this dissertation was prepared and inspected by the school granting the degree. We are using th is film without further inspection or change. If there are any questions about the content, please write directly to the school. The quality of th is reproduction is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original material. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. Manuscripts may not always be complete. When it is not possible to obtain m issing pages, a note appears to indicate this. 2. When copyrighted materials are removed from the manuscript, a note ap pears to indicate this. 3. Oversize materials (maps, drawings, and charts) are photographed by sec tioning the original, beginning at the upper left hand com er and continu ing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. 4. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 3] === O rd e r N u m b e r 9S30848 S h e w h o earns: T h e p o litic s o f p ro stitu tio n in Jav a Sunindyo, Saraswati, Ph.D. The University of Wisconsin - Madison, 1993 C o p y rig h t © 1 9 9 3 b y S u n in d y o, S a ra s w a ti. A ll rig h ts re se rv e d. U M I 300 N. ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 4] === R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 5] === A dissertation entitled SHE WHO EARNS: THE POLITICS OF PROSTITUTION IN JAVA su b m itte d to th e G ra d u a te School of th e U n iv e rs ity of W isco n sin -M ad iso n in p a r tia l fu lfillm e n t of th e re q u ire m e n ts for th e degree of D octor of P h ilo so p h y SARASWATI SUNINDYO Degree to be awarded: December 19____ May 19_ August 19 3 3 Approved by Dissertation Readers: ate of-jExamination Major Professor 0 6 CML Ktyi- ^ • fJhjL. an, Graduate School R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 6] === R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. === [PDF page 7] === SHE WHO EARNS: THE POLITICS OF PROSTITUTION IN JAVA SARASWATI SUNINDYO A thesis submitted in partial fullfilment o f the requirements for the degree of Doctor o f Philosophy (Sociology) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - MADISON 1993 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 8] === © Copyright by Saraswati Sunindyo 1993 All Rights Reserved R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 9] === To Endang, Cipluk, Surti, Mami R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 10] === TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS M ap of Java and Southeast Asia viii Pictures From the Locations INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1: Prostitutes and Prostitution: A Feminist Perspective CHAPTER 2: Who is A Bad Girl? W omen’s Activism and The Whore Stigma 21 CHAPTER 3: National and Local Policy on Prostitution: Ideology, Poverty and Social Reproduction 40 CHAPTER 4: Prostitution and Tourism Development: Three Brothel Villages 68 Table: Social Organization of Three Brothel Villages 117 CHAPTER 5: Meretrix: She Who Earns 122 CHAPTER 6: Little Men in A Big M an’s World 173 CHAPTER 7: Concluding Remarks 210 POSTSCRIPT: Close Encounters: Me and My Kind 221 BIBLIOGRAPHY 237 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 11] === ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is impossible to research, write and finish a dissertation without collective assistance, support and encouragement. The field research was conducted in 1987-1988.1 would first like to thank the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) for their generous funding o f this research. Mustofa Akbar, Semar Suwito, Sigit, Radic, and Heiho provided insight and assistance throughout the time I spent in Indonesia. I thank them for their generosity and hospitality. I also thank the Center for South-East Asian Studies at the University o f W isconsin-Madison which provided me with funding from the Luce Foundation when I returned to begin writing up my findings. Peggy Choy and Andy Sutton from the Center helped me considerably throughout my time as a graduate student in Madison. Mary Jo Studenburg, also from the Center, came with her constant understanding and support during the last year of my writing. The last minute reading o f the entire dissertation was done by Ruby Parades who was indispensable for the final editing o f the manuscript. And for the beautiful map, I thank Hanang Setiohargo. My sincerest gratitude goes to Professor Russell Middleton who served as my advisor throughout graduate school. I thank him for his friendship, encouragement and confidence in me. He tirelessly and continuously kept pushing me to go one step further in my intellectual growth. And thank you for picking me up at the airport in a cold R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 12] === January night when I first arrived in this country. The rest o f my dissertation committee, Charles Camic, Joe Elder, and Warren Hagstrom offered considerable advice, support and trust in my work both academically and professionally, I cannot thank them enough for that. Mary Layoun came to my rescue when I needed some one in "authority" to say that what I think is important is indeed important. From her I learned how to give name to my experiences. Although they are not on my dissertation committee I would like to thank two faculty members —Gerry Marwell and Hal Winsborough -- for their professional advice on what must be considered necessary survival skills in this foreign academic world. I would also like to thank Sandy Ramer who professionally and personally makes the bureaucratic part of graduate school less foreign than it otherwise would be. And to both Tony Schulze and Virginia Rogers who helped me make it easier during the times when I had to write and teach at the same time. I also thank Sjachrani, Nani, Pram, Rizal and Riki who helped me start my whole new life as a graduate student in Madison. Perhaps the greatest lessons are those learned from peers and friends. Special thanks go to Esmail Bagheri-Najmi, Margaret Bergamini, Michael Bodden, Ran Greenstein, Mimi Kim, David Lachman, Leslie McCall, and Eric Parker. They provided constant personal and intellectual support. I thank them for their patience with me throughout this process. I thank them greatly for helping me with the writing by spotting my Englo-nesian from the earliest stage o f the dissertation to the very end. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 13] === vii W ithout their confidence in me and my work, I do not know if this dissertation could ever been written. Lastly, for the women o f Tretes, Bandungan and Samas who not only accepted me for who I am but also "protected" me whenever it was necessary; for my parents, sisters, brothers, nieces, and nephews, who have patiently waited for me to finish this project; for Jennifer Nehls who turned the eight cold Wisconsin winters into a warm and wonderful experience; for Michael Bodden who has made life long intellectual, emotional, and political partnership possible; and for both John Brennan and Leslie McCall who were at my side throughout the last two years o f this ordeal...THANK YOU! R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 14] === v iii Map of Java and Southeast Asia miles Pacific Ocean IN D O N E S IA Indian Ocean 200 miles Java Madura Jakarta Surabaya Bandungan x o ^Bandung o Surakarta Yogyakarta V x Samas x: area of study Source: Center of Southeast Asian Studies, U.W. Madison R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. B ali === [PDF page 15] === Samas: Food stahls in the beach of Samas, the original view. Prostitution development" in progress R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 16] === Samas: Tourism development with "traditional architecture" Samas: One of the bungalows in the only motel owned by local government R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 17] === Bandungan: The former Dutch Railway's vacation home Bandungan: Building more rooms for prostitutes R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 18] === xii Bandungan: Uniform for sport's day Bandungan: Greeting independence day parade in uniform R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 19] === x iii Tretes: Emerging hotels, motels, brothels Tretes: Aloha brothel in one of the main street R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 20] === x iv The house of mountain princesses R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 21] === INTRODUCTION This study contributes to the on-going feminist debate on prostitution. It focuses on the way in which sex-work allows sexual and economic autonomy under some political and economic conditions, as well as how the ideology o f w om en’s subordination affects the cultural and individual identities o f female prostitutes. The aim is to look beyond the polarized analysis of women working as prostitutes as either sexually and economically liberated, or merely passive victims of patriarchy. This study proposes an alternative approach to the study of the commoditization of sexual labor. First, the institution itself and the social relations defining it should be distinguished from a question of whether or not female prostitutes are just victims or exercise some autonomy. Second, equal emphasis should be given to the historical development of regulatory policies concerning prostitution and the corresponding discourses on the topic. This should reveal the contradictory positions taken by the state and its subjects: local authorities, small and large private capital, impoverished peasant households and female prostitutes. Third, recognition o f prostitutes as agents o f their own lives should be understood in relation to the complexity o f legal approaches to and the variety (and different forms) o f labor processes under prostitution. Since the Vietnam War, the prostitution trade in Southeast Asia has established R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 22] === close ties with richer and more powerful countries, both through tourism and militarism. In Thailand, the US government and its Thai counterparts agreed to build R&R facilities for American GIs during the war, and then maintained its existence through international tourism (see for detail, Than-dam; 19). In the Philippines, prostitution also flourished during the war, and continued serving the US military base after the war. After the shutdown o f the bases, it was hoped that the facilities could stay as tourism was promoted for the area. Prostitution in these two countries accommodates the flow o f foreign currency and revenues, and at the same time maintains the survival level of impoverished peasant daughters from poor villages. In Indonesia, however, both militarism and tourism play very important roles but the practice o f prostitution differs in that it does not rely heavily on foreign tourists and foreign soldiers as clients, and moreover prostitution does not exist only in major cities. While the patriarchal construction of "good" women versus "bad" women is directed at the difference between non-prostitutes and prostitutes, the stigma of "whore" in male-dominated societies reflects the attempt to control feminists’ voices and autonomy. This links the interests o f "prostitutes" and feminists as women. I address the subject of prostitution as it varies across (1) localities, (2) labor forms, (3) state regulatory policies and agents, and in relation to (4) notions of women’s autonomy and identity and to (5) feminisim (women’s activism). What I will argue throughout is that the contradictory legal and regulatory approaches to prostitution provide the basis for wide-ranging variation in the social R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 23] === organization o f prostitution. This in turn differentially affects women’s autonomy and identification with their work. On the other hand, while the state’s gender ideology clearly perceives women as either whores or good wives, the state regulates both prostitution and women’s movement. The Definition of The Research Project First: The way prostitution has been studied focuses on the limited economic choices confronting rural women once they migrate to urban industrialized areas (Phongpaichit’s study on Thai prostitution in Bangkok and, to some extent, Judith W alkowitz’s study in Victorian England). My study evolved to challenge this simplified view o f the rural/urban dichotomy. Second, sociological studies tend to focus on the social relations o f the institution o f prostitution. In my mind, this minimizes the importance of exogenous variables — namely, political and economic changes both at the national and international levels. Third, the state’s stance on prostitution has always puzzled me. Although actually contradictory in its rhetoric, it gives a very strong line against prostitution (mostly female prostitutes, since by the state’s official/written definition until today, prostitution was still equated with female prostitutes). My understanding then was that although the construction and reconstruction o f regulations sustain contradictory claims, they also converge upon an underlying ideology, i.e. policing prostitution, controlling R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 24] === women’s sexuality as well as controlling the poor (as Judith Walkowitz and Louis W hite have suggested). However, my intention was to compliment studies of states as actors at the national level, both with respect to international relations (in the case o f Thailand —the tourism industry, and in the case o f the Phillipines - the U.S. military bases) and national gender ideology, with the study o f local authorities. Fourth, having read feminists’ debates on victimization versus autonomy, I was also interested in understanding the meaning o f agency in the lives o f female prostitutes. The issue o f "identity" either as woman, person or prostitute (sex worker) was salient to the understanding o f individuals engaged in prostitution. On the other hand, the study of prostitution is not restricted to the study o f prostitutes only. The very definition o f the word "prostitute" implies a definition o f women, including women’s activism at every turn. My study focuses on three "tourism" areas with a significant presence of brothels which are "tolerated" by the local authorities. The first location was a mountain resort in Centra Java, called Bandungan. From this place, I learned about other similar places, and I chose to go to Tretes (also a mountain resort) in East Java. The third place is a small poor coastal village called Samas Beach (Pantai Samas) also in Central Java. M ethodology The research for this study was conducted in 1987-1988. A combination o f in R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 25] === depth interviews, observations, and historical analysis is used. First, national and local documents along with the discourse on prostitution described by historians were used to identifiy the changes in perceptions and rationales associated with the economy of prostitution during the colonial and post-colonial eras. Second, the narratives gathered from what today is known as prostitution villages, is used to discuss the process by which three resort brothel locations (Daerah Pariwisata), developed from "traditional villages to sites o f prostitution-tourism industry". Life stories o f both men and women o f various "classes o f prostitution" (from the three locations studied, and also from my interviews and observations in Surabaya) were also collected to relate the history o f sexuality to the construction and reconstruction o f oppression and gender identity. These life stories indicate how prostitution is socially reproduced as an institution and the contradictory position of female prostitutes as both victims and agents o f their work regime. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 26] === CHAPTER 1: PROSTITUTES AND PROSTITUTION: A FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE "Prostitution is a practice o f intermittent sexual union, more or less promiscuous, for mercenary inducement" Prostitution (a term which typically evokes images o f female-only prostitution) has long been associated with urban problems or urban phenomena in general, and social pathology in particular. Outside the domain o f social deviance analysis, female prostitution is also understood in correlation with the following lines o f argumentation: first, it fills the need for sexual release as well as incentive demanded by large numbers o f military soldiers during periods o f war and for single working men in the city; second, it aids in the protection o f respectable women from the "uncontrollable" urges o f the male sexual drive; and third, for women prostitutes, the profession has served as a means o f economic mobility in a patriarchal society where women, as compared to men, have less economic Sociological studies of female prostitution usually analyze it as a form o f social R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 27] === pathology. According to most such studies, prostitutes are seen as those who step outside society’s norms. Therefore, they are chiefly identified with those who exhibit "different" psychological patterns and behavior. Although the sociology o f deviance has moved away from questions of morality regarding female prostitution, its starting point is still the view that prostitutes are among those who work underground and against the existing social order. Deviance paradigms focus on networks (of prostitutes, their employers and customers), patterns of recruitment, stigmatization and labeling o f individuals, and the "survival kits" o f a group of people who fall into the category o f the "under class".1 Davis ([1937] 1976) offered an institutional analysis o f female prostitution which considered prostitution an economic relation in which women "of lower economic means can exploit their attractiveness for economic gains" (1976:345). Moreover, he argued that men are in a better economic position, which enables them to pay a price for sexual gratification (1976:754). Although Davis avoided moral condemnation o f female prostitutes, he also did not emphasize the "difference" of female prostitutes in comparison with the rest o f society’s members. Instead his focus centered on the economic inequalities o f class and gender. However, his institutional analysis becomes questionable at those points where he accepts arguments regarding the tendencies of the "male biological drive" (see for similar discussion, Truong, 1990: 44). In such instances he posits prostitution as an institution 1 See Dinitz et al. (1969) and, for a recent study on female prostitutes, see Miller (1986). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 28] === "enabling small numbers of women to take care of the needs o f a large number o f men2; it is the most convenient sexual outlet for an army, and for legions of strangers, perverts,3 and others physically repulsive in our midst which no other institution can fully perform" (1976:755). Feminists have introduced three important categories to the study of prostitution, namely: sex (the "sex act" with women exchanged for money by men -- in this case, heterosexual); the economy (women’s economic position and its relation to wage labor); and third, the control of labor (men and women of the laboring class) which involved the control o f female sexuality. Most importantly, feminist analyses have transformed our understanding o f female prostitution by bringing sex, gender, race and class to their analyses (Barry, 1984; Dworkin, 1981; McClintock, 1992; Millet, 1976; Hirata, 1979; Overall, 1992; Pateman, 1990; Stoler, 1985; Walkowitz, 1980; White, 1990; Truong, 1990;). In these studies, research on prostitution is not limited to the use o f sex for monetary reward or even the problems related to the trade itself, but an examination of sexuality as an arena o f contested power and control between men (the state, male regulationists, medical doctors, etc.) and women’s movements (Walkowitz, 1980). In one way or another feminist studies on female prostitution, despite the attempt 2 Though Davis tried to avoid a functional analysis o f prostitution as a "necessary evil," his view that sexual outlets for payment outside o f marriage economically benefitted poor women shows that prostitution is also functional for society. 3 For an extensive study on the function of sado-masochistic sexual service of female prostitutes, see Perkins and Bennett (1985). That prostitution is an important sexual outlet of sexual socialization for single men, see de Gallo and Alzate (1975). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 29] === to bridge the middle ground between sexual victimization theories on the one hand and notions o f the use o f sexual exploitation in the labor process on the other, have still left some basic problems unresolved. First, to what extent are the politics of sexuality intrinsic to the oppression o f women who work as full-time prostitutes?4 Second, to what extent does the sexual labor of brothel prostitutes constitute both sexual and economic exploitation within the framework o f capitalist social relations? Second, what do we learn from contradictory claims such as those which categorize female prostitutes as pure victims in opposition to those which glorify female prostitutes as women who are autonomous and able to control their own sexuality?5 Third, how well does the use of the concept "social reproduction" enable us to take into account the sexual exploitation and "moral degradation" perpetuated by the institution o f prostitution itself? 4 My definition of full-time prostitutes is: those whose primary source o f income is paid sexual service, and who are not superficially employed as laborers yet hired to sexually serve male laborers (Stoler, 1985), and who do not work occasionally for subcontracting manufacturers when brothel visitors are scarce (thus being exploited as both a prostitute and an unpaid piece-rate worker (Hirata, 1979)), and who do not work independently and therefore have full control of their work regime and earnings (White, 1990). 5 See Delacoste and Alexander (ed), 1987; Bell (ed), 1987; Pheterson (ed). 1989. In these three books, sex workers voice both points of view: the joy, advantage, and learned experience o f being a prostitute, massage parlor worker, etc., but also the degradation and loathing o f having to perform humiliating acts that would not otherwise be chosen. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 30] === 10 Male Domination and Prostitution "The worst part about prostitution is that you are obliged to sell not only sex, but your humanity. That’s the worst part o f it: that what you’re selling is human dignity. Not so much in bed, but in accepting the agreement -- in becoming a a bought person". (cited in Millet, 1971:104) The social construction o f power and sexuality between men and women precipitates and constitutes the victimization o f women in prostitution and pornography As with rape and domestic violence, prostitution is viewed as the physical enslavement o f women (Millet; 1976) or as women’s sexual slavery (Barry, 1985; Dworkin 1981). A female prostitute’s sex is exploited because of her gender, and patriarchy implies the power to control access to female sex which in turn condones (even promotes) the violent means used by men (as a gender group) against women. According to this perspective, the most important variable is sex and its consequences for the violent control o f women’s sexuality. Female prostitution in this view differs from other occupations in the sense that it involves the utilization o f women’s bodies for sexual purposes (see, Pateman; 1988, Overall, 1992). It is the sexual pleasure that ought to be fulfilled by the use o f w om en’s bodies that defines the labor which is contracted (for a short period o f time), and that R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 31] === 11 differentiates prostitution from other forms o f wage labor (Pateman, 1988; Truong; 1988; Overall, 1992). Both Pateman and Overall argue that what is wrong with prostitution is the institution itself which is serving and reinforcing not just sexism but also classicism and racism. The female prostitutes who "contract out" their bodies to male clients are mostly poor and o f different race and colour, serving powerful men who are both economically and ethnically and/or racially from a "higher" social status (at least often more powerful than they themselves). Furthermore, because o f their gender, they are counted among the "sexual minorities" who are discriminated against and stigmatized based on the double standard o f patriarchal ideology (see Jaggar, 1983). The foundation of prostitution, according to Carole Pateman, is the contract between the prostitute (female) and client (male). Sexual labor performed by a prostitute requires the use o f her body. Although the contract to utilize the body might not imply the self (the overall integrity of the person), the man who contracts the service for his use treats his "purchase" as if it were like any other commodity. By this reasoning, it does not matter whether a prostitute is exploited, enslaved, independent, or non-violently controlled by the pimp or madame. Her sexual labour is assumed to be contracted out. Prostitution is an institution conditioned by the ideology o f patriarchy, and so the control o f women’s sexuality is defined by the power o f men as a gender group. Carol Pateman argues that through the purchase o f women’s bodies (even for a short period) "the ‘sex act’ itself provides acknowledgement that the law o f male sex-rights is publicly affirmed". Thus R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 32] === 12 m en’s access to female sex and women’s body is also maintained and reproduced over time. Economic Autonomy An analysis which focuses merely on women’s victimization overlooks the importance o f women’s agency. A woman’s work within the institution o f prostitution can equally be recognized as an exercise o f individual autonomy, given that women make rational decisions to engage in the prostitution trade. In this view, prostitution is seen as occupational choice, albeit made under constraints. Gender inequality and discrimination against women limit their choices considerably (see, Davis, 1953; Phongpaichit, 1982; Mcleod, 1982; Purnomo, 1985; for the Indonesian case). Women prostitutes are those who are doubly exploited because of women’s disadvantaged position in almost all systems o f production. Female prostitution plays an important role since it is an historically significant form o f work, particularly when viewed as one choice among the limited number of options available to women as a means of gaining mobility in the economic sphere. Phongpaichit (1982) in her analysis o f Thai prostitution stressed the failure o f the industrialization process to provide employment which would fully absorb male laborers from villages, a circumstance that forced peasant girls to work in Bangkok’s sex industry (the capital city). They are the bread winners in the new peasant household economy. Prostitution as resistance to colonial wage labor is how Louise White (1990) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 33] === 13 understands the role of prostitution in colonial Nairobi. Many women used their earnings from prostitution to accummulate their own capital (buying cattle and building houses). In a society where polygamy existed and men held the property o f the household, the prostitution economy enabled women to control their own income and property independently of related men. Women were also able to help their relatives and other newcomer prostitutes settle in the city where housing was difficult to obtain primarily because of residential segregation. Labor Process and Social Reproduction To focus only on women "choosing" prostitution in the context o f women’s limited economic opportunities — all o f which are nevertheless within female sex-typed domains - overlooks other important agents in prostitution: the state and its legal code, the clients or men who receive sexual services, brothel owners (men and women), procurers, and agents or pimps. In capitalist social formations, prostitution becomes part o f labor control because it helps in the reproduction of low-wage male labor power (Hirata, 1979; White, 1990). Female prostitutes, according to this view, are exploited as laborers themselves since they are hired as laborers, yet intended to be prostituted (Hirata, 1979; Stoler, 1985). Louise White wrote, "Prostitution is a capitalist social relationship, not because capitalism causes prostitution by commoditizing sexual relations but because wage labor is a unique feature o f capitalism: capitalism commoditisized labor" (1990:11) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 34] === 14 Instead of portraying female prostitution as sexual slavery, Truong Than-Dam points to this particular labor form as sexual labor. The way in which prostitutes’ sexual labor relates to the wage labor system (capitalist social relations) has been analysed through its connection to the sphere o f social reproduction. First, female prostitutes are paid from the wage labor o f male clients, so their service both maintains and inter-generationally reproduces male labor power. Louise W hite’s studies on "Malaya6" prostitutes in colonial Nairobi, show how this particular type of prostitution provides not just sexual service but also domestic services which otherwise would be performed by wives if the male laborers could afford to bring their wives to live in the city. The colonial state’s tolerance toward "vice centers" —the site for the reproduction o f the urban wage laborer -- was economically beneficial for the municipality which otherwise would have to spend more money to provide proper housing (White, 1983, 1986 and 1991). Second, the ideology o f women’s sexuality, in this case particularly for the purpose o f sexual pleasure rather than biological reproduction, is used and manipulated to serve the needs o f controlling labor processes within a particular political and economic regime. For example, the decision to hire, that is to bring bring female coolies from Java to the 6 "Malaya" prostitutes in W hite’s study served both sex and "the comfort of home" such as cooked food, bath, bed and emotional support for African workers in the city. Many o f the Malaya prostitutes became such as an alternative o f forced marriages and independently able to accummulate "capital" and became the independent head on household which otherwise be headed by man. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 35] === 15 plantations in Sumatra, was made under the socially acceptable idea (by the colonial and corporate policy makers) that the male coolies needed sexual pleasure (which if withheld prompted sodomy and created disturbances). Female coolies were brought to make Sumatra’s plantation more appealing to male coolies. Yet their wages were kept very low, lower than m en’s, and the act o f prostitution was needed to supplement their income (to meet the necessary level of economic survival—my emphasis). Furthermore, any male coolie who wanted a woman coolie for himself, had to pay the company the full cost of bringing her to Sumatra. This was a high cost that could be paid in installments but put the coolie further in debt and prolonged his contract. To some extent Hirata-Cheng’s argument is similar for the case o f Chinese prostitution in San Fransisco during the period in the late nineteenth century covered by the Chinese Exclusion Act. Women were (knowingly and unknowingly) brought from China through an underground trafficking network, prostituted in Chinatown, and when visitors were scarce, performed labor producing garments in sweatshops. Women prostitutes under different economic and political regimes whether the plantation economy o f Sumatra or the mining, railroad, and textile economy o f San Fransisco were exploited directly as laborers and helped socially reproduce the labor power o f male laborers. It is very clear in the case o f colonial plantations in Sumatra that the female coolies were commoditisized in multiple ways as their sexual availability was assumed since the time the decision was made to bring them to the plantation economy. Women coolies’ sexuality (sex for pleasure) was being traded by Dutch managers, foremen and indigenous R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 36] === 16 coolies as a social arrangement that was also highly profitable as part o f the system of labor control (Stoler, 1985). Truong (1988), in her study o f the prostitution and tourism industry in Thailand, shows how the sexual labour o f female "prostitutes"7 served both capital accumulation and reproduction o f capitalist social relations. The tourism and entertainment industry had been firmly established since the Vietnam War, with female prostitution a main draw to the area. This linked the exploitation o f female sexual labor indirectly to the state’s revenues - through taxation o f the growing tourism industry developed by both national and international capital. This type of analysis synthesizes three factors: the exploitation o f women’s sexuality, the economic exploitation o f overall labor performed by women outside sexual service, and the exploitation o f male laborers. Thus it enables us to move beyond the dichotomous approach to prostitution where either ecconomic oppression or sexual exploitation is emphasized. Instead, the pervasive ideology o f female sexuality (i.e. w om en’s sexual availability to men for pleasure) entails the exploitation o f male and female laborers. Nevertheless, because the categories employed in this analysis are primarily ideological, and the functional requirement of controlling labor is given central importance, women’s autonomy is easily submerged under the shadow o f the exploiters - colonial state, plantation, and corporate capital. 7 Not necessarily legally defined as such, rather usually service workers for the entertainment industry and other tourism sectors. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 37] === 17 Female Resistance "I have always thought that whores were the only emancipated women. We are the ones who have the absolute right to fuck as many men as men fuck women. In fact we are expected to have many partners a week, the same as any good stud". (Margo St. James, 1987:84) The perception that female prostitutes represent women who are sexually autonomous challenges the notion that female prostitution is a form o f sexual-slavery perpetuated by male misogyny. According to this view, "sex workers" do not necessarily sell themselves, rather they exchange sexual service for money with some degree o f autonomy. For example, they choose to accept or reject particular clients and negotiate the kind o f service provided, the length o f time covered, and the amount o f money paid (see also, Delacoste, Bell, McClintock, 1992). Prostitution not only enables women to be economically autonomous but also freer sexually. W omen engaged in sex work are perceived as rationally stepping out o f female stereotypical roles and thereby resisting the ideology o f female sexuality based on submissiveness and chasity as the desirable features of womanhood. The sex worker is able to own and control her sexual desire, despite the patriarchal notion that men possess women sexually and have a greater sexual drive than women. The idea of sexual autonomy is much broader than the focus on the sexual act only. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 38] === 18 Being a prostitute according to Louise White was not just an act o f resistance against the colonial economy but also against a polygamous marriage structure where husbands are allowed to have multiple wives all belonging to the household headed by the husband, and all required to contribute to household production. Exploitation, Autonomy, and Identity The economic exploitation o f women is very clear since they are also exploited as female laborers, not just in social reproduction but also in the productive work force. However, some problems remain unresolved. To what extent are the politics o f sexuality intrinsic to the structure o f exploitation among women who work as full time prostitutes - those whose primary income is through paid sexual service? In other words, most o f the perspectives presented here about prostitution in the Third World do not fully consider the political economy o f full time prostitutes. What about women who are not ju st superficially employed as laborers yet because o f their gender it was assumed sexually they were to serve male laborers (such as in Stoler, 1985)? What also about those who do not work occasionally for subcontracting manufacturers when brothel visitors are scarce (thus being exploited as both a prostitute and unpaid or low paid piece-rate worker (HirataCheng, 1979))? And further, those who do not perform "other" domestic labor, such as provide baths, clean beds, cooking and other comforts o f home, in addition to sexual pleasure (White, 1983; 1991)? To what extent does the sexual labor o f brothel prostitutes R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 39] === 19 constitute both sexual and economic exploitation within the framework of the social relations o f production? The sexual oppression manifested through prostitution, pornography, rape and sexual harrasment is also clear when it comes to the broad sexism in which w om en’s sexuality (including its availability) is defined and redefined by the state (represented exclusively by powerful men), business capital (both male and female), and clients (male) (Mckinnon, 1982; Overall, 1992; Pateman, 1990). Why are analyses o f prostitution polarized, either highlighting the sexual oppression or the economic exploitation o f women? How can we see that while the heterosexual construction o f male and female is a prerequisite for the formation o f prostitution as an institution, at the same time it is a social organization involving economic exploitation? Even though not all women were procured through violent means, many were procured without knowing that they were going to be prostituted, and others did not make a rational choice to work as a sex worker when they entered prostitution. Hirata-Cheng (1979) wrote that "In the case o f the individual owner-prostitute, she is a free agent, in possession o f her own sexuality, offering it in the market in exchange for a fee from her clients." While both sides, the sexual exploitation and the sexual autonomy paradigms, disagree with this, they miss the fact that there are different forms o f labor relations under different institutional arrangements o f prostitution. W hite’s (1990) study is the best example o f how important these differences can be to the explanation o f women’s position in specific sites of prostitution. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 40] === 20 Considering the agreements and disagreements in this field o f study, some questions still need to be more fully investigated. First, in relation to the question o f "choice", how does a choice o f a woman, and in some cases a young girl o f fourteen or under, who comes from the condition o f being both economically disadvantaged and sexually oppressed, constitute a rational decision? Second, how does both the economic and sexual exploitation along with the legal regulatory environment relate to different forms o f prostitution and in turn affect both the agency and identity o f female prostitutes? R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 41] === CHAPTER 2: WHO IS A BAD GIRL? W OM EN’S ACTIVISM AND THE WHORE STIGMA In this chapter I deal first o f all with the historical context in which the subjects o f this study are embedded. In other words, I discuss the political and economic history o f Indonesia in relation to patriarchy and capitalist hegemony. While the state’s ideology on women is a functionalist view in which women are perceived in their "traditional" roles1, this ideology is often contradictory to the state’s rhetoric o f economic development as well as its economic policy. However, the state (the organization o f power and force) does not necessarily police its beliefs; for this, the social control force o f civil society (the cultural conditions under which ideology is imposed and maintained) is necessary. Second, I will examine how the activities o f feminists and sex-workers intersect through the ways in which they challenge the manifestations o f the ideology that divides women, namely "the good/bad girl" dichotomy. Margo St. James, founder of COYOTE (Call O ff Your Old Tired Ethic), an organization advocating sex-workers’ rights, wrote "the whore stigma is attached to women and only to women." This is not to say that 1 See Sullivan (1990) and Stivens (1990) both o f whom discussed gender and the state in Indonesia. 21 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 42] === 22 prostitution is bad for all women, because every woman is in danger o f being called "whore." Rather St. Jam es’ statement is useful as a point of departure for rethinking this dichotomy, and highlighting the question o f when, why and by whom "the whore stigma" is being used. Such a dichotomy is complicated by the fact that feminists are often considered "bad girls", or that women sex workers could be perceived as "good" girls and even patriotic (see a similar discussion in Overall, 1992). Within a patriarchal/capitalist framework, women could be both "good" and "bad" at one time or another, or at the same time. The Politics o f Economic Development Indonesia is an ex-colonial country which initially tried to be politically independent from the world super-powers, but later adopted the Rostovian strategy o f economic development. The Indonesian government claims today that its economic development is approaching the point o f "economic take off." With its dramatic industrial growth, it is thought to be on the verge of becoming one o f the new industrialized countries (NIC). Economists claim an economic growth rate o f 4% per year, and the per-capita income has increased from $100 in 1966 to $530 in 1989 (Simanjuntak, 1989). Despite these changes, the country still faces problems of unemployment, underemployment and poverty. Many claim that the problem lies in the fact that population growth is still relatively high at approximately 2% per year (Simanjuntak, 1989). In addition, the industrialization process itself has not been able R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 43] === 23 to provide enough employment opportunities for the majority o f the people. This problem is based on a strong emphasis on capital-intensive and heavy industries, which do not require the employment o f large numbers o f workers (Tjiptoherijanto, 1989). On the other hand, the New Order’s policy for agriculture took as its starting point the military regime’s political strategy. Thus, its first objective was to control food prices in the urban areas so as to gain support for the continuation o f the New Order. According to White and Husken (1989), prior to 1965, Java was characterized by a sharp conflict between the landowners and landless and small-scale peasants whose organizations were affiliated with the Communist Party, PKI. Shortly before 1965, these organizations led a campaign called Aksi Sepihak (Unilateral action) in which landlords were forced to accept land reform for the sake o f landless peasants and small landholders. After the "Lubang Buaya" affair in 1965 those landlords who were affected by the Aksi Sepihak, along with the military, not only took revenge but also crushed the ideas of agrarian reform and restructuring land ownership. The early result o f the heavy importation of green revolution technologies, a center piece o f New Order’s rural development program, was self-reliance in rice production and, in fact, in 1985 Indonesia was able to export this product abroad (Kasryno and Saefudin, 1988). However, this "revolution" in rice production did not necessarily mean a better life for rural households. First of all, as White and Husken (1989) note, the green revolution is a program which politically disregards the existing rural class structure, and is even aimed at R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 44] === 24 guarding the rural population from the threat o f the Communist Party’s influences. According to them, current land ownership records in rural Java show that 70-80% o f the irrigated rice fields are owned by 10-20% o f the rural households, which thus benefitted enormously from the subsidized green revolution production process. Secondly, the process o f rationalization o f agrarian production, similar to that o f the industrial sector, has meant capital intensive and mechanized production. Although this process has affected both rural male and female peasant laborers, women, who have traditionally relied heavily on income from planting, harvesting and post-harvest manual work, are those who are most affected (Stoler, 1976; Collier, 1978; Oey, 1985; W hite and Husken, 1989). Furthermore, income distribution as a result o f this process also shows changes-the income received by peasant laborers decreased as compared to the increase of the profits made by the large landowners (White and Husken, 1989). Accordingly, employment in the industrial sector failed to absorb the increase in the supply o f labor, an increase due to the fact that the green revolution has decreased employment opportunities in the agrarian sector. If there is a trickle-down effect of economic development, it is dripping into prostitution sites such as Tretes, Bandungan and Samas in this study. Since 1965, Indonesian economic development has undergone several phases. The first phase, from 1966 to 1973, was characterized by a predominance o f funding through foreign aid and foreign capital. The second phase, from 1974 to 1981, was R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 45] === 25 characterized not by the fruits o f the first phase o f economic development, but rather by the increase in oil prices. The domestic economy gained more foreign exchange then ever before due to this increase. At that time, the adoption o f an Import Substitution Industrialization strategy became more pronounced. Foreign capital was regulated in a slightly tighter fashion, and the main aim was to develop stronger local capital. This second phase was characterized not by massive foreign capital and foreign aid, but by "oil money." The third phase is the "post oil era", i.e. from 1981 up to the present. Oil prices declined drastically in 1981, and once again the Indonesian government had to change its policy on economic development. At this point the policy was shifted to promote non-oil exports (Export non Migas). While tourism had been promoted with the Indonesian government’s hosting o f Pacific Asian Travel Conference (P.A.T.A.) in the early seventies, tourism promotion was reactivated and increased as one o f the strategies o f the non-oil economic packages. For example, 1991 was named "tourism year" with corresponding efforts to encourage a greater number of visitors to come to Indonesia. Another major policy is the sending o f Indonesian workers overseas, particularly to Middle Eastern countries such as Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Within this sphere o f activity, the sending o f women as maids is the major feature. The sending o f workers abroad is also included in the package o f non-oil export policies. In the Indonesian case, they are mostly "exported" to the Middle East, primarily to Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. These two countries are a part o f the Middle R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 46] === 26 East in which a market opened up during the oil-boom for foreign, expatriate labor. Because Indonesia entered the market rather late, the remaining portion o f the market that was still open were those areas needing only unskilled low-wage labor, mainly jobs as housemaids for women, and drivers for men (see Cremer, 1988). The Indonesian overseas data show that 15,000 women were sent to the Middle East (Kuwait and Saudi Arabia) in 1983 after oil prices dropped in 1981. By 1985 the number had increased to 35,000 women, and by 1987 the number increased further to 42,500 women. In 1987 women were 87% o f all workers who were sent to work abroad (Tempo, 1984, 1985; Cremer, 1988). Other countries which send workers to the Middle East are: Bangladesh, Pakistan and the Philippines. These three countries despite the fact that they have come early and therefore dominate the better pieces o f the pie, have decreased the sending o f housemaids. The reason was that it was too hard to give the needed protection for their citizens who work behind the closed doors o f som eone’s private house (Cremer 1988). A protest was raised in Indonesia in 1984 by the national leader o f the Muhammadiyah (Islamic group). This group claimed that 80% o f the housemaids who work in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are maltreated (Tempo, 1985). Public concern arose in the media, but the Minister o f Manpower (mentri tenaga keija) officially denied the "rumor" and, along with the Consulate o f Saudi Arabia, promised the women who were still determined to go, that they would be protected. Sexual harassment often takes place toward the housemaids in the depot where R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 47] === 27 they are trained in language, Islamic knowledge, manners, and so on prior to debarking. Those with "pretty" faces are sent before others, while the others have to wait for several months. Some who were just unlucky ran away and go to the police (See Tempo, 1984, 1985). To stop the sending o f housemaids would mean putting a stop to the flow o f income expected by the Ministry o f Manpower, which sets the recruitment fees payable by the employers. The fee itself is set at U.S. $870 for males and $1,350 for females. The difference in recruitment fees encourages Indonesian labor suppliers to concentrate their business on recruiting women (Cremer, 1986). Despite the protests and observations from inside and outside of Indonesia that the Indonesian workers in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, especially maids, face what are among the worst conditions in the world (see World Press review, 1990), the sending o f housemaids continues. It is even stated in the Fourth development plan (1984-1989) that the Indonesian government was scheduled to send 225,000 workers abroad. The protests and public concern had little impact. The Indonesian government has indicated that in the future it plans to shift employment from housemaids to skilled workers. However, Cremer (1988) argues that the market for migrant laborers in the Middle East has shrunk because o f the fall in oil prices, and that the skilled labor sector has been occupied or monopolized by countries such as Pakistan and the Philippines, whose workers have a better chance. There are two reasons for this. First o f all, they came earlier and secondly, they have better access to the English language. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 48] === 28 What is crucial in this regard is the fact that the Indonesian state cannot afford to see that there is hidden prostitution involved in the deployment of housemaids overseas, because o f its interest in foreign currency revenues. In Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, there is no institution of prostitution such as exists in other countries. The women sent there cannot afford to see themselves as being treated as prostitutes, because their salary is far better than that which they could earn in Indonesia. The salary differential is between the approximately U.S. $12 to U.S. $15 per month they earn in Indonesia and the U.S. $165 per month they earn in Saudi Arabia. The employer (male head o f household) however, has access to foreign female workers, and regards them as falling under his power, being employed in his service and his domain. The same demographic characteristics hold true for sex workers who work in bordellos in Indonesia. They are mostly young women from rural areas, from poor families, and with little schooling or education. Some are even illiterate (Pumomo, 1984; Alam, 1985; Kalyanamitra, 1985). The housemaids who go abroad come from the same socio-economic background (Tempo, 1984, 1985). Even if it is true that many rape cases occur in the Saudi Arabian households where the Indonesian housemaids work, and that the male employers treat such women as bondage servants, in the eyes o f the Indonesian state it is not economically viable to stop sending housemaids abroad. Furthermore, even when recruitment agents are found to select and send the "prettiest" first and delay the rest o f the women seeking employment abroad, this too is not seen R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 49] === 29 as an indication that there is hidden prostitution involved. Here is a story told by a woman who ran away from a recruiting agent’s depot in Jakarta, to Tempo magazine: "Masa, orang cari babu kayak orang cari W.T.S., pakai dicolek-colek. Biarpun saya bekas orang nakal, ya emoh dicemeki dimuka orang banyak begitu." "How could a person who is looking for a maid behave as though they were choosing a prostitute, even goosing and feeling us up (She was talking about a prospective employer who came to the depot). Even though I used to be an orang nakal (literal translation means naughty girl), I refused to be touched and grabbed in front of many people like that." She ran away from the depot and went back to her former job, being a prostitute. "Biarlah ja d i W.T.S. begini dari pada diperas orang" (It’s better to be a prostitute, rather than being exploited by other people). The Indonesian W om en’s Movement (1912 to 1965) The Indonesian women’s movement emerged at the same time as the nationalist movement to gain independence from Dutch colonial government (Vreede-de Steurs, 1960; Suryocondro, 1984; Wieringa, 1985). It was initially influenced by the writings of Kartini. R.A. Kartini (1879-1904) was an early pioneer of women’s rights, founding one o f the first schools for women in the Indies before her untimely death. She was also at the forefront o f the movement to strengthen local economies through a revival o f traditional arts, and came to international notoriety following the posthumous R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 50] === 30 publication o f selections o f her correspondence with several Dutch contemporaries. More recently, she has been celebrated as one o f the heroes o f Indonesian National Independence (Pahlawan Nasional) by the Indonesian government. She was concerned with both issues o f national independence and specific women’s questions, such as the degradation o f women by the traditional institution of polygamy, women’c; rights to education, and economic independence--the right o f women to become independent wage earners (Suryocondro, 1984; Wieringa, 1985). The first women’s organization, however, was formed in 1912 under the name o f Putri Merdika (The Independent Women) and it was affiliated with Boedi Utomo, one o f Indonesia’s first nationalist organizations. W omen’s organizations were then mushrooming, as most nationalist parties, whether elite-nationalist, religious or leftist in orientation, formed w om en’s sections. child-marriage were publicly debated. W omen’s issues such as polygamy and Women were concerned not only with the domestic domain, but also work and wages. In 1926, the left feminists who were the women’s wing o f the Sarekat Rakyat (People’s union) organized protests and demonstrations demanding higher wages for women workers (Wieringa, 1985). Tensions among organizations arose around the issue o f polygamy, and the rights to divorce and co-education. The most radical women’s organization was Istri Sedar (Women o f Consciousness) which did not want to compromise on these specific issues. Even though their members were mostly middle-class women (the same as other Nationalist groups at the time), they were deeply concerned with the social conditions R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 51] === 31 o f proletarian women. However, because o f the political climate o f the struggle for independence, the women’s congress, a coalition o f all Indonesian w om en’s organizations at that time, declared in 1932, after hearing a plea by the nationalist leadership, that Indonesian women should be committed first o f all to the struggle for national independence (Suryocondro,1984). Despite this declaration, Istri Sedar and the women’s wing o f the Sarekat Rakyat (people’s union) were two groups which persisted in being active on w om en’s rights issues, criticizing the Dutch colonial government, and at the same time calling attention to the proletariat’s struggle for better conditions (Weiringa, 1985). During the Japanese occupation (1942-1945), all women’s organizations were banned and replaced by the Japanese military occupation government-founded women’s organization, the Fujinkai (Women/Wives organization). The membership o f this organization was compulsory for every wife o f a civil servant, and members were supposed to help their husbands, the country (meaning the Japanese rulers), and the poor and illiterate by doing social work (Vreede-de Steurs, 1960; Dobbin, 1980; Suryocondro, After the proclamation o f Indonesian independence in 1945, women were granted the same legal and political rights as men. At the same time the wom en’s movement increasingly disintegrated into separate groups which were frequently tied to m en’s political parties and other organizations as w om en’s wings. 1950, new wom en’s organization was formed and called R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. the === [PDF page 52] === 32 Gerwis/Gerakan Wanita Sadar (Movement o f Conscious Women), which was in fact a new version o f the old Istri Sedar (Women o f Consciousness) organization. Four years later, this organization decided to join the Communist Party (P.K.I.) and change its name to Gerwani/Gerakan Wanita Indonesia (literally, The Indonesian W om en’s M ovement). The decision was made in order for Gerwani to be able to reach out to proletarian women. As was the case with the pre-war Istri Sedar group, Gerwani maintained an active interest in issues o f concern to both middle-class and proletarian women. These included demanding marriage law and heavy penalties in cases o f rape and child abductions, as well as issues o f land reform, women’s right to own land, and the implementation o f labor laws giving women equal wages and protection against sexual harassment. The group also founded a pilot project in which a day care center to help working mothers was organized (See Weiringa, 1985).2 These issues, almost all o f which are very much at the core o f what is today characterized as the "western" feminist agenda, became the basis for much activity which constituted the character o f Gerwani, the most prominent Indonesian left-feminist organization prior to 1965. The Stigmatization o f Left Feminists 1965 was an important year in the history o f Indonesia. It was the year in which the military took control o f the state from the civilian government. It also marked the 2 Gerwani, in its later years did not emphasize the issue o f polygamy as one o f its major programs. According to Wieringa, this was due to the fact that close ties existed between Gerwani and President Sukarno, who was a practicing polygamist. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 53] === 33 beginning o f a new economic development plan which opened the door for massive investment by foreign capital. The beginning o f this "New Order" was also marked by the brutal massacre by the military and allied groups of Communist Party members as well as many others who happened to be suspects for one reason or another. These killings were followed by the repression o f all left-wing and progressive ideas. 1965 was also a year which ultimately led to the stigmatization of the feminist movement.3 The Communist Party and its related organizations were accused o f responsibility for the killing o f six generals4 and one adjutant on the night o f September 30th, 1965. The bodies o f these "generals" were found in a well in Lubang Buaya (Crocodile Hole -- the name o f a village on the periphery o f Jakarta) days after the abduction. As soon as the military was able to take control, news reports began to come out asserting that members o f the Communist Party and its related organizations were conducting a 3 Non-government women’s groups have again started to give voice to feminist issues since the 1980’s. In 1983 a woman’s group called "YASANTI or Yayasan Anisah Swasti (The Foundation o f Conscious Women) was formed. It works for and with women workers in the service, industrial and agricultural sectors. Another major feminist group also formed in the capital city, Jakarta. Calling themselves KALYANAMITRA (Good Friend for Women), this group undertakes research, publishes a tabloid and organizes work-shops. In 1987, a women’s group even calling themselves GERAKAN KESADARAN WANITA (Movement o f Women Consciousness) was formed and organized a protest in Salatiga, Central Java. The protest was in solidarity, with and against the persecution o f a battered woman who had killed her abusive husband. 4 In Indonesia, the victims o f this violence are called "Tujuh Pahlawan Revolusi” (Seven Heroes o f the revolution). Although only six o f them were generals and one was an adjutant, they are known collectively as "the seven generals." R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 54] === 34 training camp in the same area, thus laying the blame for the deaths of the generals primarily on the shoulders o f these groups. The communists were quickly portrayed as brutal murderers. The Gerwani women, more than anyone else, were subject to vicious media attacks in which they were portrayed as "immoral, sexually perverted, and castrating whores." Newspapers printed horror stories relating how Gerwani members were dancing naked around the dead bodies o f the "generals," with each o f the young girls supposedly having been given a razor blade with which they allegedly slashed the generals and chopped off their genitals. The street graffiti Gerwani Cabo! (Gerwani are Whores!) began to appear in big letters all over Indonesia (See May, 1976; Wieringa, 1985; Anderson, 1988). The Indonesian W omen’s Congress, which historically was the national body representing all wom en’s organizations in Indonesia, was paralyzed for years, since Gerwani representatives held many o f its important positions prior to 1965. Most of the Gerwani members were jailed and died in the killing. Gerwani’s name itself was erased from the official history of the women’s movement in Indonesia as though it had never existed. A new women’s organization was promoted by the government called Dharma Wanita (The Duty o f Women) in which membership is not voluntary: every wife o f a civil servant and every woman who works as a civil servant has to become a member. The structure and hierarchy o f this organization are parallel to the hierarchical structure existing in the w om en’s husbands’ offices. It is in fact a second Fujinkai, inheriting the structure o f the w om en’s organization set up by the Japanese military occupation R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 55] === 35 government. The ideology o f "good women equal good wives and mothers" is reinforced by the state, via Dharma Wanita and its programs (Wieringa, 1988). Fear o f Castration and Borrowed Images The use o f sexual images and the propaganda about the castration o f the seven generals was done deliberately to discredit and arouse public anger toward the Communist Party and more specifically toward the left-feminist organizations associated with it. The propaganda o f the military state made "whores" o f the left feminists who were the most active in the struggle for women’s rights, and the distinction between the label o f "whore" and Gerwani became blurred. The most important point o f this case is not just the attempt to silence any opposition to authority, which applies not only to women’s groups, but rather the images that were constructed to stigmatize women activists. The images in question here were those of Gerwani members dancing naked around a camp fire, and the act o f castrating the six general and one adjutant. Even the dance itself, according to the media at the time, was called Tarian Bunga Harum (Dance o f Fragrant Flowers). All o f these represented the left feminist activists as not only cold-blooded, but also offered very specific negative images o f women. If the stories o f the female brutal murderers is fabricated and the filmed "evidence" o f the Gerwani women was produced in prison with them forced to act it R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 56] === 36 out after they were arrested and badly tortured (see Wieringa, 1988), then where is the image o f female castrator and those "immoral" women dancing naked around a camp fire coming from, culturally speaking? Legends and folktales from Indonesia do not traditionally possess such images of women. Malin Kundang, a story from West Sumatra tells a tale about the curse o f a suffering mother. When her only son returns home after a long absence during which he has become a wealthy merchant, she goes to the harbor to greet him. Embarrassed in front o f his wife, the son disowns his mother. She then turns him and his whole ship into a stone. The most feared woman in Javanese legend is a super-natural being called Nyai Loro Kidul. There are two different interpretations o f who this woman is. According to the first, she is the first general o f another supernatural being, Ratu Kidul (The Queen Goddess o f Java’s Southern Sea). She is belived to have an army of demons and strange creatures and to be able to harm everybody on the southern coast o f Java. She can supposedly make people mute, disappear or lose consciousness and become mentally ill whenever she and her army pass through a certain area. The second story about her holds that she was a person in ancient times who lost her beauty. The only way to gain it back is by living under the sea. She is believed to be a very vengeful and meanspirited character who could harm anyone, though her spite is primarily directed towards all handsome young m en who go swimming in the southern sea. She is said to enjoy kidnapping them and forcing them to live under the sea, while subjecting them to cruel R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 57] === 37 treatment. Although the legend o f Nyai Loro Kidul represents a woman who is somewhat sexually frustrated and lustful, powerful yet vengeful to men, none of what she could do to humankind involves a graphic description o f her either as castrator or as dancing naked around a camp fire. The only image that is remotely close to this description would be the western representation o f women witches. Thus the representation o f the Gerwani women through the media and orally from one person to the next is a relatively new image for women in the Indonesian cultural context. W hether or not the Indonesian Communist Party was involved in the killing o f the generals and the attempted coup is not the point; what is important to note is that feminist activists since that time have been subject to two labels at the same time: For a conference on women workers in Indonesia in 1982,1 had organized the only panel with an actual woman factory worker to come and talk about working conditions in her work place. Among other things, she specifically described a case o f sexual harassment, in which a foreman forced her fellow worker to hold his genitals. Immediately after the panel, I was in the ladies room when I overheard a woman describe me and the women from the same panel as: "Masak ada perempuan nyebut alat kemaluan laki-laki di seminar, memalukan. Lihat saja dandannya, rambutnya pada diurai kayak pelacur saja, anak-anak ini mengingatkan saya pada Gerwani!" R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 58] === 38 "How could a woman even mention male genitalia in a seminar, it is shameless. Look at their appearance, they have their hair down just like prostitutes, these kids remind me o f the Gerwani." The woman who was disgusted by "these young feminists" was from an older generation, who knows about Gerwani and who also knows what happened to its members (many o f whom were killed and sentenced to years o f prison). Her remark was both an act o f belittling (read: a reminder that a woman should not cross certain boundaries) and a political threat (read: a remainder o f what had happened to the Gerwani members during the 1965 massacre). A garment factory manager in Jakarta once told me o f his trouble with one o f his workers, a woman; "Yang satu ini ngeyel3 orangnya, ada bakat bikin kacau. Kalau nggak pelacur ya Gerwani. Pokoknya susah diatur" "This particular woman is bitchy, I sensed she could be a trouble maker. If she is not a prostitute she must be a Gerwani. W hatever she is, it’s just hard to get her to behave in an orderly way." As has been noted, feminists are often called bad girls or whores (Paterson, 1983; Overall, 1992; Than-Dam, 1989). However the ideology o f women’s 5 Ngeyel is a Javanese term which means hardheaded, stubborn or bitchy for women. Sometimes it is translated as nagging. I myself would rather translate it as "bitchy", since the term involves the connotation o f persisting until one gets something or some answer. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 59] === 39 subordination, effected through the representation o f what constitutes "bad" women, is not a stable category and is constantly reconstructed. The same holds true for the resistance towards such categories. The state, as the actor which holds the power o f imposing this ideology, is often in contradiction with itself. An example of this is the way in which the New Order government on the one hand promotes and accentuates the double roles o f women in the home and as productive agents in the economic development plan, while on the other strongly emphasizing the need to discipline women to be "good" mothers and wives. In the case o f women who have had to work abroad, in particular, these messages seem to clash. This case reveals how such images are subject to subordination and reevaluation according to context since for wives and mothers who had to work in another country, far away from home the question o f whether or not they perform their familial duties is not being asked. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 60] === CHAPTER 3: NATIONAL AND LOCAL POLICY ON PROSTITUTION IDEOLOGY, POVERTY AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION "Those who make a living from, or are in the habit of purposefully organizing, or who make adulterous conduct possible are liable to sixteen months in prison or a fine." (K.U.H.P. "Criminal Code" article 296) "Prostitution as a means o f economic subsistence is incompatible with the 1945 Constitution, the state’s ideology, and any religion, and it is an obstacle to the development o f a national identity." (Ministry o f Social Welfare, 1975) "W.T.S. or Wanita Tuna Susila, ("woman o f low moral character" — or immoral women ~ the formal term for prostitute) is a woman who, with or without expectation o f receiving payment, has sexual intercourse outside marriage and makes it a habit regardless o f moral considerations." (Ministry of Social Welfare, Republic o f Indonesia, 1975) "It is desirable that clients should: 1) keep in mind that W.T.S. (prostitutes) are human beings just like everyone else, but who are still in a weaker position both economically and morally 2) point out and help with endeavors whose goal is the hastening o f the process o f rehabilitation 3) always show proper respect toward the W.T.S. (Rules o f Discipline and Order for SILIR WTS Complex 1967 signed by the mayor o f Surakarta, Military Commander (KODAM) o f Surakarta, and Department o f 40 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 61] === 41 Government policy concerning prostitution in Indonesia has always been one o f tolerance, even when it has been declared by the law to be illegal. Female prostitutes, according to the existing legal-criminal code, are not perceived as conducting activities against the law. Prostitution is against the law, but the women themselves are not subject to criminal prosecution for prostituting themselves. However, the formal definition o f prostitutes as Wanita Tuna Susila (women o f low moral character) includes women who do not make a living from sexual services. Secondly, although the economic necessity o f women who work as prostitutes is recognized, the blame o f obstructing the development o f "national identity" remains on the women’s shoulders, and clients (in this case men) are comprehended as those who are in power to help these "poor and morally weak" women. Those are the positions o f the state on prostitution. Contradictory as they may seem to be, they are ideologically consistent. This chapter provides an account o f the development o f the modem institution o f prostitution in Indonesia from 1850 to the present. It focuses on the continuities and disjunctures between the colonial and post-colonial eras, by examining the following questions: What are the processes that explain such contradictory policies? Why and how has the toleration policy been justified and rationalized? How far does the double standard of morality help explain gender politics? Why is prostitution defined by the state in terms o f poverty? R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 62] === 42 The Colonial Era: Race, Gender and Sex Prostitution in Indonesia undeniably existed before the colonial encounter. Ledek and Rongeng dancers, Waning waitresses,1 and to some extent concubinage took part in some o f the unorganized traditional forms o f commercial prostitution. However, historical studies note that the spread of commercially organized brothels dramatically increased when the colony was opened to private capital (Engleson, 1986). Shortly before then, in 1852, the colonial government enacted regulations to control prostitution. Regulation was perceived as a necessary step to control the spread of venereal disease and most o f all to maintain the health and hygiene o f military personnel. Every female prostitute was required to register and undergo a regular examination, which was carried out by the colonial government’s medical officers (Engleson, 1986; Hesselink, 1987). Despite the conspicuous rationale in producing such regulation, (i.e., the colonial government did not morally condemn prostitution in the colony, rather it emphasized the question of hygiene) a different moral standard was applied toward the people o f the colony. The colonial government’s discourse on prostitution in the colony was dominated by the notion that prostitution in the colony was a "necessary evil." Hot climate, spicy food and the "different" sex drives o f the indigenous men and women were the reasons cited. Studies also note colonial officials’ remarks about how women 1 W aning are small, low key diners, with women working in dual roles as both waitresses and prostitutes. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 63] === 43 in some ethnic groups have the tendency to become prostitutes because they are lustful o f beautiful sarongs and jewelry. Other reports show a romantic view o f how prostitutes in Java had a higher social status and were not as depraved as their European counterparts (Engleson, 1986; Hesselink, 1987). Still, whether or not prostitution was morally acceptable, the regulation benefitted the colonial government and private capital by insuring "disease-free soldiers and coolies." Sixty years later, this regulation was abolished, prostitution regulations became the responsibility o f the regional government, not the colonial, and it was considered a police matter. In 1913, under pressure by abolitionist groups in the Netherlands, the Nationalist party and it is women’s group in Java, the colonial legal-criminal codes (i.e., the Napoleonic penal codes) were introduced. In them, laws against the exploitation o f women in prostitution were introduced. Brothel prostitution became illegal by condeming the exploitation aspects o f the sex trade and making it illegal to profit from prostituting women, young girls, and boys (Engleson, 1986; Hesselink, 1987; Ming, 1983; Soedjono, 1977). During this time, licenses were given to brothels disguised, as entertainment houses or restaurants and coffee shops. However, charges against managers o f hotels which operated for prostitution purposes were often dismissed rather then prosecuted (Hesselink, 1986:207). Brothel kampungs (urban neighborhood) continued to operate, and for a while street walkers were untouched. Rhetoric against prostitution continued to be voiced by the Nationalist Party and w om en’s groups. Prostitution became the symbol o f ultimate suffering from the colonial R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 64] === 44 oppressors and exploitation not just o f women but the mother earth o f the whole archipelago. In 1920 the Regional and municipal councils introduced a new law against street soliciting (Engleson, 1986; Soedjono, 1977). The "doctrine o f prostitution as a necessary evil, particularly in the colony" collapsed, particularly when the growth o f street prostitution became too obvious at the beginning o f the economic depression. The growth o f street walker prostitution was too "offensive to the sensibility o f both European and indigenous elites" (Engleson, 1986:132). Municipal government, therefore, was given the right to create its own policy, and since then prostitution has been a police matter. W orking as a prostitute on the street became illegal. This was true even for those prostitutes who were working independently, and were not directly exploited by pimps or madams. Under the municipal government regulations, street prostitutes in many cities were fined or jailed, but the most common castigation was to be sent back to one’s home village (Engleson, 1986). In comparison, the regulation to register and have a medical check up, with the possibility of being sent to one of the special hospitals built because o f the regulations, was more invasive in prostitutes’ lives than the criminal code. The second existing law concerning prostitution was included within the colonial government’s criminal code. It replaced the first one and was against the exploitation o f prostitutes on moral grounds, but not against female prostitutes themselves, reflecting the same perspective that prostitution was a necessary evil as long ‘it did not involve’ exploitation, and it R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 65] === 45 was not too costly to administer or to keep venereal disease under control. While the criminal code was still valid, the regional government introduced another approach to prostitution; it criminalized street walkers for reasons o f morality. However, whether or not the criminal code was being implemented depended on the criminal justice system. In most societies, prostitution has always been linked with corruption, bribery, and direct or indirect relations with either the police, the military or both. After the colonial regional and municipal councils gave the job o f handling street soliciting to regional governments, which was contrary to the criminal codes, police raids against street walker prostitution were more likely.2 Undoubtedly, individual female street prostitutes were more vulnerable in front o f the criminal justice system than the owners o f hotels or other covert prostitution establishments. All the while, brothels kampimgs (urban neighborhoods) also existed under the control and informal regulation o f local authorities such as in Surabaya and Bandung (see Hesselink, 1986; Engleson, 1986). Post Colonial: Class, Gender and Sex After Indonesian independence (1945) and sovereignty (1949) the colonial legal- 2 Based on archival data, Hesselink wrote that an official o f the Dutch for combating the traffic o f women and children found cases against hotel owners in Medan were dismissed instead o f being prosecuted (1987;207). Engleson found that the act against street walker prostitutes were strongly applied in Javanese cities, "it provide the local court with much business" (1986; 132). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 66] === 46 criminal code was, with some exceptions, adopted and continued to be used with the name o f K.JJ.H.P. (Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana or Criminal Code) which later was revised into K.U.H.A.P. Articles 296,297, and 506, against the exploitation aspects o f prostitution, are among those that were still valid. The right to regulate prostitution locally was not removed while the Indonesian government waited for the new national law on prostitution to be processed. P.P.5, tahun 58 (Presidential Decree No.5, 1958) regulated the right o f local authorities (municipal government) to contend with "immorality" (kemaksiatan) issues in the region. The same decree also made the Department o f Social Welfare the institution responsible in the matter (Departemen Sosial, 1975c). Under this regulation local government had the right to introduce local law concerning prostitution, while the Department o f Social Welfare was to solve the prostitution problem. In 1957, in Central Java, Semarang's and Surakarta’s regional legislatures passed local laws against any type of prostitution. Street soliciting, brothel prostitution, rendezvous houses, and men and women prostituting themselves became illegal under local law. Four years later, the Mayor o f Surakarta/Solo ordered a new decision to specify that a village named Silir was to be an exception from the 1957 regulations. It was argued that law was unable to eliminate prostitution. So, since city brothels would not disappear, however strong the law was, the unwanted effects o f prostitution on the society at large remained to be dealt with. Rather then trying to abolish prostitution without being able to achieve that goal completely, it was argued that it would be more R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 67] === 47 effective to control the hazards o f venereal disease and to provide education and "rehabilitation" programs for the prostitutes. Silir became the first Daerah Lokalisasi (designated brothels location) in Indonesia. It was built on the fringe o f the city (at the time) in the middle o f a wetland rice field that separated it from the rest o f society. By this time, although the criminal code was still valid, inside the Silir complex, pimps, brothel owners, and procurers worked under the "guidance" o f the m ayor’s office. With the idea o f building an isolated village o f brothels came the consequence that any prostitution business outside that location became illegal. In practice only street walker prostitutes were those most likely to be referred to such a location, not prostitutes in the "high class" prostitution network. What is interesting in the Surakarta/Solo case is that the mayor, and the m ayor’s office for social welfare, along with the Military District officer (Komandan Kodim) provided, six years later, a special regulation on how the Silir complex should be run. This included how visitors (read; male clients) should behave; "Every guest/client has to keep in their mind that first; W.T.S.3 are human beings, like everybody else, who happen to have lower status morally and economically; second, they are to help the prostitute complete the "rehabilitation" process faster and more smooth; and third, they are to treat the prostitutes with decent respect." 3 Wanita Tuna Susila (women with low moral character or immoral women) is one o f the New Order Government phenomenon in language. Abbreviated term such as in M ilitary code. Looking at government documents, 1967 was the first time when this term was used. Before that date, officials used Pelacur (prostitutes) and Pelacuran (prostitution). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 68] === 48 One thing clear is that even though the authorities acknowledged that female prostitutes deserve "decent respect" like everybody else, it was still the prostitutes who were considered morally poor, and their clients were assumed to be able to help them to "rehabilitate" themselves. Secondly, even though one o f the two purposes in developing the Silir village o f brothels was to control venereal disease (assumed to be spread by prostitution only) there was no specification in writing about what kind o f program should be established to control venereal disease. Semarang (Also in Central Java) in 1966 also authorized Sunan Kuning, an urbanized periphery at the time located 7 kilometers from the center o f the city, to be the daerah lokalisasi. The city appointed a team from offices o f Religious Affairs, Social Welfare and Health Care, along with the police department to regulate the brothels, and then called the localization program kebijaksanaan pemerintah (government policy). The program contained: First, a registration card and attached to it another card showing the regular penicillin injection administered by the municipality (Alam, 1984). Operating the same way in Solo/Surakarta and other daerah lokalisasi, the program for controlling venereal diseases often only meant weekly penicillin injections. In Jakarta, in 1970, the governor ordered a planning program to build a location for brothel prostitution. The first item on the agenda was to form a team for "the resocialization program for prostitutes. Members o f the team were from the Governor’s offices o f Public Order (Direktorat 11/Ketertiban D K I Jakarta), Social Welfare R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 69] === 49 (Direktorat Kesejahteraan Rakyat D K I Jakarta) Health Care, and Religious Affairs. The Governors were also ordered to settle the swampy land on the northern side o f Jakarta which belonged to the country and was used by "illegal settlers." It was clearly formulated that the location should be incorporated into city planning, and the brothels’ owners were to build at their own expense. As for the "resocialization program" within the complex, the team was to provide vocational training and a consultation office, and send those who had achieved consciousness (sudah sadar) to other reform institutions outside the brothel location. The means to achieve "resocialization" was by marrying them off, sending them back to their families, or sending them to some occupational project (Suku Dinas Sosial Jakarta Utara, n.d.). A year later, the governor ordered all brothels in the northern part o f Jakarta to be closed and moved to the new appointed site. The governor also constructed the Panti Pendidikan Wanita (Institution for women’s education), the first one in Jakarta, as the center o f rehabilitation programs for the prostitutes. The financing for the institute was partly the responsibility of the government and partly depended upon the chair o f the Panti Pendidikan, who was to raise some funding from brothel owners. This plan materialized in 1972 and the localised brothels area was built in Kramat Tunggak on 20 acres o f land (Suku Dinas Sosial Jakarta Utara, n.d.). After the plan was settled on, the office o f Northern Jakarta’s mayor furnished a letter of regulation concerning the order and discipline in this localized brothels area. The letter regulated 1) who could live at the location; 2) the registration o f every R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 70] === 50 brothel’s owner (Germo or Mucikari) and every prostitute; 3) discipline and orderly conduct, 4) The curriculum o f resocialization courses, including literacy classes ranging between six months and a year, 5) that Germo had to be kind and not exploit the prostitutes who worked for them, 6) the agreement of profit between the brothel owners and his/her prostitutes had to be approved by the team’s officials, 7) clients had to respect prostitutes as human beings who happened to be weaker in their economic and moral status, 8) the Team ’s officials could enter every house in the area at anytime, and 9) concerning health care, every prostitute had to go into the penicillin injection program, and have their blood tested (Suku Dinas Sosial DKI Jakarta, n.d.). The m ayor’s office o f Social Welfare (Dinas Sosiat) took the responsibility o f appointing the "management team" at the designated brothel location, despite the fact that the criminal-legal Code condemned those who made the prostitution act possible, and that the D.P.R. (regional people’s representatives) strongly argued against any type o f legalization o f prostitution. However, not every city has designated and licensed brothels areas, but they do have prostitution complexes. Also, a city might have one localization site as in Jakarta, and other prostitution complexes outside the designated area as well. The involvement of both the military and the local police was varied from one city to another, depending on the status o f its prostitution sites. In Surakarta/Solo, for example, the chief o f military district (Kodim), was one o f the three parties who signed the regulations for maintaining order in Silir localization site in 1967. It was Dinas R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 71] === 51 Keamanan (office for order, maintenance, and stability) o f the Jakarta governor’s office which was involved in the planning o f Kramat Tunggak. In 1974, two years after it had been in operation, in the revised edition o f peraturan ketertiban di daerah lokalisasi (regulations o f order maintenance within the localization site), the mayor o f Northern Jakarta classified the role o f the police as the chief o f the security team, and the local military chief as the assistant. What is clear in these three cases is that local authorities, the mayors, the governor or the local assembly (D.P.R.D.), did not admit that designating a location for prostitution was an act o f legalizing and regulating prostitution. Rather, they saw it as a necessary step toward reducing the need for prostitution (See Soedjono, 1977, Krisna, 19794). However, Daerah Lokalisasi did not differ materially from regulating prostitution. It gave licenses to brothels owners, registered every women who worked as a prostitute, administered a medical examination5, and set up some rules involving brothel owners, prostitutes, and clients. Additionally, the Indonesian state, through the Department o f Social Welfare, did not acknowledge such policy as "legalizing prostitution", rather prostitution was "officially tolerated" (see Soedjono, 1977: 49-65; 4 Both writers characterized the state, in this case the regional municipalities’ policy in designating brothels location, as "tolerated" prostitution as opposed to legalizing and regulating the institution. 5 Medical examination in practice is replaced by weekly penicillin injection, not by medical doctors but more likely (since medical check-ups and services o f medical doctors are too costly) by local paramedic. For example in Kramat Tunggak, Jakarta; Kermil, Surabaya, Program Wanita Binaan in Bandungan, and Kompleks Sanggrahan, Yogyakarta. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 72] === 52 Alam, 1982:99). Could the rationale behind this acceptance o f prostitution by the regional government, based on the "necessary evil" doctrine, be the same rationale that was accepted by the colonial state before 1913? First, the argument o f controlling the spread o f both prostitution and venereal disease suggests that it was better to control rather than to try to eliminate prostitution, is the same hygienic argument. However, the "otherness" has changed from the representation o f the "native" to "those women who are economically and morally poor." Female prostitutes within licensed complexes in the eyes o f local authorities are those who are "economically and morally weaker than their male clients", and that the male clients are those who are in the position o f helping to elevate them from prostitution. W hile the Dutch colonial officials claimed that the indigenous female prostitutes were cultural and raciaiiy "different", the current government affirms that not only are they poor and uneducated, but also morally and mentally weak. Thus, while it is "legal" (or rather, in the Indonesian context "tolerated") to work inside daerah lokalisasi, in the sense that one would not be prosecuted like those who work on the street, female prostitutes are still stigmatized and regarded as subordinate in front o f not only the bureaucrats and the police or military involved in "managing" the location, but also their clients. The way in which daerah lokalisasi is structured resembles an ordinary neighborhood. The location is divided into several neighborhood units (Rukun Tetangga, R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 73] === 53 abbreviated as R.T.), in which every brothel is treated as one household, with the male brothel owner as the head o f the household, even if the mother or wife is more active in running the house than the husband. Every R.T. also has a chief and vice chief, secretary and treasurer. Brothel owners are more likely to obtain such ‘leadership’ position. Prostitutes, whose status is subordinate (anak buah), do not have any voice in the decision making process, let alone the right to attend an R.T. meeting, except when called for pengarahan (guidance) or when there is problem or new package o f educational talks, health policies or religious lectures. Organizationally, brothel owners in daerah lokalisasi are well implanted into the structure of the state bureaucracy. No formal independent prostitutes organization exists and no meetings without the presence of local authorities and brothel owners are allowed. There are many brothel complexes in existence outside o f the localization sites in cities such as Jakarta, Semarang, Solo/Surakarta and Jogyakarta. Surabaya is an example where all o f their brothel complexes are not classified as daerah lokalisasi6. That such places exist is not necessarily unknown to the authorities either, rather they have a different kind o f arrangement either with the police or the military or both, and 6 During m y study (1988-1989) the city o f Surabaya was considering the possibility o f moving the existing brothels which spread out in Njarak, Tambak Asri, Dolly, and Bangun Rejo-Bangun Sari, all to a new location in Tandem, a border outside the city, the way Jakarta and Semarang did with Kramat Tunggak and Sunan Kuning. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 74] === 54 with the acknowledgment o f local government at the lowest level (this could be in the level o f kelurahan or kecamatan or Kabupaten). One o f the classic examples o f such an arrangement is requiring a permit from the local police and local government to set up a coffee house (waning kopi), which hires a certain number o f women to work in it. In some places like Dolly, and Surabaya, brothels also served as a bar, the original permit, or which, was to built a Warung. In Njarak, Surabaya, a brothel owner had to have a framed letter o f permit signed by the Tripida (Tripartite o f Regional leadership of military, police, and civilians from the local municipal government) in their living room where they received prospective clients. Such a letter can only be acquired by paying a certain amount o f money specified by the authorities. The Fallen Women: Poor and Pathological In 1969, the Ministry of Social Welfare commissioned a survey to study prostitution as a social problem in Jakarta. The survey was part o f the process to produce new legislation (perundang-undangan) on prostitution. Contrary to the local government localization projects, the Department o f Social Welfare wanted a new law on prostitution to replace the legal-criminal code’s articles, which were not compatible with the modem Indonesian state. The Department o f Social Welfare declared that R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 75] === 55 prostitution would not be legalized in Indonesia (Departemen Sosial R.I., 1969). The study, which was conducted mainly by psychologists and criminologists, resulted in some findings concerning the psychological aspects that drive women into prostitution. O f their sample fell 48% into this so-called "psychological problem" category, which included divorce, feeling hurt from polygamous practices, and suffering from a broken heart, while 35% showed obvious economic rationale, i.e. hardship in life and unemployment. Only 1% showed the cause as biological drive. (Dhakidae, 1976; Departemen Sosial RI, 1969). It is striking that divorce and the result o f polygamy were viewed as psychological factors rather then economic ones, since both could also mean that the women had to be more responsible economically for themselves and their children. However, the Department o f Social Welfare concluded that the psychological aspects were the most important factor causing women to enter prostitution and the economic aspect was second (Departemen Sosial, 1969:39). Prostitution accordingly was "a multiple complex social pathological problem", therefore the proposed solution was instituting a Rehabilitation Center. While new legislation was not immediately adopted, the idea "rehabilitation" programs did spread throughout the country. Rehabilitation Centers are administered by a special bureau to rehabilitate not only female prostitutes, but also those considered "Tuna Sosial" ("socially weak" citizens), which includes beggars, street people or gelandangan, runaway adolescents, drug abusers and ex-criminals (Departemen Sosial, 1975a, 1975c; 1976). The difference between rehabilitation centers and daerah lokalisasi, is, first, in the rehabilitation centers R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 76] === 56 the women did not come voluntarily, rather they were forced to go, and second, they did not continue working during their stay in the center. Some o f the programs are the same except that in the rehabilitation centers the projects channeled them after a certain period o f time. Rehabilitation centers, administered by the Department o f Social Welfare, included what was called the social, mental, and physical rehabilitation and channeling program (Departemen Sosial, 1975a). Thus, besides all the curriculum to transform prostitutes into "morally good women," there were also programs that endeavored to provide a way to make them "socially acceptable people." The programs channeled them into being housemaids or servants, bus conductors (kondektur bis), or garment industry workers. Secondly, by request of the prostitute, the program could also send her back to her family. The data from 7 rehabilitation centers from 1969 to 1975 show the following "successes": Among 3,843 women, 1,620 were sent back to their home village, 879 went back to their families, 384 worked as laborers, 195 worked independently, 579 were married off by the project, 195 were married off and were sent by the transmigration project to other islands outside o f Java (Departemen Sosial, 1976). However, there are some shortcomings that arise from what is called channeling in the rehabilitation center’s programs. Sending prostitutes back to the home village and going back to the family did not necessarily mean that they were not coming back to work as prostitutes again. What appeared to be a family member who picked them up R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 77] === 57 from the center could also have been a "protector", or pimp, who helped them get out o f the center.7 Corruption and bribery, as a result o f the low wages o f government employees, are not at all new to Indonesia (Thoolen ed. 1987). The purpose of "coupling" (marrying them of) was to get the new couple into the "transmigration program."8 The marriages were arranged between female prostitutes apprehended in police raids and gelandangan (street people) men, who were also detained in similar raiding operations, and placed in similar programs i.e. Rehabilitasi Tuna Sosial (the Rehabilitation for the asosial citizen). Rehabilitation centers, even without explicit direction from the project proposals, concentrated their efforts on street walker prostitutes, which were the poorest prostitutes. The way in which prostitutes came to the center was by the use o f repression ("tindakan repressive antara lain dengan menangkap para tuna susila dengan jalan razia"); street walkers were apprehended through a special raiding operation. Such raids were initiated by the Department o f Social Welfare, not the local police office. The program to "rehabilitate" female prostitutes from the lower class in Java in 7 A local informal leader in Kampung Sawah, Jakarta (during my research on squatter settlement in 1981) in my interview told me that one o f his roles in the community was to help the women prostitutes who were apprehended and sent to Pondok Bambu Rehabilitation center. "They (the officials) know me very well, sometimes I don’t even have to make up any story anymore. I just told them that these women need to make a living. Their families are waiting for any cash they send to the village" (interview with Pak H). 8 Transmigration project is a government program to relocate those who are poor and landless from the overpopulated Java to outer islands. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 78] === 58 the late sixties, Sumatra in late seventies, and Kalimantan in the eighties was performed by a special bureau to ‘rehabilitate’ not only prostitutes but also other "asocial citizens" (Tuna Sosial). Female prostitutes, by definition o f the Ministry o f Social Welfare, were classified as the same rank as beggars, gelandangan, and runaway adolescents who became drug addicts. This shows that the Ministry o f Social W elfare’s deliberate definition o f W.T.S as immoral women, and its consideration o f who was a prostitute at all, are those female prostitutes who are economically poor, like beggars and gelandangan (homeless or street people). Female prostitutes entered such institutions by force; through police raids or razzia. Such police raids were usually carried out by a special team o f the police force, under supervision o f a special working team from the police department, the regional office o f the Ministry o f Social Welfare, and sometimes the regional military office, and the regional office o f the Ministry o f Health. The involvement o f the latter depended on regional government decision. In Jakarta, Dhakidae notes from 1969 up to 1976 the average number o f such "razzia" could be about 200 a year (1976)9. "Classes" o f Female Prostitutes 9 Raids or razzia against street walker prostitutes, also called operasi (operation), each time was given a different title such as operasi sadar (operation repent), operasi sapujagat (operation earth cleanup), operasi wibawa (operation prestige), operasi kupukupu (operation butterfly), operasi Ramadhan (operation holy month). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 79] === 59 Traditional criminological studies on prostitution tend to classify prostitution on the basis of the way in which it is operated - covert, and overt, organized and unorganized prostitution (see Soedjono, 1977; Kalyanamitra, 1985). Conceptions and the popular language define female prostitutes into the "high", "middle" and "lower" class. Partodidjojo classifies the "high-class" female prostitutes as those who operate in "high-class" hotels, restaurants and coffee shops. Women in the "high-class" might have regular jobs, might have their own homes, might live with their husbands and families and "be prostitutes" only when called to have clients. The "middle-class" female prostitutes are those who operate in small hotels, motels, or brothels. Both the high and the middle "class", according to Partodidjojo, have a better awareness about venereal disease and are less likely to transmit it. The "lower-class" prostitutes according to him, are those who wander on the public streets and operate in slum brothels on the fringes of the city. "Lower-class" prostitutes cater to the urban poor, laborers, petty traders and becak's (pedicab) drivers (Partodidjojo, 1960 cited in Soedjono, 1977). Partodidjojo’s classification however, oversimplifies the connection between the hazards o f venereal disease to customers and the "class" o f female prostitutes; this directly or indirectly resulted in the penicillin injections practices in daerah lokalisasi. And while it is true that the definition o f "classes" in prostitution is determined by the prices o f sexual service and the clients’ economic ability, it is also true that women from poorer economic backgrounds (peasant origins with limited formal education) tend R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 80] === 60 to fall into the "lower" level o f prostitution, and women from better economic backgrounds have more chances to work covertly in expensive hotels and restaurants. Finally, although the terms high-class prostitute (pelacur kelas tinggi) and lower class prostitute (pelacur kelas rendahan) are more o f a popular taxonomy, this categorization could be useful in analyzing the ways in which legal sanctions on prostitution are contradictory in Indonesia, and how different ideological constructions apply to these different "classes." Ideology and The State: Fantasy and Fear To summarize the colonial official policies toward prostitution, first the colonial discourse revolved around the issue o f indigenous people’s sexuality (men and women) by representing them as having a different kind o f sexual appetite. Second, the state’s interests in controlling the spread o f venereal disease coincided with its interests in justifying the colonial arm ies’ sexual needs, and its interests in the control o f labor — for instance on plantations -- by bringing women from other islands as low paid workers who had to then prostitute themselves (see Stoler, 1985). And third, the representation of indigenous women was that they were poor but had a strong desire for beautiful and luxurious material belongings. Thus, prostitution during the colonial era is understood from the point o f view that racially different people have different sexual appetites (the R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 81] === 61 native men and women need a "different kind o f sexual outlet, which might not be the case for European men and women"), and secondly, m en’s need for prostitution (colonial soldiers, laborers, indigenous and European) is biologically innate. On the other hand, although the regulations to register and administer health check-ups for female prostitutes were removed, brothel kampungs continued to operate, but street-walkers were subjected to police arrests. Moreover, the moral rationale behind the campaign against street-walkers, namely, to keep the city free o f the pollution of sexual trading on the street, unintentionally brought a significant degree o f protection for the more organized, expensive and hidden type o f "high class" prostitution. The policy has, in effect, targeted the poorer female street-walkers and their clients, who come, more or less, from the same class background. In post-colonial Indonesia, while awaiting new laws and regulations concerning prostitution, contradictory practices o f the various state apparatuses remained in force. First was the validity o f the K.U.H.P. and K.U.H.A.P. (The Napoleonic Criminal Code) which had not designated female prostitutes as criminal offenders. Opposed to this are the local/regional authorities’ laws against street-walkers, still in use in most cities. A third set o f initiatives involved the designated areas for brothel-prostitution or daerah lokalisasi which were adopted not only by big cities, but which could also be found in medium and small cities. Furthermore, the Department o f Social Welfare also holds a special authority in handling prostitution issues: it administers reform programs and conducts operations to remove street-walkers from the city streets. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 82] === 62 The discourse o f prostitution during the colonial era shifted from tolerating and accommodating the presumed needs o f a "male sexuality" (for soldiers and laborers) which demanded an outlet, measures to protect public hygiene, and the representation o f the biological difference o f the "native-other" in "their" sexual impulses and appetite, to thinking about the moral unacceptability o f "dirty - immoral - poor - female street walkers." The result o f this shift was a move to prevent them from "contaminating" Java’s urban landscape. On the other hand, the independent state of Indonesia (through the Department o f Social Welfare) was eager to replace the Napoleonic code and condemn prostitution as economic subsistence and as an "impediment toward the development o f national identity." Acquisitive sexual services were ideologically feared and strongly castigated, whereas the understanding o f economic needs coalesced with the notion that the act of giving sexual service for money is a pathological phenomenon. Again, the formal term used by the authorities (The Police and the Department o f Social Welfare) for female prostitutes i.e. Wanita Tuna Susila (immoral women) has mainly been used in regulating daerah lokalisasi or street-walkers (W.T.S. kelas jalanan). Furthermore, although the definition of W.T.S. insinuates any women "who engaged in sexual intercourse outside marriage with or without financial reward," daerah lokalisasi projects and rehabilitation centers were only targeting the "lower class" prostitute women — those who were more likely to be seen as "public women." Female prostitutes who are considered morally weak are those who are R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 83] === 63 economically poor and therefore the law was applied only to those in the lowest o f the prostitution "classes." Designated and licensed brothel locations however, which were licensed and controlled by different state institutions, served the need o f privatizing the "public women." The representation o f female prostitutes, as women who were "morally and economically weaker" than their male clients, is ideological in nature. It is a depiction o f the menace both o f women’s sexuality and commercial sex. Similarly the Indonesian state was concerned with "developing national character" and claimed that prostitution was morally wrong, yet it condoned male clients as morally superior, and legitimated the biological arguments o f male superior sexuality. Yet, cognizance of the poverty and economic urgency o f female prostitutes, along with awareness o f the issue of public hygiene, brought regulationist policies in the form o f daerah lokalisasi. The imagining of Indonesia as nation state, therefore, is as a nation without women engaging in sexual relations outside marriage10; and without any evidence on the city streets that there are women making a living from prostitution and doing it for economic survival. The "reality" of female prostitutes during the colonial era is hardly indicative o f any government policy. The only time when public discourse entered the political 10 The definition o f Wanita Tuna Susila (immoral women), although applied to any woman who engaged in sexual intercourse outside marriage, does not however legally apply to non-prostitute women. The state does not actually police every women, rather those who made a living from commercial sex, and even then, they target lower class female prostitutes in particular. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 84] === 64 setting was when the Netherlands’ abolitionist group voiced its concern to repeal the regulations in the Netherlands, and the women’s wing o f the Nationalist party in the colony voiced their concern about the exploitation o f women and girls. Also, both sides represented female prostitutes as victims in the sex-trade, (see Hesselink,1986; Engleson,1986). The need to regulate and produce new national law on prostitution was presented by the department of social welfare with its stand point that prostitution is a social pathology. Thus, while the colonial government constituted its policies based on racial, class and gender ideology, post-colonial Indonesia comprised its policies with class and gender also. Colonial representation of native sexuality, however, was neither simply romanticism nor orientalism. The hygiene concern in the colony was not merely healthrelated but it also served economic interests. Prostitution in the colony was economical. Ann Stoler’s study o f the Sumatran plantation belt during colonial times shows that women were recruited after the discovery o f sodomy among coolies. These women were hired as coolies themselves, but at a very low wage which had to be supplemented by prostitution. Thus, the new recruits served two purposes: they were exploited as cheap labor, playing their role in the production process, and they were exploited sexually and domestically by serving sex and domestic labor to male laborers, and in this way helping to socially reproduce the male workers’ labor power. For the colonial government, therefore, prostitution was important -- whether on the plantation, at the railroad construction site, or the colonial army. Prostitution was economically more R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 85] === 65 rational than supporting families. O f Social Reproduction Feminist theorists are concerned with understanding women’s subordination through both the productive and reproductive roles o f women. Young et al., (1981) offer a detailed way to conceptualize and differentiate between 1) social reproduction, 2) reproduction o f the labor force, and 3) biological or human reproduction. Social reproduction could be explained as the reproduction o f the condition o f social production. The reproduction o f the labor force is seen as the means by which labor is allocated both in the present and future through differing social relations. And the third, human reproduction is the production o f the next generation. In capitalist social formations prostitution has been analyzed in terms o f social reproduction (Stoler, 1985; Hirata Cheng, 1972; White, 1990). As White wrote, "prostitution is a capitalist social relationship...because wage labor is a unique feature o f capitalism" (1990; 11). As part o f labor control, female prostitutes served the reproduction o f low wage o f male labor; this was cheaper than paying for "the comfort of home, wives and family" (Hirata Cheng, 1972; White, 1990). They were also exploited as cheap labor themselves, besides being prostitutes. (Hirata Cheng, 1972; Stoler, 1985). The regulations attempting to control the spread o f venereal diseases were not only necessary, but also economical. Female prostitutes not only served as cheap labor R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 86] === 66 (in the plantation economy), but were also crucial for socially reproducing the male laborer’s labor power. Secondly, for the colonial army, prostitution was economically cheaper than formal marriages, which would result in dependents that the colonial government would have to support. The portrayal o f the sexuality o f the "native-other", with respect to the fear it engendered, was also useful in serving the colonial government’s needs for the social reproduction o f the colonial economy. Designated brothel locations such as Kramat Tunggak in Jakarta and Sunan Kuning in Semarang, served both the migrant workers in the city in reproducing their labor power, but also reproduced the subsistence peasant economy by subsidizing the parents’ income. Furthermore, with a written regulation o f orderly conduct that placed the male client in a superior position, the existing gender hierarchies were reproduced. The communities surrounding Kramat Tunggak and Sunan Kuning complexes since the time they were built have developed rapidly. These daerah lokalisasi created an economy in itself; they provided job opportunities not only to the prostitutes and brothel owners, but also to men and women who made a living from the location. This included parking personnel, security guards, small restaurants or warung makan, door to door food vendors - clothing - shoes - make up -picture taking, laundry service, and massage ladies. In other words, they comprised an economy easily characterized as an informal sector. Both Kramat Tunggak and Sunan Kuning, which were developed in a remote area at the time (early 1970’s), have been relocated to new locations farther away from the city as it grew towards them. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 87] === 67 The next chapter focuses on how with respect to both the state regulations at the national level, and the international relations (in the rhetoric o f tourism and of development), gender ideology and the local authorities stimulate, maintain and control prostitution, yet morally condemn female prostitutes. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 88] === CHAPTER 4: PROSTITUTION AND TOURISM DEVELOPMENT: THREE BROTHEL VILLAGES This chapter explores the development o f three "tourism spots" (Daerah Pariwisata), in light o f the issues just raised, first by showing how the social organization o f prostitution is constituted by the changes in government policy in the areas, and at the same time how prostitution itself changes the local economy; second, by showing how different parties influence, and are influenced by, the change o f the local economy from cash crop production to sexual commerce. The focus is three "resort"1 brothel areas in Java: Samas, Bandungan, and Tretes. I propose that the social reproduction o f female prostitutes in these cases includes the reproduction o f a peasant economy and the postponement o f proletarianization in capitalist development. Prostitution subsidizes the family economy in which industrial wages are lacking, and it gives the illusion that engaging in the prostitution business allows one to avoid working for other people. As a consequence, the perception exists that one can move up the social ladder to the petty bourgeoisie class and avoid the "danger" of being exploited. 1 "Resort" here is my translation o f Daerah Pariwisata or Daerah Peristirahatan. It is usually an area in the mountains or at the beaches which is primarily visited on weekends or over vacations. It is not a private resort as in the U.S. 68 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 89] === 69 Samas Beach: Sisters o f Development "People (from the villages) only came here during the day, opened their shack, mostly on the weekends, and went home after sunset. This house was the first one on this beach. I came here before all o f these started. I married a local man, and lived here. Look. Things are different now, people have started to live here practically twenty-four hours a day" (M.W., a waning owner) M.W. is a woman entrepreneur who came to Samas beach, started a small business, and has lived there since the late 1960’s. Her husband, for whom she agreed to be a second wife, is a local person from the neighbouring village who works as a civil servant and only comes to help her with the business at night. She was one o f the Warung (small restaurant or coffee house) owners in Samas, who both offered food and drink and hosted women prostitutes. Samas beach is located on the southern coast o f the Yogyakarta district o f Central Java. In the early seventies, when the local government decided to "develop" the area, its very hot, treeless character made Samas an unlikely site to attract foreign tourists. Above all, further east o f Samas, there is another beach, Parang Tritis, which is the most popular beach in the Yogyakarta district. It is a well known-beach with a mystical legend attached to it. In addition, Parang Tritis boasts o f a fresh water swimming pool, hot springs and a cave. In comparison Samas has nothing to offer visitors. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 90] === 70 Development in Samas began only two years before the Indonesian government hosted the P.A.T.A. (Pacific Asian Travel Association) conference in 1974. This was the first P.A.T.A. conference hosted by Indonesia since 1965, when political turmoil, persecutions and massacres caused Indonesia to become generally unattractive as an Asian tourism destination. The excitement o f the preparations for hosting the conference, and thus, of preparing to bring Indonesia back into the tourism market trickled down to this unknown local beach in Central Java. In 1972 the local municipalities were granted Rp. 5600 (approx. U.S $ 600 at the time) by the central government to develop Samas beach as a Daerah Pariwisata (tourism site) for the Yogyakarta region. The plan was to transform the beach into a resort. Facilities such as cottages or motels, bars and restaurants2, souvenir shops, a decent road and a bridge from the village to the beach, electricity, shelters on the beach, parking lots, and ticket booths for collecting parking fees were all proposed, along with a plan to transform the swamp-lake by the beach into a swimming pool and a canoeing facility. The 1973 district government’s (Pemda Bantul: 1973) report shows that the road and bridge, shelters on the beach, parking lot and its ticket windows, souvenir stores, and four fully furnished cottages with a wind powered electric generator were built. A public toilet, market lot, and sample o f the "Bar and Restaurant" using traditional Limasan architecture (a style o f roof in Javanese traditional architecture) were also built. This so 2 It is interesting that in the original government document, "Bar and Restaurant" was written in English. The document thus used the English terms for waning. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 91] === 71 called "Bar and restaurant" became the prototype for what later became houses of prostitution. By the time o f this study, the projects which had not been completed in 1973, such as the swimming pool and water recreation facilities, still remained unfinished. Several canoes which, according to the report, had operated in 1973, have since disappeared. The swamp-lake remains hidden and "undeveloped." The wind-mill electric generator for the local government cottages does not work, water supplies have to be drawn from a well, and the furniture is old and cheaply made. The cottages rented for Rp. 3000 (U.S. $1.75) per night. This was the most expensive accomodation in the area. Having received a grant from the central government to build the infrastructure necessary to fully transform an empty beach into a resort, the local government also established a policy to include people’s participation. The beach land was divided and given to the villagers who had opened their businesses on the beach prior to the initiation o f the development project. Each waning owner was given the right to utilize a piece o f land to build their new "bar and restaurant." The structures, however, had to be built from brick in an architectural style resembling that of a Javanese traditional limasan house. M ost waning owners and operators were women, and after the "development project" the women continued to manage their new "bar and restaurants," which now included managing prostitution. In effect, they became the madames. "I started this trade after the development project for this beach. Before then, I did a little trade, opened a little stall at my R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 92] === 72 own house. I hardly even came here. It was only after they started this project that I took this kiosk, selling cigarettes and handicrafts. Well, those are the only things that sell here on the whole. "Saya ini jeng, baru mulai dagang disini ya setelah pembangunan Samas ini. Dulunya ya dagang kecil-kecilan, marung dirumah sendiri, ndak pem ah saya kesini. Baru setelah dibangun saya ambil kiosk ini, dagang rokok dan kerajinan tangan itu saja yang laku disini." (Mrs. W., owner o f a handicraft stand) "Before it all started, I was just trading little things, now that the beach is developed, even if you don’t really want to, you just go with the stream. You have to have something to sell (food and drink) night and day. You also have to have waiters night and day. Others rent their rooms for girls, I followed them also. After all, that is the only thing that brings a profit around here. If people rely on the profit of selling those little things, where would they get any money at all to buy building materials. "Dulu-dulunya saya ini kan cuma dagang kecilkecilan, sekarang sudah dibangun begini ya, mau ndak mau ikut-ikutan yang lain. Dagangan hams ada siang malam. Yang njaga waning juga siang malam. Yang lain pada nyewakan kamar, saya juga ikut-ikutan, wong untungnya ya dari situ itu kok. Kalok njagakan untung dari dagang kecil- kecilan, dari mana orang-orang disini bisa beli bahan bangunan buat mbangun warung-warung ini." (Mrs. H., warung owner) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 93] === 73 "Really I am an old woman and I was just a petty trader. M y husband and I went to the beach everyday bringing just small things that we could sell. Even now, we still do not have much to sell, we come here in the morning, and return home to the village after sunset. If we didn’t feel sorry for P.T., who is pregnant and still working very hard, My husband and I would never have thought of going with the current and selling women. We are only helping P.T., who is pregnant and hated by her madame." "Lha wong kita ini kan mulanya dagang kecilkecilan, wong ya orang tua. Hari-hari Mbah Lanang sama saya pergi ke sini bawa dagangan seadanya. Sekarang ini ya masih tetep begitu, buka waning kalau pagi, pulang ke desa kalau magrib. Kalau ndak kasihan sama si P.T. yang hamil masih susah-susah keija, mbah lanang sama saya nggak punya pikiran ikut-ikutan dagang perempuan. Itung-itung wong P.T. itu kan hamil, lagi dia itu dibenci sama simboknya ya saya terima aja." (Mbah P., warung owner) Indisputably, the tenacity o f the government in transforming this undesirable beach into a tourist site was not motivated by a desire to promote prostitution. Neither were the formal documents o f the plan to build "bar and restaurants" a rationale for a "hidden prostitution" trade. But, there are at least two actualities that cannot be denied, namely that the beach itself does not attract foreign tourists (presumably they have more cash to spend, and tend to go to Parang Tritis instead), and second, that the villagers, who were mostly petty traders did not have enough capital to invest in building brick houses. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 94] === 74 Prostitution, which had started informally with independent women operating on the beach, became the apparent answer to these problems. Through prostitution, the beach project attracted single and married men from Yogyakarta's vicinity, allowing local petty traders to slowly build their brick wall limasan style roofs. By 1987-1988, some had started to build their brick "restaurants," while some had not even started at all. The latter was the case with an elderly couple, Mbah P. and her husband. M bah P. explained: "With what capital are we going to build this warung. Since the beginning we only sold whatever we had. How could we get capital? More so since we both, the father and I, never had any intention to keep women in this business. I f at all possible - we don’t want to sell women." (MP 70 yrs., a warung owner) (Mau mbangun pakai modal apa, kita ini kan dari dulu-dulunya dagang apa adanya. Mana kita punya modal untuk Mbangun. Lagi pula Pak-ne berdua saya ini nggak punya niat melihara perempuan-perempuan. Jangan sampai - - kalau bisa-jangan sampai dagang perempuan). She and her husband were the only ones who had not even started to build their warung by 1987-1988. (Two days later the couple accepted P.T., who was five months pregnant, to help them out in their restaurant while accepting clients for sex). Most have started, and have at least the roof and unpolished walls completed, but all o f them have only an R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 95] === 75 earthen floor.3 The impact o f the local municipality’s project in tourism development was very clear, despite the unintentional nature o f the results-integrating prostitution into the local economy on a more organized basis. The pattern of prostitution at this village has moved away from the work of independent prostitutes to unwritten arrangements between prostitutes, madames (in this case the warung owners), and local authorities and informal leaders (males). At the same time, intentionally or not, women (warungs owners) have become more and more involved in the prostitution business. This is true regardless of whether or not the involvement was initially motivated by a desire for profit or through good intentions o f "helping the suffering women prostitutes." Here, clients went directly to the so called restaurant in order to negotiate with the prostitutes who lived there. The prostitutes generally haggle over the price, for they are well aware that not all o f the earnings are for them. Rp.500 to Rp.1000 (US $0.30 to $0.60 in 1987 and US $0.25 to $0.50 in 1993) has to be given to the warung owners every time they use a room with a client. Although the common cover for working as a prostitute was to perform the duties o f a waitress in the warung, the prostitutes were not being paid by the house owners for this time and labor. Instead, they had to pay the 3 During my study (1987-1988) most warungs which had prostitutes working in them did not even have "decent food". Most had bottled drinks, cigarettes, and some snacks. The prepared food which was most common was Ramen Noodle (super mie) which could easily be served at any time o f the day. The m ost wholesome food was offered in a warung which did not have women prostitutes working in it. It was there the prostitutes came to eat at least twice a day. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 96] === 76 owners for use o f the rooms. During the day, this beach is very hot and virtually deserted. Unfinished brick houses alternate with bamboo shacks; public transportation comes and goes. Every time a m otor cycle passes by a woman would greet the cyclist and shout to invite the motorist to come to the warung. Visitors are scarce, school buses with school children and visitors from other parts o f Central Java come once in a while. They generally stay for a couple o f hours and then leave. During late afternoon, mostly during the rainy season, the beach is strewn with garbage thrown up on shore by the waves. Some families from nearby villages come everyday to collect everything that is reusable. Elderly women and the disabled also come from the surrounding the village to beg on the beach. More visitors come for prostitution business, however, than for pure tourism. The price for sex ranges from Rp. 1000 to Rp. 2500 (US $0.60 to $1.60). This includes what the prostitute has to pay for the room she uses for her transactions. Thus a prostitute might earn only between Rp. 500 to Rp. 1500 (US $0.30-$0.90) per sexual service. In addition, every prostitute also pays a monthly fee for the "security team", i.e., military personnel and police officials who frequent the area on an almost daily basis. There are about 24 to 40 women who work in Samas and none o f them come from the surrounding area (Kabupaten Bantul). The number fluctuates since many women come and go. PI (24 yrs, second grade schooling, illiterate) was among the most unfortunate women. During the first week o f my stay, she only received one client from whom she received Rp. 1500 (U.S. $0.90), while her housemate NN (26 yrs) obtained five R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 97] === 77 customers. TT (30 yrs, illiterate, no formal education), was another person who earned Rp.5000 (US $3.10), at the most, during the weekend. WT (31 yrs, illiterate, no formal education) started to wonder whether she should go somewhere else since she was too deeply in debt and unable to save any money in Samas.4 On Monday, March 21, 1988, officials from the local municipality (Pemerintah Daerah) approached for the first time those involved in the prostitution business at Samas beach. Warung owners, prostitutes and "security" personnel (that is, beach security and informal leaders o f the neighborhood) were all summoned to a meeting. The village head (lurah), came along with the officials o f the mobile health clinic, personel from the local branch o f the Department o f Social Welfare and the Department o f Health. The meeting was held in the communal hall, which was built in 1973 for the purpose o f housing the market and for communal meetings. There were chairs and tables in the front where all the officials were seated facing the warung owners and prostitutes who were seated on the floor, using only mats. At this meeting the lurah spoke on behalf o f the local government, voicing its expectations for Samas beach as a daerah pariwisata (tourism spot). 4 Sister (Mbak) E. is a warung owner who did not host any women. In fact she has the most decent warung in the area, where people who know the area really well go to eat. Prostitutes generally eat there when they are given permission to do so by their madame. Sister E. let the women eat on credit when they had no cash to pay. Her warung is a meeting place for the working women; gossip and stories circulate there daily. I was given the chance to see her notebooks and to confirm for myself that these women did not earn even enough to cover the costs o f their daily food. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 98] === 78 "Sisters,5 you all know that there are efforts being made to develop this beach as a tourism area. The government gave us the funds, we built things up, but somehow this place ended up being used for the kinds of activities we see around us today. Well the fact is, that you are all here now sisters, so let’s work together to make things better. Because you are here, there will be more visitors coming to this beach as long as you all know how to maintain proper discipline." (Mbak-mbak!, mbak-mbak kan tahu pantai Samas ini sedang diusahakan untuk dijadikan daerah pariwisata, diberi dana pemerintah, dibangun kok malah dijadikan tempat begituan. Karena nyatanya M bak-mbak sudah ada disini, ya marilah kita sama-sama berusaha memajukan daerah ini. Dengan adanya Mbak- mbak disini kan pengunjung lebih banyak yang dateng, asal saja M bak-mbak tahu tata tertib).6 This event thus marked Samas beach as a "tolerated" prostitution site in the Yogyakarta district which already has one daerah lokalisasi (designated brothel area) in Sanggrahan.1 Samas was tolerated in the sense that it was given formal status as a daerah 5 M bak is a Javanese word for older sister, but is widely used to address any woman to whom one wishes to show respect. 6 Not a direct quote o f his written speech, but rather taken from my notes and recollections o f his words. 7 Although "toleration" o f places like Samas creates a situation not too different than the actual legalization of prostitution, the Indonesian government would not call this kind o f arrangement "legalization". Officially it is the local governmental authority’s policy decision in such cases, and not that o f the central government. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 99] === 79 lokalisasi with a (resocialization project) proyek resosialisasi, a "formal term" for tolerated and licensed brothel locations. At the same meeting, regulations concerning the conduct of both the prostitutes and madames were established: The first step required that everyone register through their neighborhood unit, which was to work in cooperation with the police. The lurah (village chief - a government administrative title) also promised that there would be weekly "suntikan" a term that means injection, but which in this case specifically meant that the prostitutes would be given regular suntikan (penicillin injections to prevent, according to the authorities, the spread o f venereal disease). It was also established that every warung could only host a maximum o f two women. The meeting ended with health check-ups for the prostitutes. Fifteen years after the local municipalities decided to develop the beach into a tourism spot for Central Java, Samas was officially recognized as a prostitution site and monitored by the government. With "formal" status as a prostitution site, the prostitutes were pleased that there would not be any more police raids8, but a new set o f regulations was to be implemented which had wide-ranging implications. Not only did warung owners worry about their ability to finish building their limasan style "Bar and restaurants" since they were limited to hosting only two women, but the prostitutes as well had to begin to worry about the-costs o f getting their licences and the costs for penicillin injections. 8 There were at least two police raids in six month period before I began my study there. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 100] === 80 Bandungan: The "Guided Women" In contrast to Samas beach, which physically needed to be fully transformed in order to enchant visitors, Bandungan has much to offer. It is located in a 950 meter high mountainous tract, the temperature is always cool (18-22 Celsius), and overlooks Lake Rawapening, one o f the largest lakes in Central Java. Bandungan is also close to a well known archeological park called Gedong Songo (Nine Temple Complex). Bandungan has been known as a resort since the Dutch colonial era. Small towns and cities around this area are well known as the retirement locales for colonial officers who married local women and preferred to stay in Indonesia after retirement, for example Salatiga (Satyawacana, 1976). Traditionally, such mountainous areas with cooler climates than those o f the coastal cities, are known as Daerah Peristirahatan (Rest Areas). Colonial offices built rest houses (Rumah Peristirahatan) in such places. Among the first commercial investments in the area were those o f the Dutch Colonial Railway Department. They built a hotel furnished with a swimming pool, tennis court, and flower garden. Wisma P.J.K.A. (The House of Railway Department), as it is called, is one o f the oldest resorts in this area and became the local center o f activities. Several cottages were added after Indonesian Independence in 1949. W eekend retreats and conferences9, not only for the employees o f the Railway Department, but also for other government offices and various organizations were held in 9 One o f the conferences held in Bandungan’s Wisma PJKA was a workshop held by Department o f Man Power on Women Wokers (Tenaga Kerja Wanita). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 101] === 81 this establishment. The swimming pool, flower garden and tennis courts are open to the public, allowing school buses full o f children and families who only come for a day or several hours to use these facilities, and it is a well-known destination for school picnics during weekends and holidays. Bandungan’s local market also attracts many traders from outside the area. Tuesday, Friday and Sunday are the market days when wholesale cut flowers and seasonal fruits, along with vegetables, are sold by local producers to city traders. The market begins very early in the morning, around 5 A.M., and this is when most o f the transactions happen. Cut flowers from this area supply many cities in Central Java, and are even taken to Jakarta during Islamic and Christian holidays.10 Another important product o f the Bandungan area is a leechy-like fruit called Klengkeng, a popular delicacy not widely produced elsewhere. During the harvest season o f this "exclusive" fruit, traders and producers with capital greater than that of most cutflower traders come to Bandungan. The connection between the harvest seasons and the visitors who come merely for sex purposes, however, is only clear during the tobacco harvest. This is the time when many traders and tobacco producers come and spend their "good fortune" from the tobacco market for one night’s pleasure. 10 I wrote an article for "Suara Pembaharuan", a national newspaper (March 21, 1988), focusing on the flower market. In this market, it is mainly women who are the producers and who act as "middlemen." It is rather ironic that Bandungan is known as an important flower m arket for Central Java, when another, less widely-known kind o f "flower market", one which is active twenty-four hours per day, coexists with it in the same territory. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 102] === 82 As an "authentic" tourism attractions with many sites to offer tourists, Bandungan was included by a Department o f Tourism report as one of the important spots in Central Java for which private investment is strongly encouraged. The name o f Samas, on the other hand, is not even mentioned in this report (see, Dir-jen Pariwisata, 1986). Prostitution, although not the only attraction that will bring visitors to the mountains (in contrast to Samas), is playing and will continue to play a significant role as one o f the m ajor revenue sectors within the tourism industry. As more and more large-scale private capital, such as that represented by Djarum Kudus (a major Kretek Cigarette producer in Indonesia which built the latest luxurious hotel in Bandungan), enters the area, the prostitution business will also expand. Bandungan offers not only beautiful scenery and weather, but also a glimpse of rural, traditional ways of life. Although the center o f the Bandungan resort area is crowded with houses and losmens (small motels), which gives it the feeling o f a dense urban neighborhood, within walking distance visitors can see rice fields, vegetable gardens, cut-flower fields, and traditional Javanese wooden houses. This is not the case anymore in Tretes, a mountain resort in East Java, where private capital has a longer history of penetration and has transformed what used to be a traditional mountain village into a purely prostitution-oriented resort. I will discuss Tretes's development in greater detail below, but it is important to mention here to show the direction which current developments in Bandungan may be taking. Bandungan, as a tourism site, is attractive to many visitors, even without any R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 103] === 83 attempt to promote prostitution. However, prostitution became important for the local economy, and indigenous residents had to reconcile the economic development o f this resort with the growth of the prostitution business. Much the same as Samas, prostitution in this tourism spot did not attract foreign tourists, but Indonesian men: male students, single men, travelling traders, and government and private officials who often spent long weekends there for conferences. Since the late sixties and early seventies, large and small-scale private capital have increasingly penetrated this agricultural space, transforming it into a capital-intensive mountain resort. Losmen (small motel), which only provide a bed and shower facilities, have been multiplying rapidly, followed by luxurious expensive hotels which offer television and video in every room, and sometimes air conditioning. The range of accomodations available thus runs from a simple two meter-square losmen room which costs Rp.2500 (US $1.60) per night, to an extravagant hotel suite for Rp.85.000 (US $50) per night. One can eat a meal there for prices ranging from a Rp.150 (US $0.10) plate o f rice with vegetables to a Rp.7.500 (US $5.00) plate o f seafood. During the time o f this study, the latest addition was a luxurious hotel owned by one of the largest cigarette factories in central Java, as mentioned above. Thus in contrast to the case o f Samas, Bandungan attracted private capital and was included on the map o f sites for which private investment is encouraged (see Dinas Pariwisata, 1986). Indigenous farmers (traditionally large land owners grow klengkeng which is very profitable and the smaller land holders grow vegetables and cut flowers) have slowly sold R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 104] === 84 their land and some now make money by serving as go-betweens in land transactions, persuading local people to sell their land. One o f the living examples o f a former largescale land holder who had lost her land was Ibu RN. "It was all my fault, and now I’m paying for it. My father owned most o f the land here. I was the only girl in the family and I inherited plenty o f his property. My second husband cheated me. I met him here, he was a klengkeng trader, always coming and going. We got married and before I knew it he sold m ost o f my property and ran away with a virgin from this village." (RN, illiterate late 50’s) (Semua ini memang kesalahnya saya, sekarang ini saya bener-bener merasakan kesalahan saya dijaman saya muda. Saya ini kan anak perempuan satu-satunya, Bapak orang kaya, bagian tanah yang jatuh ke saya banyak. Suami saya yang kedua itu yang menipu habishabisan. Ketemunya ya disini, dia itu kan pedagang Klengkeng, suka-suka datang kesini. Terus kawin sama saya, nggak tahu-tahunya tanah saya habis dijualin, habis itu lari sama perawan dari sini.) There were two hotels, each with more than twenty rooms, on the land which Ibu RN used to own. In addition, a pondokan11 house had been erected on the same plot. By the time o f this study, the pondokan house was owned by a woman who was not a native of Bandungan, but who moved there especially to operate the pondokan. The brother o f Ibu RN owns a losmen, which he built on the land he inherited from their father after 11 A pondokan is the term for a household which hosted prostitutes. The women of the house are those who usually made the arrangement o f how much a prostitute has to pay for her room, and whether or not the monthly rent includes food and laundry. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 105] === 85 selling some land for his initial capital. Ibu RN, like many other indigenous residents of Bandungan who have sold their land and only have their houses left, opened what is known as a Pondokan (a boarding house for prostitutes). Many families have remodelled their houses and built more rooms in order to accommodate prostitutes. A pondokan house could have between seven to eleven rented rooms for which a monthly rent is charged, along with the cost for food and laundry. Older couples earn a living from operating their own pondokan. Each tenant pays between Rp. 7500 and Rp.11.500(US $5.00 to $7.75) per week, depending on whether the rent includes three meals each day and laundry costs. Mr. RD., a colt driver (small, privately-owned public transportation), who was bom in Bandungan, told the story about his fam ily’s fortune jokingly: "Those who still have land are the lucky ones these days. Mostly those who still have a large enough plot and at least 5 to 10 klengkeng trees. My parents used to own enough land. They had many varieties of crops, what ever could be sold at market. Slowly they have sold the land for their kids, like me. They sent me to college in Jogya. I got my bachelor’s degree, but it’s hard to find a job in the city, it’s better to stay in close to your own home. The last time they sold a piece o f land was to buy this Colt (a van) for me so that I can earn m y daily plate o f rice. So I drive a colt. And m y parents? They’re doing the same thing that everybody is d o in g - "Planting women" in their house!" (Yang untung ya itu, orang-orang yang masih punya tanah lebar-lebar sama tanaman klengkeng, paling sedikit 5 sampai 10 pohon R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 106] === 86 klengkeng dah. Orang tua kita dulu ya punya tanah. Tanamannya macam-macam, apa saja, pokoknya laku. Sedikit-sedikit dijual mbiayai anak-anaknya. Termasuk saya ini, disekolahin di akademi di J ogya. Lulus saijana muda, cari kerja di kota susah, enak dirumah sendiri mbalik lagi kesini. Terakhir ya itu, tanah dijual bakal beli colt ini, modal usaha hari-hari. Saya narik Colt. Orang tua saya ya sama seperti orang lain, "nanam perempuan!"). Pondokan owners do not have anything to do with the practice o f prostitution itself, except that they rent their rooms to prostitutes. A family (father, mother, children and sometimes nieces and nephews) share the living room, kitchen and bathroom with their tenants. The owners strive to create the atmosphere o f "one big family" in the living arrangements o f the pondokan. Working women tenants call the heads o f the household "Pak’e" (Father) and "Bu’e" (Mother). In every pondokan living room, a framed set of regulations hangs on the wall. These regulations concern the "good demeanor" o f the "guided women." Running afoul o f such regulations does bring disciplinary measures down upon the offender. For example, during my study, ND (28 yrs) was discharged for two weeks (meaning no P.T.L.—Pengantar Tamu Laki-laki or male guest’s guide~was allowed to bring her any clients during those particular weeks) for not coming to the weekly meeting o f the guidance program several times in a row. SS (23 yrs) was given lighter discipline during the same week for wearing only a towel around her body when walking from the bathroom through the living room in her pondokan house. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 107] === 87 A family which opens a pondokan is accustomed to having a group of men accompanied by one or two P.T.L. (male go-between) come and look around the living room, sometimes even looking around from one room to another, in order to find the desired sexual companion. Other families who do not feel like "cultivating women", or who do not want to be associated with the prostitution business, rent their houses to others who are interested in opening a pondokan. It was public knowledge in Bandungan during m y stay that HT had made an announcement that she was going to rent her pondokan house, since she had decided to live "peacefully." Younger generation men, along with new-comers, work as Pengantar Tamu Laki-laki (P.T.L., Male Guest’s Guide or gobetween), work as keepers in losmens or hotels, operate ojegs (a motorcycle taxi which passengers ride by sitting on the back seat), or work in billiard houses. There were about forty men working as P.T.L.’s and about 80 registered wanitabinaan ("Guided Women" the formal term for prostitutes working in Bandungan) during the time o f the study, not including hotel or losmen workers who also acted occasionally as P.T.L.'s or the nearly twenty ojegs (motorcycle taxi) operators who could also have a double occupation. A P.T.L. earns a commission each time he finds a customer for a prostitute. The commission is usually twenty percent of whatever the client pays her, including the tips. A typical working description o f the P.T.L. finds them clustered together at a strategic cross-road, waiting for a car to come. They run after the cars, asking the male occupants whether they need any help. A P.T.L., or sometimes two P.T.L. together, will then accompany a group o f men from one house to another. Sometimes R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 108] === 88 regulars who know who they have come to visit, will tell the P.T.L. the name o f the woman they want and then ask the P.T.L. to call her. Certain stipulations also apply to the P.T.L.s ’ behavior as conveyed by the program’s officer. DK (35 yrs) was given a month’s probation and a strong warning that he could be barred from working as a go-between in Bandungan if he persisted in working for a "trafficker", an agent who sends women to Medan, North Sumatra. His conduct was considered a violation o f the program’s purpose and rules, which are supposedly designed to help the women to leave prostitution eventually. Instead, DK was involved in trafficking women (he helped to recruit women from Bandungan to work in brothels in Medan, Sumatra island). However, the major difference between the regulations imposed upon male go-betweens and female prostitutes is that there is no limit to the number of years a man may work as a P.T.L. in this resort. Female sex workers are only allowed to work for a three year period o f time. In the late seventies, the local authorities (police, military, department of social welfare, department o f health, and the lurah's office) did not prosecute for prostitution, nor did they legalize it. Although prostitution is very well managed by a specially appointed official from the lurah's office, female prostitutes do not exist as far as the authorities are concerned. The local government’s position regarding the prostitution business in this district is to maintain that they are conducting a program to help female prostitutes (while giving them the chance to work as prostitutes) to find an alternative to prostitution by giving them training under the Program warga Binaan (Guided Citizen R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 109] === 89 Program). The program includes religious teaching, literacy courses - in fact it is mandatory for those who do not have a grade school diploma to take the equivalency exam arranged by the program o ffice r- weekly meetings, sports, and skill-improvement training. During the period o f my study, instruction in traditional Javanese bridal make-up and ceremonies was given, as well as the weekly penicillin injections. One thing is certain in this program: whether or not the program succeeds in "guiding women prostitutes to chose another kind of job," one can only work there for three years. The charge for sexual service in this resort is also standardized. The minimum is R p.10.000 (U.S. $6.00) for short term 12 and Rp.50.000 (US $31.50) for long term service, which means that the prostitute will stay overnight with the client. Although most clients prefer to find female companions through the service of a P.T.L. rather then finding the women themselves, causing the women to lose 20% o f their earnings, the women are not responsible for paying the rent o f the hotel room used for sexual purposes. Tretes: "Independent", Enslaved and Kept A well-laiown mountain resort even during the colonial era, the "former village" o f Tretes (located 850m high) is the weekend destination for those seeking to escape the 12 It is precisely the English expressions "Short Term and "Long Term" (for over night service) which are used in the local trade. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 110] === 90 hot weather o f the administrative and commercial harbour city o f Surabaya. During the colonial era, while Bandungan was supported by the surrounding Dutch administrative towns and plantations, Tretes was the resort for both administrative officers from surrounding districts and the elites o f a major harbour city o f the Dutch-Indische city, Surabaya. As in Bandungan, Tretes was the choice location for East Java’s colonial government offices and private companies, as well as for wealthy families, to build their Pesanggrahan (rest houses). The main attractions were fresh air, cool weather and beautiful scenery. In the early sixties, an outdoor stage for Ramayana ballet performances was built in Pandakan village at the foot o f the three mountains: Mt. Arjuno, Mt. Welirang, and Mt. Andjamoro. This site is also the gate-way to Tretes’ slope. The resurrection o f traditional dances catered to the promotion o f tourism during the Soekamo era. Along the road from Pandakan to Tretes, there is also a 14th century Javanese Temple called Candi Jawi which has been renovated. There are also some other attractions in the vicinity o f Tretes, such as the archeological sites on the slope o f Mt. Penanggungan and a sulphur-water pool. During the P.A.T.A. (Pacific and Asian Travel Association) conference in 1974, this location was one o f the main targets for development in East Java. Many quality hotels were built during this time. At the time of the study, there were at least seven luxurious hotels with scenic rooms, television sets, swimming pools, hot water facilities, and restaurants, along with numerous motels with private entrances and balconies, cottages, bungalows, and single R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 111] === 91 rooms available for visitors. Significantly, there was also a large number of newly developed private rest houses. Further up the slope is the area where the public swimming pool and hiking trail are located - the center o f this resort district. Here, many private vacation homes have also been built. Although Tretes was also included in the investment invitation map put out by Indonesia’s tourism bureau, public spaces and natural attractions are very minimal. The area is quite different than Bandungan. It is characterized by the newest styles in the architecture o f the private houses and large, luxurious hotels, which crowd most o f the area o f this quarter, a quarter that has expanded from Pesanggrahan the lowest s id e -to Leduk - the higher and more remote location. There is almost no place to go for a w alk and enjoy nature. It is a resort for families who own rest houses and those who come for sexual purposes. As in Bandungan, the occupancy rates o f hotels, motels, losmens, and private rooms are intimately connected to prostitution. There are around 2000 (unofficial data) women who live and work in Tretes. Most stay in Sanggrahan, the down-slope area. In this "former village," houses are built one next to the other, creating an atmosphere which resembles that o f the crowded city slums. The landscape is mixture o f wismas (brothels), men looking for women for sex, local mosques calling muslims to prayers five times a day, a grade school located right across the street from a brothel, and losmens side by side with ordinary family houses and pondokan. In this locale, local people lead their everyday lives, and middle school children ride public transportation down the slope to Prigen, the closest administrative town which has middle school. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 112] === 92 Once more, as in Bandungan, the indigenous families of this area have long since sold o ff their lands and changed their form o f economic livelihood from agriculture to management o f losmen, pondokan and renting their private rooms. Mdme HI is one of them: "I was born here and as a parent my duty is to bring up the children. As a muslim, my duty is to comply with Islamic principles. I am never absent from the local Q ur’an reading group. The children are all grown up. Except for the youngest, they are all married and have families o f their own. Our properties have all been divided among them. The oldest doesn’t live here, he’s married to a government employee. The youngest has his own losmen. The other one has a grocery store, and is renting rooms for people to use. My husband and I still have this house, I ’m renting the rooms we don’t use. It’s O.K. when there are many visitors coming." (Saya kelahiran sini, sebagai orang tua tugas saya ya membesarkan anak. Sebagai orang Islam ya menjalankan rukun Islam. Setiap pengajian saya tak pemah absen. Anak-anak sudah besar, sudah pada punya keluarga, kecuali si bungsu. Semua sudah dibagi-bagi tanahnya masing- masing. Yang paling besar tinggal di kota, suaminya pegawai. Terus yang kedua, punya waning kebutuhan, sama nyewakan kamar-kamar di rumahnya. Yang satu lagi punya losmen sendiri. Bapak dan saya masih ada rumah ini, kamar-kamarnya bisa di sewakan. Kalau lagi rame tamu ya lumayan). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 113] === Hotel room rates are widely varied, starting from Rp. 4000 to Rp. 350.000 per day (US $2.50 - $220.00). M adame HI and her husband, after dividing their property, live in their six-bedroom house with no yard or garden - houses are built very close to each other. They rent their five rooms to visitors (mostly for sexual purposes) for Rp.4000 per day (sometimes she lowers the rate in order to ensure that enough visitors come). Her son, who owns a grocery store, also utilizes his house in such a way, rents its four rooms although there is a sign at his door "Rumah Tangga" (household) which usually distinguishes a regular household from a pondokan "wisma." In this "household" category, Mdme H i’s son, who holds a degree in Islamic teaching, rents the rooms to "Peliharaan"13 or "kept women" who are kept by a man who pays the rent, comes to her regularly, and pays her a monthly or weekly allowance. Each room costs Rp.40.000 to Rp.50.000 (US $25 to $31) monthly. The other son of Mdme HI owns a losmen with 8 rooms in one o f Sanggrahan busiest alleys for Rp.6000 to Rp 7500 per day (US $3.75 to $4.70). In contrast to the H i’s small scale hotel business, P.T. Gudang Garam, one of Indonesia’s leading cigarette factories, invested in building an extravagant hotel, officially opened in December 1990. This hotel is designed for foreign tourists and is the most expensive in Tretes. It has a number o f luxury features such as a heated swimming pool and fitness-center facilities. Travel agents sometimes arrange tours for European and Asian tourists which 13 Peliharaan literally means pet. mistresses. This term is also used for concubines and R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 114] === 94 include Tretes as one o f the stops, but prostitution is not organized directly as part o f the tour, as in the case o f Kisaeng Party in Korea, and sex tour packages to other Southeast Asian countries (see: Gay, 1985; Japan Quarterly, 1981). What is more likely, however (as the experiences o f many women with whom I’m acquainted bear witness) is that the prostitutes of the "resort" will have foreign expatriates as regular clients. This is so in the case o f Tretes because o f a group o f Korean workers who had contracted to help in a road construction project in Gempol, a neighboring town o f Tretes. The way prostitution is structured in this "resort" is almost the same as in Bandungan: sexual intercourse occurs in hotels or losmens where the clients stay (and pay for the lodging), and there are male go-betweens who give "guided tours" from one narrow street to the next, explaining which houses host "berdikari" (independent) women and which are regular households or Rumah Tangga, to visitors who are looking for a female companion. Pondokan also exists in much the same fashion as in Bandungan, that is, as a boarding house for female prostitutes. In Tretes, female prostitutes who live in Pondokan are categorized as "berdikariu " or independent (prostitutes). Although there is unspoken agreement about the minimum charge for sexual service, independent prostitute set their own price, and they keep the major portion o f their earnings once the 10 percent commission for P.T.L, monthly rent to the Pondokan’s owner, laundry and food are subtracted. 14 Berdikari is an abbreviation of Berdiri diatas kaki sendiri, or standing on one’s own feet. This term was a part o f the late President Soekam o’s rhetoric o f Indonesian political and economic policy. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 115] === 95 There is another category which does not exist in Bandungan, and to some degree Samas, i.e. the "Wisma15" prostitutes. In this category, the women are working for a "Boss," a local term which could mean either a man or a woman. They stay in the Wisma with the boss, pay for neither rent nor food, but from all earnings, after the 20 percent taken for P.T.L., they have to give 50 percent to the "Boss." Wisma owners, even though prostitution in Indonesia, legally speaking, is outlawed, have acquired a business permit (Surat Ijin Usaha) from the local authorities, in this case the Muspika (Musyawarah Pimpinan Kecamatari) i.e., Council of Kecamatan leaders. The district government (Kecamatan) office registered approximately 140 wisma during the time o f the study (1987-88), in comparison with 131 in 1983 (Pumomo, 1983). The wismas in the vicinity o f Tretes are spread between two village administrative units, Prigen and Pencalukan. In much the same way as the overall number o f female prostitutes, the number o f wisma tends to fluctuate from year to year. Similarly, there are always changes in wisma ownership or management, except for those who own several wisma and/or have more than 10 women working for them. 15 Wisma means house (the house of). Most wisma owners either used Sanskrit (or old Javanese) in naming their wisma. For example, "Puspa dalam citra" (flowers in the image); Indonesian phrases such as "Mekar Sari" (flowering essence), "Nilam Indah" (beautiful sapphire), "Cinta-ayu” (sweet love); or a western name such as Galaxy, Monalisa, Valentine, Top-Ten, Palm, Flamboyant. Some o f these names also exist in Surabaya’s red-light district, "dolly". This indicates that it is owned by the same person/s (so there are brothel chains). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 116] === 96 "How can I compete with The Galaxy (a name of a wisma), when the boss owns five others here in Tretes. He started with at least thirty women, and it’s not even his first time doing this business. In Pesanggrahan (the main area where there are around 35 Wismas located in one block), the rent is very expensive. This is my second year, I rent this house for Rp. 1.100.000 (US $630) per year, I don’t even know if I will still be in this business next year. (Gimana saya bersaing sama Galaxy itu, bossnya punya lima wisma lainnya disini. Mulainya aja jum alah perempuannya sudah kira-kira tiga puluhan, lagi pula disini kan bukan yang pertama kalinya punya business begini. Di pesanggrahan lagi, itu kan nyewa rumahnya aja mahal sekali. Ini tahun kedua saya disini, ngontrak rumahnya aja Sejuta seratus setahun. Kurang tahu dah tahun depan masih bisa terus apa ndak.) (AD 36 Yrs) AD took his wife and his youngest son to live in Tretes, leaving his two other children with his in-laws in Surabaya. He rented a four bed-room house, using three of the rooms to host six women. His living room has a pink oval couch, pink colored walls and a red light bulb, a sign to differentiate a wisma from a regular household. The last category o f sex worker in this location is the unregulated prostitutes. Most do not live in Tretes, but commute from distant villages. They come to Tretes wearing kain-kebayas (traditional Javanese women’s outfits), and selling fruits; bananas, mangoes, and other seasonal fruits when available. These women, peddling fruit from one villa (rest houses) and losmens to another, offering sex as well as fruit for sale. The derogatory male R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 117] === 97 term for these unregulated prostitutes is Gedang Geblak (the fallen banana), suggesting that one could lay the banana seller down for sex. The appeal o f this different kind o f prostitute is that they are traditional (which is shown from the way they dress), amateur (from the fact their "real" work is selling fruit), and the related impression that they are not professional sex workers, but rather evoke the image o f ordinary women who have a husband and children. As in the case o f Bandungan, indigenous women are also incorporated into the prostitution economy by doing laundry for the prostitutes. A former religion teacher, Mas Sd. came to Tretes in 1970. His first job was selling jewelry. After three years living there, he married a local woman and began to live in his inlaw ’s house. He is a registered calok, the local term for male go-between. His wife did the laundry for at least 10 prostitutes. "It continually gets harder to earn anything here, there are more calok (male guest guide) - more women - but less visitors. Sometimes I stay up all night, no visitor, and I don’t bring anything home. When I just got here, it felt like the money always came in. Now it’s harder. If I don’t get anything for a week, it’s like normal, nothing strange about it anymore. M y wife is the one who has a stable monthly income. W e can’t expect anything from me." (Makin lama m akin susah cari uang disini, makin banyak~ calok makin banyak perempuannya - tapi makin jarang pengunjung. Kadang-kadang begadang semalam, nggak ada tamu sama sekali, pulang nggak bawa apa-apa. Waktu saya baru mulai disini, rasanya uang itu selalu datang. Sekarang makin sulit. Kalau seminggu nggak dapat apa-apa, rasanya ndak aneh lagi. Malahan istri saya yang R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 118] === 98 setiap bulan ada masukan. Dari saya sama sekali ndak bisa diharap apa-apa.) While the locals transformed their economic base from agricultural production to small-scale entrepreneurship (selling part o f the land, building more rooms and renting them as a losmen, or buying a Colt (Van) for family owned public transportation) or doing laundry for the prostitutes, newcomers moved in to buy properties or just rent a house to start a wisma business. MH. is an entrepreneur who started working in this location selling shoes door to door to the prostitutes. She eventually bought a house which she is renting out as a wisma. "I came here around 1968. You know, I just got married to my husband who has four kids already. I was very much on my own, and my husband was not working permanently. I decided to try my fortune by selling shoes here in Tretes. Once a week I took a bus ride from Malang and brought a whole suitcase o f shoes. From each pair o f shoes I made 150%. Then there were more and more women who came here, and they made a lot o f money, and I also sold samsonite beauty case which was really fashionable then. I rented just a room for m yself then we rented a house when my husband and his four kids and my only kid decided to move here. Then we bought a house here and my husband and I run a wisma. We went back to Malang about two years ago, because o f the kids’ education. The guy who rented my wisma couldn’t make it. He left, now I am here to take care o f this house. Do you want to rent it? It’s only two and a half million rupiahs R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 119] === 99 for a year (US$1500), you’ll get the money back very soon!." While waiting for somebody to rent her house for a wisma, she started a Gadogado16 kiosk, a little stall was built on the side walk of the busiest street in Tretes. The location, and the fact that she knew the people very well made this small business run well. MH. was serious in offering me the opportunity to rent her house if I wanted to open a Wisma. "It’s easy, you’ll easily find girls who’ll work for you, and multiply your money in a year."17 She was not alone in making such offers; I encountered similar opportunities in all three of the locations in which I undertook this research. Administrators in this location do not try to hide the fact that prostitution has dominated the local economy by making up euphemisms and covering up prostitution under the guise o f a rehabilitation effort as in the case o f Bandungan. A neighborhood head (Ketua Rt), admitted that prostitution ‘has benefited and helped family economies in Tretes’ (see Pumomo, 1983:49). As in the case of the Samas authorities, "discipline" is the key word used to control prostitutes. In order to maintain the "order and morality" in Tretes and its vicinity, according to the authorities, female prostitutes are not allowed to: 1) dance, even inside their 16 A well-known Indonesian vegetable and peanut sauce dish. 17 The same thing happened to me in Samas and Bandungan, where people offered to rent me a house for a pondokan (in Bandungan) with only Rp. 1500.000 per year capital. In Samas the women asked me to start a rather fancy restaurant in which they said they’d work for me. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 120] === 100 wisma; 2) wear shorts outside the wisma; 3) smoke outside the wisma (see Pumono, 1983:48) Male go-betweens equivalent to the P.T.L. of Bandungan, are also monitored in Tretes. A decision was made at the Muspika (the council o f district leaders including village administrative heads, local police and military commanders) meeting in 1983 to allow only a 10% commission instead o f 20%, for the male go-between. The pressure came from bosses (wismas owners) who felt that caloks did not deserve 20%, since they do not necessarily "work" to bring in customers, and since customers would be able to find any wisma they wanted. At the same meeting, it was also decided that only men who have registered as residents o f Tretes (thus have a K.T.P. or residential card issued by a local lurah or village head), would be permitted to work as a calok. Every gobetween is given an identification card and a log-card to record the commission he made, which wisma he brought the client to, and how many women he brought the clients to. This policy was aimed at stopping the influx o f young men coming to Tretes to work as calok}* 18 This policy is similar to that adopted by the governor of Jakarta and known as "Jakarta Kota Tertutup" (Jakarta the closed city), under which no new migrants could enter Jakarta. This policy was not successful and one o f the ways in which newcomers continuously gained residency in Jakarta was through bribery to acquire the residential card (K.T.P.) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 121] === 101 O f Power and Money, or Politics and Economy Samas, Bandungan, and Tretes all share one conspicuous trait: the hosting of prostitution as one o f the most important features in attracting visitors and bolstering the local economy. Tretes is the oldest o f the three and the earliest to incorporate prostitution in the local economy. In the latest phase o f the "tourism development" o f Tretes, large private capital, in the form o f the hotel industry, has moved in to the area, while an enclave o f prostitution villages, where smaller-scale entrepreneurs specializing in brothel prostitution have been paving the way for at least three decades in organizing brothel villages. The state, through local authorities in these three tourism resort areas, shared the same practice. First, the local government apparatus benefitted from prostitution as a means to increase local revenues - not necessarily by profitting from prostitution directly, but rather indirectly through parking fees, taxation o f public transportation operating in the area, revenue from food stalls, restaurants and luxurious hotels, building permits for private rest houses and boarding houses. Second, precisely because o f the fact that prostitution is not legalized, it creates a greater potential for the involvement o f and economic gain by individual personnel from the local government agencies (Muspika, Muspida, i.e. the police, military and local government administrations) in this business. The ways and means for this are various, but most o f them involve abuse o f R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 122] === 102 power and authority19. Another similar pattern among these three locations is the relationship between concepts such as daerah pariwisata (tourism spot) and what is termed development by the government. In this case, all o f the three situations - more prominently so in the case of Bandungan and Tretes - witnessed a similar emphasis of the so-called development plans on inviting private capital to develop resort hotels. Economically, for Indonesians themselves, spending weekends in resort areas is still a luxury and only small numbers o f elite families can afford such vacations. The consequences o f this are, first, that it is mostly male visitors who come to such resorts for conferences, or take business trips from one city to another and choose to stay in such places rather than in cities. Such men are chiefly looking for sexual companionship away from the city or home town. Secondly, the livelihood o f hotels or losmens are very much dependent on prostitution transactions20. In the same vein as 19 The least significant abuse o f power would be to have sex for free with the prostitutes under his authority. As a "covert" researcher, I personally was confronted with similar tactics. The most significant would involve the purchases o f properties by family members o f the local official (wives, in-laws). Such family members would then become involved in the prostitution business by opening hotels and brothels (wismas). 20 This is not only the case for hotel businesses in resort areas such as Bandungan, Tretes and to some extent Samas, but also in cities. This mostly applies to those "star less hotels" (hotels which are not included within the star rating system - and do not have significant numbers o f foreignners or executive visitors who regularly stay there). Jakarta, Surabaya and Medan are occasionally mentioned in the newspapers for having certain hotels which function merely as prostitution sites which are often closed and reopen soon afterwards, (see also Berita Buana, 11-1-1985; Kompas, 4-10-1985; Merdeka, 12-6-1986; 7-8-87, 1-30-1987, Prioritas, 1-12-1987) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 123] === 103 Bandungan and Tretes, the first development project at Samas beach was also o f some tourist cottages. Quite quickly, however, the economic level o f the typical visitors to Samas, along with the competition from the waning owners’ own accomodations made the cottages seem too expensive. The rationale to develop Samas beach into a tourism spot, however, resulted in the gradual conversion o f the sites o f business and o f the participants; from beachside shacks, into permanent brick houses, from a group o f petty traders who specialized in prepared food and drinks, into bordello owners. Bandungan and Tretes on the other hand, have shown that the coming of private capital has pushed the local population into the lower and middle strata o f profit-making in the prostitution business. Over time they have generally become owners o f small motels, pondokan, and prepared food stalls, or simply members o f a reserve labor corps for corporate hotels, restaurants and other forms o f casual labor. The prostitution economy in the three locations benefitted hotels owners on different scales, depending on the level o f investment. In Samas, because of prostitution, waning owners have been able to slowly upgrade their brick houses on the beach, which were designed specifically to host female prostitutes. They were able to do this partly due to the fact that they do not have to compete with either losmens or hotels in the area. Except, that is, for the local government cottages, which cannot compete with the lower rate o f room prices in R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 124] === 104 the warungs.21 Semi-proletarianization occurs in places such as Bandungan and Tretes where former farmers and land owners turn to losmen businesses to ensure their economic survival. This is clearly demonstrated by the case o f UN. His grandfather was a land owner in Bandungan, his father owned a small losmen, and he himself works as a hotel boy and go-between at the same time. A wide gap in income can be seen more clearly in Tretes, where the HI family, for example, has been unable to gain enough profit to expand their business, even though the father and mother o f HI were considered to be the richest among the indigenous villagers and were able to go on a pilgrimage to Mekkah. In contrast, Mdm H., who was not a native o f Tretes, has in the course o f ten years expanded her small hotel business into 8 hotels and an orchid garden, the newest addition to attract foreign tourists. The list o f who benefits from the prostitution economy in the three locations does not stop with individual states’ apparatuses, hotels and motels owners, but also includes small traders such as prepared-food hawkers and vendors, peddlers who sell shoes, clothing, perfumes, amateur photographers, ibu pijit (traditional massage ladies), ojeg (motorcycle taxi service); and pengamen (street singers). Some are newcomers 21 During m y stay in one o f the cottages, I found only one man who stayed for a weekend. He was a salesmen working for a company selling fertilizer. There was also one couple who came and left secretly during the day. Other than that, in my first two weeks, I was the only visitor in the "Villa", as the people in Samas called this local government motel (cottages). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 125] === 105 who moved to these three areas, and some commute everyday from the surrounding areas. These are the casual workers (otherwise unemployed) from the vicinity o f the resort, or local semi-proletarian workers displaced from agricultural production. All of the three locations in this study manage to accommodate the increased numbers of newcomers in casual work, and gradually these casual laborers become permanent residents. Labor Process and Labor Control in Prostitution The prominent differences among the three locations are to be found in the ways that prostitution is organized. Samas beach, for example, with the smallest number o f women among the three areas also has the simplest organization. There are warungs, and each is assigned (officially) to host not more then two women who work (officially) as waitresses, but who in practice offer sexual service. This structure takes after the structure of daerah lokalisasi, (designated prostitution sites) in major cities in Indonesia which are licensed by local government. There is no fixed cut which a madame (warung owner, in most cases the m other o f the house) could take from each service. Instead, the madame charges a room rent each time her room is used. In addition, she profits from the daily food that she charges to her anak buah (female prostitute members o f her household). In Bandungan, the organization o f prostitution involves P.T.L. (Pengantar Tamu R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 126] === 106 losmen or losmen-guest guides), who are assigned to take 20 percent commision out of every rupiah a female prostitute makes. Aside from that, female prostitutes pay monthly dues for the guidance program and some occasional charities. Tretes shows a different pattern in that despite the 10% cut for a go-between, a prostitute who work for a brothel has to give up 50% o f her remaining 90% o f earnings. While in Bandungan, the officials o f the guidance program are very much the party o f authority, in Tretes there is another party which exercises primary control: the wisma owners. The complexity o f Tretes’ organization o f prostitution, as opposed to Bandungan, and to some extent Samas, seems to be related to the length o f time during which Tretes has been undergoing this transformation into a resort center filled with sex trading. W hether or not Bandungan is going to follow the same path o f development as Tretes depends upon whether or not the local government allows prostitution entrepreneurs to move in and open their wismas. In the case o f Samas, as a rather unattractive beach bordering villages with no special economic strengths, warung owners become small time brothel owners, and will continue to cater to low-income visitors. W hen the local authorities approached the Samas prostitutes and madames, the attempt to register and formalize the institution o f prostitution became a heated topic o f debate among the women: "I heard that there would be a registration, with the police registering everybody and everybody will be given a card or something. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 127] === 107 I am not here permanently, I ’m only here once in a while. I don’t like being registered by the police, it’s oppressing." (EN. 23 yrs) (Katanya mau ada daftaran, nanti pakai dicatat di kantor polisi. Terns mau pada dikasih kartu segala. Aku kan ndak menetap disini, cuma kadang-kadang kalau lagi butuh uang. Ndak enak catatan polisi, rasanya ndak bebas. EN was the only woman among the prostitutes in Samas who had a high school degree. She made more money than the rest o f the women, and did not come to the meeting. That week she collected Rp.20.000 (US $13.74), which was more than anyone else made. She left to the city the next day, which she did every time she had enough money, only coming back to Samas when her money ran out. However, at that time she had heard from some security personnel about the meeting before anyone else knew that it would occur. She was the only one who deliberately disagreed with the policy and tried to avoid registration. In the same conversation, SR. (26 yrs), who never finished grade school and had worked as a prostitute elsewhere, said: "Wherever we go w e’ll always meet the police. It’s the nature o f the thing we are doing. W hen I was in Kalimantan,22 it was like that. The police wrote down my name, my fam ily’s address in the village. If they want to register you, they’ll do so." 22 Kalimantan is one of the largest islands in Indonesia. It is currently undergoing serious deforestation. Logging companies, foreign and Indonesian alike, open "boom town" logging settlements where many prostitutes from Java went to serve workers and foreign contractors. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 128] === 108 (SR. 26 Yr). (Arep nyang ngendi ae yo mesti kepetuk poliSi. Wis karuwane wong gaweyane awake dewe pancen yo koyo ngene ikd. Aku nyang kalimantan kae yo ngono dicateti... jenengku, alamate nganti alamate keluargo nyang ndeso kono. Arep dicatet yo ben di catet kono) To be able to work as wanita binaan (guided women), a woman must be able to show a letter from the police concerning her good conduct, and stating that she has committed no criminal offence; a letter from her parents or ex husband showing that she is not married; and a letter from the lurah (village chief) from her home village showing her place of permanent residency. Along with those letters, she also has to supply a passport photograph and a postcard size picture of her entire body. Female prostitutes in Bandungan do earn considerably more than their sisters in Samas, but to obtain the "working permit" or the status o f wanita binaan, one has to start with some financial and "cultural assets." "I’ve spent a lot of money for all the letters o f "reference." If I wanted to work here, you know I had to give them all those letters. I didn’t even know what kind o f letters I needed, so I just asked somebody for help, (a man who is an "expert" in getting all o f the letters she needed)* It cost me about Rp.lOO.OOO-Rp. 150.000 (US $60 to $90)." (LT, 27 yrs.) (Aku keluar banyak lho, itu buat surat-surat boroh, kalau mau kerja disini kan harus pakai surat macam-macam. Aku kan nggak ngerti surat- R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 129] === 109 surat apa sih itu, pokoknya aku minta tolong orang. Kalau di itung-itung ada barangkali Rp. 100.000 sampai Rp 150.000 an). "First, I spent about Rp. 50.000 (US$25). That’s only for the blue card. They said I could work here with that card, but could not yet be a full member. Then I paid Rp. 100.000 to get the red card, from the Police department here. After I got that I became a full member here." (ST. 17 yrs) (Pertama-tama aku keluar uang Rp. 50.000. Itu bakal kartu biru-nya. Katanya, tandanya aku boleh mulai keija disini tapi belum tetap, apa bagaimana gitu!. Terus aku bayar lagi Rp. 100.000 untuk kartu merahnya. Kalau udah begitu baru, kita ini dianggap jadi anggauta disini). Both ST and LT had to pay (though not necessarily to those who are in charge o f the Wanita Binaan Program, but rather to some kind o f informal agent who could arrange either authentic or counterfeit letters. In the case o f LT, she went to her home town and paid someone there to arrange it for her. The point here is that a prospective Bandungan prostitute must be able to pay a sizeable amount o f cash in advance. In addition, she must know the right people who can take a prospective member to the Guided W omen Program ’s meeting for the first time and introduce her to the officials. Alternatively or in conjunction with this, she must know the right people in her home village who can help arrange the required letters or at least someone who can produce R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 130] === 110 convincing counterfeits. Finally, she must have the travel money in hand, the courage, the right style and the right clothing to go for the first time to this well-known resort. Such a mobilization o f resources is something that someone such as PT from Samas would not be able to successfully carry out. She has no cash in advance to take public transportation, no way of even knowing that there is work for prostitutes there. She certainly does not have a decent dress to wear. The organization o f the prostitution business in Samas beach is characterized by warungs which are at the same time boarding houses and work spaces for the prostitutes. In this situation, clients solicit women individually without go-betweens or middlemen. In Bandungan, female prostitutes, who are called "guided women," do not solicit their clients. Instead they wait in the Pondokan for the client to call, or to be escorted by a P.T.L. If the hotel or losmen where her customer is staying is not within walking distance, she needs to take an Ojeg (motor cycle taxi) and pay Rp.1000 (US $0.60) out o f her own pocket. In Tretes, the range o f prices for sexual service varies according to each category, which is very different than in the other two places, Samas and Bandungan. The lowest earnings are received by the amateur prostitutes, who only get Rp.3000 to Rp.5000 (US $4.90 to $3.10) per transaction. Independent (Berdikari) women earn Rp.6000-Rp. 10.000 for short term (minus 10% for the calok if she got the client from him), and Rp.20.000 to Rp.30.000 (US $12.50 to $18) for long-term, which means 10:30 PM until the next morning. A wisma woman does not set the price on her own, rather R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 131] === Ill it is the boss who negotiates with the customers. The charge ranges from Rp. 10.000 to Rp.30.000 (US $6 to $18) for short term, and Rp.50.000 to Rp. 150.000 (US $31 to $90) for long term. The women, however, only receive 40% of the money, after the 10% fee for go-between and the boss’s 50 percent cut are taken. Many women in Tretes have worked in a wisma, but not every woman who works as a prostitute in Tretes started with such arrangement, and then switched to being independent (berdikari) and kept women (peliharaan). The hardship o f having to compete with her friends, and o f working for a boss in an alienated working environment is the reason DR (34 yrs) left her boss and started working as berdikari. "Well it’s not all that bad working for a boss, one doesn’t have to think about food and a room to sleep. It was OK when I was younger, but now? In every wisma I ’d be the oldest. It’d be sad when everybody has gone with a client and I’d be the only one left, and no one came to book me up. Really sad. It made me feel bad to see men enter the house looking around for a woman, and when they knew some of my friend have been booked, without saying anything they just left. What do they think I am? The risk o f being a independent (berdikari) is big, if you don’t get any client, you truly have nothing to eat." (enak yo enak, gawe nggone Boss, mangan gak usah mBdr, kamar gak usah mikir. Jik aku enom yo enak ae, bareng saiki, aku nyang wisma endi ae aku dadi tuwo dewe. Sedihe ki nek kabeh wis podo entuk tamu terus aku dewe sing nyang omah gak ono sing nge-buk. Sedihe ki lho. Sumpek aku, ndelok wong lanang podo mlebu ingak-inguk nggolek wedokan, bareng ngerti nek kanca-kancaku R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 132] === 112 podo wis di-buk kabeh terus mak kluyur lungo. Padakne opo aku iki? Dadi berdikari risikonya yo kuwi, nek gak ono tamu yo gak iso mangan tenan.) IN (19 yrs) started working in Tretes when she was fourteen. After three years working in a wisma, she left and worked as an independent prostitute. Through her work as a berdirkari, she met a Korean construction worker. She became his kept woman (peliharaan). "When there was gambling everywhere here, in one day I could get seven to eight men a day. Every Sunday I would go to Pandaan (the closest town) to buy golden jewelry23. I had many bracelets and many rings. At that time I was working for a boss. If I were working independently I might have earned more. Then I fell in love with a billiard player, and I quit the wisma. Working independently involves many risks, like a lover. I met this guy - falling in love - then you know, I am the one who is paying the rent, the food and my savings are all gone. I do understand if women here choose to be a kept woman, I m yself prefer that way. You w on’t go hungry for sure - also you can always find other customers if you still need money - as long as he doesn’t know it." (Ndisik jik kene akeh judi, sedino aku iso entuk pitu-wolu. Angger minggu mesti dolan aku nyang Pandaan tuku emas. Gelangku akeh, ali-aliku akeh. Wektu iku aku jik melu boss, sakumpomo berdikari ngono yo mesti luwih akeh hasile. Ndadakan aku kepencut karo cah billiard iku, terns metu aku soko wisma. Dadi berdikari akeh 23 Gold or golden jew elry is important in Indonesia, at least traditionally, as a means o f saving earnings and also to show one’s wealth. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 133] === 113 godane, genda’an iku lho. Angger kenal wong lanang kepencut, yo ngono kui, kamar aku sing mabyari, mangan aku sing mbayari, entek-entekan wis to. Nek aku ngono gak ggumun arek-arek podo seneng dadi peliharaan, wong aku dewe yo ngono, ogak bakal luwe-ne, tur yo iso ngompreng, pokok gak konangan.) O f these three locations, control by the local authorities was the least established in Samas, where prostitution was still in the process o f becoming formally institutionalized and a relatively small number o f women were working as prostitutes. Bandungan had been a prostitution site for at least a decade longer than Samas, and its women were licensed by the local authorities and given the status o f participants in the Guided Women Program (which involved weekly meetings, weekly penicillin injections, monitoring of behaviour --dress code, meeting attendance, absences from the locations, etc.). There prostitution was administered by the local authorities, and the control o f these authorities was felt directly in the daily lives o f the women prostitutes. In Tretes, on the other hand, the penetration o f the prostitution business into the local economy is more deeply rooted (the migration o f people to the area and their settling there for the express purpose o f engaging in one or another aspect o f the prostitition business, began -in the early seventies, at the latest). In this location, meetings conducted by local authorities occurred infrequently, and there was no mandatory penicillin injection program. However, prostitutes in both Bandungan and Tretes also faced different types of R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 134] === 114 labor control. In Bandungan the role o f P.T.L. (go-between) was o f major importance for the women who depended on them to bring clients to them at their losmens. In Tretes, those who worked in a wisma were strictly controlled by their "boss." The same situation existed in Samas, though on a smaller scale. There too, however, those who owned the warungs controlled the prostitutes (setting up the price o f rooms used for sexual service, the price o f daily food which the women ate, and determining who to accept or refuse permission to work). Summary o f the three locations 1. TRETES, with a longer history o f tourism development, is a larger scale site in terms of the number o f women working as sex workers, and the investment o f private capital in the tourism industry, which in turn implies wider market access. Compared to the other two locations, Tretes is influenced more by the economic changes external to the local economy. For example, the International Tourism conference (P.A.T.A. / Pacific Asian Travel Association) in the 1970’s, and the oil boom in the early 1980’s, were significant forces in attracting private capital. All o f this contributed to the following characteristics; 1. Clients com e from higher economic positions as compared to the other locations. 2. The variety o f forms o f prostitution is greater and more complex. This R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 135] === 115 differentiation is very significant for the relative autonomy of female prostitutes. It frames a set o f choices o f what kind o f labor process is more desirable for a particular person, which means that a woman prostitute in Tretes is relatively more able to control her own working conditions than those who work in Bandungan or Samas. This include the choices o f whether to work in a brothel under terms set by a boss, or to work independently; or to agree to be kept by a man who provides stable income and prohibit service to other men; or to work continuously as covered prostitutes selling fruits door-to-door from one hotel/motel to the other. 3. The different forms o f prostitution, along with the larger number o f women working in Tretes, limits the ability of the state to fully control and regulate brothel owners and female prostitutes, but maintain greater control o f male gobetweens. 2. BANDUNGAN, draws fewer international tourists, and less private capital (for example, it has only two luxury hotels). Fees for sexual service are cheaper and less varied than in Tretes. The local authorities decided to allow prostitution, for it is important to the local economy, but they tightly control it. This leaves very little opportunity for prostitutes to exercise autonomy in the labor relationship. The number o f prostitutes is limited, as well as the length of time prostitutes are permitted to work there. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 136] === 116 3. SAMAS, has the least access to either capital or the tourism market. Even though prostitution is also important to the local economy, it attracts clients from weaker economic backgrounds as compared to the other two sites. Control by local authorities can be as restrictive as in Bandungan, but brothel owners maintain tighter control of individual prostitutes. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 137] === Table 1. Social Organization of Prostitution in Three Brothel Villages TRETES BANDUNGAN SAMAS Number of Women Prostitutes 1500 to 200 60-80 24 to 40 Type of Labor Form 1. Wisma (work for a boss/ madam) 2. Berdikari (Independent) 3. Peliharaan ("kept women") 4. Fruit Sellers (covered prostitution) Wanita Binaan ("guided women") similar to independent prostitutes in Tretes, but local authorities named them guided women in reference to mandatory "guidance" program. Warung (small low key restaurant) Covered prostitution. Prostitutes also work as waitresses. Price Range for Sex Service Rp. 10,000 - Rp.50.000 Rp. 10,000 (short term) (US $6 to $31.00) for short term (US $6 to $31.00) Rp.50,000 - Rp. 150.000 (US $31.00 to $90.00) (US $0.60 to $1.25) No long term arrangement. Distribution of Sexual Fees include Tips 1. Wisma prostitutes pay 50% to the boss (from which the boss pay 20% ' to go-betweens if clients did not come directly. 2. Berdikari (independent) prostitutes) 20% to the go-betweens if clients did not come directly. 50% to warung owner for "uang ngamar" (the use of the room for sex trade). 117 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 138] === 118 TRETES BANDUNGAN SAMAS From low key motel (losmen) to luxury hotel, paid by clients. From low key motel (losmen) to luxury hotel, paid by clients. Women’s own room in the warung paid out of the 50% cut. From Rp.3,500 to Rp.350,000 per night. From Rp.2.500 to Rp.80.000 per night. There is only one "motel" in Samas, government owned. Rp.4000 per night, but rarely used for those who come to look for paid sex. No formal monthly fees. Occasional donations to local development projects, national celebration etc. Monthly fees paid to the administration of "guided women program" (Program Wanita Binaan). Occasional donations to neighborhood improvement project: building local school, mosque, independence day celebration etc. Monthly security fees paid to local "police" (informally arranged recognition from village administration). pay 10 to 20 percent to go-betweens if clients did not come directly. 3. Peliharaan or "kept women" get no "cut", she is provided for by man who "keep" her regularly (weekly, biweekly or monthly for living expenses. 4. Covered prostitutes unregulated, solicit their own clients. Locus of Sex Service and Hotel Rates Formal and Informal Fees to Local Authorities R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 139] === TRETES BANDUNGAN SAM A S Living and Daily Food Arrangement Monthly rent in 1. Wisma prostitutes, pondokan houses supported by the including daily boss. food and laundry. 2. Berdikari (Independent prostitutes, rent rooms in pondokan (boarding house) month to month, provide their own food, pay for their laundry etc. 3. Peliharaan or "kept women", manage their own affairs, but rent in pondokan houses provided each by their keeper. 4. Covered prostitutes live outside Tretes. Live in the warung, no monthly rent in addition to 50% cut, most provide thenown daily food and and cost for laundry. Prices of PreparedFood (US $0.16 to $4.75) per meal. (US $0.90 to $2.30) per meal. (US $0.09 to $0.30) per meal. Regulation and Social Organization Tolerated, somewhat regulated by local authorities (village administrators, local police and military) who regulate prices, percentage for, bosses, go-betweens, and pondokan's owners, creates regulations and "acceptable" behavior for all Prostitution is organized by a special team called "guided women program" program" (program wanita binaan) appointed and supervise by local authorities. Formal curriculum, weekly meeting, sports and weekly penicillin injections for prostitutes. Informally organized and regulated by the local authorities. 1988 meeting attended by warung owners, prostitutes and local officials, signalled that prostitution was about to be licensed i.e., made into daerah lokalisasi pelacuran (designated brothels locations). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 140] === TRETES parties involved prostitution business. BANDUNGAN SAMAS Less frequent formal meeting for male go-betweens. Formal sanctions for both prostitutes and male go-betweens who disobey rules. Prostitutes can only work as "wanita binaan" (guided women) in Bandungan for 4 years. Prostitutes’ Organizations Savings Cooperatives "dian Wanita". None None Social Base Tourism Industry Earliest tourism spot to be developed by Dutch as resort in East Dutch resort developed by Colonial Railway Department in 1930s, including hotel with Undesirable not at all included in tourism map for East Java with private and government vacation homes and hotels. weekend facilities for retreats and conference. Central Java. One of the major tourism spots promoted by 1972 "Pacific and Asia Travel Association" (P.A.T.A.) conference. Not an important tourism spot during the P.A.T.A. conference. Mostly known for domestic tourist from central Java. In preparation for the PA.TA. conference, local administration office was given funding to "develop" tourism facilities. Large private capitals in tourism industry (mainly hotel business Large private capital invested in luxury hotels during the Very small Petty Traders. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 141] === 121 TRETES BANDUNGAN started from early fifties and sixties. Flourished during the seventies and eighties with the oil boom, and continue to grow even the non-oil export economic policy in the late eighties and early nineties. oil boom (early 1980’s) Time Period Prostitution flourished since the early sixties Prostitution flourished since early seventies Prostitution flourished in the eighties Tourism Market Access HIGH; Included in many international tour packages. More accessible for international tourists. Easy access to two major cities in East Java: industrial city), (2) Malang (administrative city). MIDDLE; Out-competed by many more desirable tourism spots in Central Java. Not included in tour packages. Rarely visited by international tourists. The closest city is Salatiga (administrative and university town). LOW; Domestic tourists only. Surrounded by agricultural land. Close to Yogyakarta, a major tourism center in Java. Out-competed by the neighboring beach Parang Tritis. Clients HIGH; International tourists, businessmen, high ranking government officials, students from wealthy parents. MIDDLE: Domestic tourists, small scale merchant, tobacco farmers, middle ranking government officials, students. LOW; Peasants, high school students, small traders, village level government officials. Transformation in small scale Property Ownerships From cash crops and land owners to losmen and pondokan owners. SAMAS From land owners to losmen, small hotels, and pondokan owners. From petty traders to war ung owners (pimjymadam). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 142] === CHAPTER 5: MERETRIX1: SHE WHO EARNS Four Stories: W omen Partini of Samas2 They call me Partini here, its my own name, I’ve never changed That’s what my mother calls me and that’s the name I was bom with. My mother was a maid (in Indonesian the word servant or pembantu). I was in the first grade when my mother decided to leave the village and work 1 Meretrix is the standard o f Latin term for prostitute which means "she who earns" 2 1 met Partini (not her real name) during my second visit to Samas beach. The very hour I rented my room in the "motel", built by the local government to attract tourists, she came and offered me some help. There were two single beds in the room, and she insisted that she accompany me every night, "kalau takut sendiri biar saya temani tidur disini'' (If you are afraid of sleeping alone, let me sleep here with you every night). She was five months pregnant, her arms and legs were full o f infected scabies. She understood Indonesian but spoke mainly "low" Javanese. As I found out later, she was the most unlucky woman in Samas. During a two weeks period she had only received one client, who was also poor. She was not very aggressive and was considered as "unattractive"; therefore she could not compete with other women living at the same house. She managed to get a client moved out o f the house she was living in and stayed with a couple who felt sorry for her, and let her work there even though they did not want to have anything to do with prostitution. At the new house, she was the only waiter/prostitute. 122 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 143] === 123 in the city. First I was left living with my grand parents. I never knew my father; some said he died before I was born, others said he left and never came back. Anyway, my mother took me along, and I quit school. It was nice to be with my mother, we lived at the m aster’s houses. I was helping my mother, mostly playing with (the m aster’s children) and helping my mother being the "gofer." When I was big enough, my mother started to arrange for me to find a master for myself, so I worked in a different house in the same neighborhood. Later on, I started working by m yself still in Jakarta, but far away from my mother. I don’t know how old I was, but I remember it was after my first period, when the master came to my room in the night and started to hold me really tight. I screamed and screamed, I was very scared. The next day they fired me. I left Jakarta and worked as a maid everywhere, first in Surabaya, then in Solo. Then I quit, it was getting to be too much for me. It is not all that bad, I got to go abroad, but I never really enjoyed it. The family I worked for in Surabaya took me abroad, I was scared; I ended up staying in the hotel room all the time. I had enough o f working and living in other people’s houses. I went back to my village, staying for a while, and came back to Solo, where I worked as a shop keeper. Too much work and a very mean boss. I met a guy and left the job. Then I started working in bordellos. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 144] === 124 Started in Klaten3,1 worked there for a while, until I met my husband. He was my regular, we fell in love and got married. I moved to his village and lived with his family. When my savings ran out, he started to be really mean to me. You see, he is just a tailor (buruh njahit). He only earned Rp.3000 (US $1.75 in 1987) per week. Not enough for us and our daughter to live on. He got angry a lot, and I know it is because he can’t earn enough for his family. His mother was getting meaner and meaner to me. Calling me slut every time she got upset with me, or with him or when our daughter cried uncontrollably. So I left and went back to work again. It was getting harder to find regular clients there. Then somebody told me that Samas would be a better place, not too many women and not too much competition. And it is farther from my husband’s village than the complex I worked in Klaten. Here it is very slow, you are lucky if you get one client a day, but it is not as crowded and competitive yet. I don’t know, it might be the same in a year or two. Also, I don’t have to go home or send my money. My husband always comes every other week to pick up whatever I make. My husband is nice, he always brings my daughter along so I w on’t miss her so much. 3 Klaten is a small town in central Java, it is located in between two cities, Yogyakarta and Solo. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 145] === 125 Sita of Bandungan4 I haven’t been here that long. Not quite a year. This is not the first time I left home to earn money. I left Wonogiri5 for the first when I finished grade school. I have a brother who lived in Cililitan, Jakarta6. He told me to stay with him and his family, and a year later he found me a job. I started working as a sales person in a clothing store in Pasar Senen7.1 worked for a whole year there until I couldn’t stand it any longer. It was very hard for me, working in a fancy clothing store with almost no money to buy even a skirt from the store. I only earned Rp. 15000 (U.S.$9 in 1987). 4 Sita was the "star" in Bandungan, during my research. She was new in the area, very young, spoke fluent Indonesian with a Jakartanese accent, and dressed fashionably. She was considered as the most saleable (yang paling laku, to used the local term,) among the women on the area. I met her through a group o f young men who had lived in Bandungan for more than a month prior to my stay. She was the "lover" o f these young m en’s financier, i.e., a very young gambler who paid all the expenses of a group of seven men. Their daily activities consisted of just "hanging out" and at night they accompanied the gambler to illegal gambling callers. Throughout this time, Sita received many calls but could not accept any client, since her "lover" did not like the idea of her giving sexual service to other men. 3 Wonogiri located in Central Java is a dry rocky remote area known as the "supplier" (again this is a local term) o f female prostitutes for the region as well as other islands such as Kalimantan where timber industries flourished. 6 Cililitan is located in the Eastern part o f Jakarta, an overcrowded urban sprawl with relatively new kampungs (poor urban neighborhood). 7 Pasar Senen is a shopping center in central Jakarta. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 146] === 126 From that money I had to spend Rp.6000 (U.S.$3.75) a month for my transportation and eat baks o* for lunch every day. That was my life there, the bus was always full to the doors. I had to leave my brother’s house before 5:30, otherwise I would not be able to get to my work on time, since the later you were the harder it was to get on the bus at all. And most o f all, I had no money left to send to my parents the way my brother and sisters always do. They do understand if I did not have any money to send my parents. It’s just that it didn’t make me feel good. I am the youngest in my family, and everybody always treats me like they don’t expect much from me. During lebaran9 when my brother, his whole family and I went back to the village, I got in touch with my friend from the same village. She said she had been working in Bandungan for a while and she said she would show me a way to get in. So, I decided to go with her instead o f going back to Jakarta. Now I can send some money home. None o f my relatives know about me being here. They only know that I go home often and bring some money home, something I couldn’t do at all when I was living in 8 Bakso is the most common prepared food sold on the street. It is a soup with meat balls and noodle, and plenty o f MSG. 9 Lebaran is the most celebrated Moslem holiday in Indonesia. It is the day after a month-long fasting period. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 147] === 127 Jakarta with my brother. My biggest problem though, is that I am involved with this guy, Max (the rich gambler). It’s nice being with him, he takes me around in his car, we go shopping, he gets me new clothes, but he hardly gives me any cash. It’s been almost two months we have been together, and he did not give me any cash. I really like him, and I don’t want to say anything to him about it, but I need some money. Sometimes I feel it would have been better if he had just paid me the regular fee, like everybody else, but he didn’t. I know that he doesn’t want to treat me like a prostitute by paying me everytime he plays with me, but then, I have no cash at all, and that’s how I make my living. My friends here told me they are envious of me, since I have this rich young man as a boy friend. What they don’t know is that he doesn’t give me any cash. I don’t know what to do. I really am confused. R eprod u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. === [PDF page 148] === 128 Inne o f Tretes10 I was sold, my virginity was sold here. That’s my reality. I was only fifteen then. It was some years after I finished grade school, and my parents didn’t have money to send me to middle school. Living in the village, and not being in school anymore, what would I do, except herd goats (angon wedus). Many people did leave the village, men and women alike, so when a neighbor who always going back and forth to the city, came to my parents’ house and offered to take me with him since he said he had found me a job, I agreed. I was also more than happy to leave and 10 The first time I went to Tretes, I rented a hotel room and started to get the sense o f the structure o f prostitution there. By the third day I found out that I could rent a room far less expensive then either hotel or losmen in an ordinary house which has a sign "RUMAH TANGGA" (which means Household). Such houses, formally speaking, are defined as local households occupied by family members, and not being used for prostitution. The sign was required to differentiate them from wisma, i.e., houses with prostitutes in them. The house I stayed in was owned by a small grocery owner. There were four rooms in the main house, and two small rooms attached to it where the owner, his wife and their daughter lived. Although it was a RUMAH TANGGA house, they rented the four rooms to prostitutes who are kept by specific men, or for prostitutes to have a rendezvous with their lover. Inne was one o f kept women (Peliharaan) who lived there. The two other rooms were empty when I moved in. So Inne and I were the only long term tenants there. Inne was a reserved person, very distant and showed instantly that she distrusted anybody around her. She understood Indonesian, but spoke mainly "low" Javanese. Dressed in low cut, bright color and laces, Inne was "kept" by a Korean construction worker who was about to finish his job in East Java, and to be posted and move to west Java. Although she did not feel that she liked this Korean man, she admitted that for her economic security, that the arrangement was the best she could do, rather then competing with other women on a regular basis to find clients. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 149] === 129 get a job somewhere. This guy, the neighbor, told me and my parents that he knew a family who will take me to work as a maid in the house o f people he knows in the city. It was all a lie. He took me here, to Tretes, and since then I’ve stayed here. He got commission Rp. 15000 (U.S.$9.00 in 1987 but almost $20.00 in 1981) from the Madame for bringing me here. That very night the madame (nyonyah-ku) sold my virginity11 for Rp.200000 (U.S.$125 in 1987, and about $200 in 1981) for the first night. I myself received Rp. 100000, half o f what my virginity earned. Lucky for me, the guy give me a Rp.25000 tip. The reason that he gave the tips was because he felt sorry for me and told me to go straight home with that money. I didn’t go. I thought, why would I go back and herd goats if I could at least make my living here. It helps out my family, too. I never thought I would end up working in a place like this. My first three years here were my real golden years. I worked for a boss, the 11 W hen I conducted my research in Tretes, I was not aware o f the political sensitivity o f the business o f selling women. I had not even heard that such a practice existed. A sociologist who wrote a long report on Tretes prostitution for a popular magazine told me that Tretes was once known as a place where one could buy virginity. However, he was told by wisma owners and local authorities that such issues were only a way o f getting a high price for newcomers. He, in turn, told me not to believed such stories, ignoring the fact that I did not hear about them from either madames/bosses or go betweens. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 150] === 130 madame who sold my virginity. This was the time when gambling was still untouched around here. Every weekend gamblers would come, the guy who got my virginity was a rich Chinese merchant gambler. He took me before he went to his big game, and it is said that taking virginity would increase one’s luck in gambling. The police raided every house in the last couple of years, so we don’t have rich customers anymore. I fell in love with a pool player. Well, this is the only gambling that exists here for now. He told me to quit my boss and rented our own room. He worked as a pool player when there are people who want to bet, but our day-to-day food, rent, his cigarettes, his pocket money, everything came from my work. I started selling my jewelry, the only savings I had. Over and over we had to sell whatever I had left, until finally everything I owned was gone. It was hard to get any customers at all, and he was just taking my money. One day I hid my money in a clean shirt pocket, all folded in the dresser. He found it and took it. That was the end o f my painful love story. It was really hard. My friends around here, each have their own boy friend (gemblakan), and I thought it would be wonderful to have a boy friend. That was it, we split. I rented another room and met this Korean guy who has since kept me (memelihara). This Korean man (this R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 151] === 131 is how she spoke of him him) gives me a weekly allowance, pays the rent for this room, and comes every weekend. Every time he comes he gives, well around Rp.35.000 to Rp.50.000 (US $22 to $31.50 in 1987). I am not supposed to look for customers, I am supposed to serve (meladeni) him only. It’s been okay, I am able to start buying golden jew elry again. I went home once every two weeks to bring some money to my family. At these times, I only told them I work as a maid in Malang. That’s all that I told them. I bought a cow and some goats for my parents. Bought a food cart (gerobak dorong) for my older brother to start his business selling meat ball soup (bakso), and still I’ve never told them what I really do to get all o f that money. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 152] === 132 Tientje, a Film A rtist12 My story is just the same as the story o f many other women who are struggling for their families. I need cash and I need to be able to enjoy (her very own word, she was using the English word enjoy) life, and I need some happiness. Happy-happy (again, this is her own term) that’s what I got from men. I was married when I was really young. Fifteen years old. I was a Chinese minority in a very small town. Our community was really small and close-knit together. If a girl was not married when she was sixteen or seventeen, she was an old maid, and everybody started talking about her, and pitied her for being nggak laku (literal translation means; not good enough to be sold). So I was involved with a boy from my school, and two months later we got married. I have three children by him. The first one is now in college, the second is in the last year o f high school, and the last one is still in 121 met Tientje in a film artist workshop-conference. The organizer asked me to fill in for one o f the speakers who was not able to come. This person had told her about me and what I was doing in Java during that time, and she agreed to meet and talk with me. Tientje was very open about her "other" profession. She was eager to share her experiences. We spent hours in a four-star hotel, at coffee shops and lobby. She taught me how to differentiate between men with money and those without money. While we were sitting, she continuously solicited men likely to have cash to spend on her. If a particular man who was approached did not show any interest, I came into the conversation, introducing other subjects. If the man was interested, then I left her alone. Although bartenders, hosts, waitresses, and room service persons knew what was really going on, we were also quite ready with the cover-up. My role was to make sure her solicitation there was not too obvious. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 153] === 133 middle school. They’re all very close to me, they have all gone through my four marriages. I did nothing after my first divorce, I was about twenty-five years old, with three children. Then I started looking for a job in film production as an extra (figuran). I started in Jakarta, and now I move back and forth between Jakarta and here, depending on where I could get the role. An artist, everybody knows, has to go through many traps. You have to get somebody to introduce you to the directors, producers or anybody who is involved with the productions. The first time I got a job as an extra was in 1978. It was a long journey to get in, but I managed to get a small role and hang out with film artists. I met a friend who had the same needs, the same attitude and the same feeling about sex. We rented a small room somewhere in Jakarta Kota (the Chinatown o f Jakarta). She was more experienced in getting men than I at that time, so she shared her clients with me. I am not a common prostitute. I am an artist. I date men, mostly high class people. My friends would introduce me to some men, we would have a great time, enjoy-enjoy and I asked them for some money, depending on how much I need at that particular time. Money to pay tuition fees for my children, my phone-bill, my rent. Being a prostitute is not a profession for me. I enjoy doing it and R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 154] === 134 I get my living expenses taken care of. This is exactly what other women are doing, enjoying themselves with their men and getting their living expenses. I don’t feel bad at all, I need money, I need sex, and this is how I get them, while I still am an artist. How much could I earn from being an extra playing in a movie? I only get a role once in a while. Not every month. My household needs to live on. I don’t make a living from being in a movie. None o f my extended family know exactly what I do for a living. Well, they know I am a film artist, that’s what they know. And that’s what my children know. Really I have no problem sleeping with men and keep my family going. Why should I? Like right now, I am involved with a young professional. He is just finishing his degree and hasn’t earned enough money even for himself. Who do you think supports him moneywise? O f Victimization, Agency and Economic Needs. I selected the stories of these four women because they represent different "classes" of prostitution in Java. Partini hardly earned anything during my stay in Samas. She was five months pregnant, with a husband and a daughter living in another village in Central Java. Her class background, her very limited education (only second R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 155] === 135 grade), and especially her prior working experience as a maid, gave her very little advantage in her work as a prostitute. She was driven to Samas beach when the site had just started to become recognized and organized as a prostitution area. The greater the number o f women who came to the area, the harder for her to find any clients. Sita came from the same background —a small holder, almost landless, peasant family from a remote area in Central Java. The difference between the two was that Sita had more education and experienced life in the city not as a servant, rather as a store assistant. Sita’s taste in clothing fashion was more contemporary, and she spoke Indonesian with a Jakartanese accent rather than Javanese. Inne came from the same class background as the first two women. The major dissimilarity between her and either Sita or Partini was that she came to work in a brothel without her own awareness and was driven by the false promise o f a different kind o f job. Although the same as Partini in many ways she did not speak fluent Indonesian, much less with a Jakartanese accent, and had no prior experience working and living outside her ow n village - compared to Partini, she had better luck. The location where she was brought to work was Tretes, which was far better than Samas, and her clients were those who were able to pay more than Partini’s in Samas beach. On the other hand, Tretes is similar to Bandungan in the sense that brothel visitors varied from students — children o f middle class families - to travelling merchants and salesmen, government officials, and tobacco farmers. However, Tretes did not bring as much luck to Inne as to other women who worked there, since she did R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 156] === 136 not speak Indonesian with a Jakartanese accent, and did not dress in contemporary style. She was out-competed by other women, and decided to work as a kept woman. Tientje on the other hand, as compared to the other three women, came from the petty bourgeoisie class (her parents own a store in a small town in East Java). She had a better education, never was a village girl, and spoke fluent Indonesian. She is an independent woman, and had another profession. Her identification card as an "artist" makes her more valuable in the eyes o f her clients, who were mostly professionals (and government high-ranking officials). Partini, Sita and Tientje were conscious o f what kind o f world they were becoming involved in. Inne was the only one among the four who was procured and forced to be a prostitute. Victimization was very clear in her case, though later on, she did not feel that leaving prostitution would be a good choice. Her experience poses one o f the important questions in both feminists’ analyses o f prostitution and feminists’ questioning o f w om en’s oppression and exploitation. The four women shown all treat prostitution as an economic means. Whether or not they are m arried or have a husband, their earnings are important to their families, both nuclear and extended. The only difference is how the question o f receiving money came into play. Tientje was the only one who never set a price for her sexual service. She treated the monetary transactions as a way to pay her bills. The other three women received cash which had to be "shared" with either a go-between (20%) or a warung owner (50%). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 157] === 137 Victimization and Agency Inne was not the only woman whom I met in Tretes who had had her virginity commercialized without knowing that the arrangement was already made for her. SS, seventeen years old at the time o f the study, left her village with a neighbor who promised her a factory job. For two years she wrote letters home telling her sister and her mother that she worked in a paint factory in Surabaya. SS’s deception ended when her older sister came to Tretes and also began to work as a prostitute. "My sister SS had gone for a year when my grand m other and my mother decided that I should get m arried to ease-up their burden (meringankan bebart keluarga). I was sixteen, and I was excited about getting married, a wedding dress, and being the center o f attention. I didn’t have any feeling toward the guy I was supposed to marry. The only thing I remember was that I was feeling sad because we couldn’t contact my sister SS. We wrote a letter to the factory she said she worked in, but she didn’t show up at all. After m y son was bom, my husband left, and I left the village too. I left to find a job, my mother and my grandmother took care o f my son. One night, about a month or so after I got here, a calok (a male go-between) called me and I was supposed to go to this expensive hotel (Hotel Tanjung). I was entering the lobby when I saw my sister walking toward the door, from the hotel with a man. I was shocked. I couldn’t believe my eyes. I looked at her carefully, and she looked at me. She said voiceless "kon ngopo nyang kenel (what are you doing here?)". It was just her lips that I read, she said it with no voice at all. I couldn’t sleep. I couldn’t talk, I couldn’t R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 158] === 138 cry, I was crazy with whatever feeling I had at that time. I thought she was working somewhere in Surabaya and I hadn’t seen her for a long time, yet I found her in this place. The next morning she wrote me a note and asked me to come to her Wisma. We talked and cried. She told me how her virginity was sold and that she still worked for the same boss. I had never seen her cry before, and I have never seen her cry afterward. But if I hadn’t found her here, she might never have gone back to see our mother and grandmother again. (RN, the older sister, Tretes) "Since I was taken here, I worked for my Boss (they use the very word Boss). He was nice. I have no time to weep about my fate. I don’t even remember what happened and who took my virginity. I don’t know, I don’t want to remember. I only know I am here and I make a lot o f money. My Boss is nice, he lets me out every Friday night. If I told him my guest is taking me to Disko Atom (a trendy discoteque in Surabaya) he lets me go. I have an OK life." (SS, the younger sister, Tretes) The most apparent victimization in prostitution involves victimization and violence; radical feminists argue that -- (in this case the selling o f virginity), rape, and physical abuse women can be seen as victim of male misogyny (Barry, Dworkin). All o f those situations are anwered with defiance by the women with whom I worked. SS and Inne whose virginity was sold and who entered prostitution without her consent, told her own story about the men who were involved and whom she still had to face on a regular basis. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 159] === 139 "I have seen the guy who bought my virginity many times here. Not lately since the control on gambling around here is so tight. The first time was about a month after I came here. He remembered me alright. He remembered that he gave extra money so that I could go back to my village. And he even asked why was I still here. I told him right there on the street that the fat tip he gave me that was not enough to erase my whole memory o f it, and most o f all to straighten out my life. I said to him, 'T m here and I work here". "Remember the guy who came to visit last night? That was the neighbor who brought me here. Every time he comes here (to Tretes) he always stops by, and asks me for money. He even claims that I should give some money because if it was not for him I would have still live in the village and be poor. Until I die, you could count on me, not a single rupiah will I give him" Both SS and Inne were "coerced" into prostitution, yet both not only stayed, but also actively worked and create their own space within the bitter memory o f being sold. Brothel owners, go-betweens or procurers, the clients who paid to take their virginity and also local authorities can say that it is only on the first night that they were victimized. This claim is true, but this is not to say that they were there because of choice either. The question o f choice is not a simple concept. For women like Inne and SS who come from economically disadvantaged families, and a very limited education, R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 160] === 140 what kind o f options are there? While they are the victims of patriarchy and capitalism, they are not in any way passive victims. They did make a decision afterward, knowing what kind o f other "choices" were available to them. Factory work? Maids? Or pursuing a dream that one day they might accumulate enough money and open a litle store in the village? They did not have the choice whether or not they wanted to work in the bordellos; they could only make the best out o f their limited choices. That is, to control what kind working conditions within the institution o f prostitution is desirable according to the individual preference. Physical and Economic Victimizations Whether or not the local authorities, brothels owners and journalists would believe both SS and Inne’s stories, such victimization is not trivial nor is it unique to these two women. This is not to generalize about the procuring process by suggesting that it happens to m ost prostitutes in Tretes or Indonesia and elsewhere, but rather I am arguing that victimization is an occurrence inherent within the institution o f prostitution itself. The problem is aggravated when such incidents are explained as, first, that female prostitutes are victims who enter prostitution against their own will, and secondly prostitution is narrowly defined as victimization and violence against women only. These explanations seriously limit our understanding o f the oppression o f women in prostitution. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 161] === 141 To concentrate on victimization in the Indonesian context would be too limited, since locally organized prostitution sites, such as Samas, Bandungan, and Tretes, as well as for every daerah lokalisasi (localized licensed brothel prostitution), are sites at which local authorities set rigorous regulations and control in the name of security and order (keamanan dan ketertiban) and where conflict is supposed to be dealt with by consensus (musyawarah)}3 This results in the fact that any cases o f violence against women would be "communally solved" but at the same time concealed from public attention. There were two stories of prostitute beatings that were still "hot" during my study at Samas beach.14 WT had worked in Samas since the late 1970’s. She was involved with a son o f the waning owner at the beach. According to her, after borrowing a large amount o f money from her, this man started avoiding her. WT confronted him and asked him to pay back all the money he owed her. The dispute 13 Musyawarah (consensus) is an ideological concept which presumably works as a process from the top level o f the state apparatus down to the village level. The concept itself was meant to resolve any existing conflict with discussion and consensus. The Indonesian government often claims that "musyawarah" is the "Indonesian" traditionally based version o f democracy. In reality, however, this "imagined" institution often means that people who have a conflict would, along with all the members o f the community, and listen to the most prestigious members o f the community (oldest, most educated, wealthiest, etc.) and those who hold official position who suggest ways to solve the existing conflict and problems. 141 was not present when the actual beating happened. The community meeting to solve the case o f Wati and her ex-boy friend occurred during my first night. The owner o f the house where I stayed, his wife and a client went to the meeting, left the waning to me and YK, the only prostitute who worked in that house. They left around 7 PM and came back around 10 PM. The five o f us then talked about what had happened, what the meeting was all about and what the result o f it was. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 162] === 142 became very violent when the man started biting and kicking her. She was seriously injured but was saved when neighbors heard her screams. The meeting was called several days later for everybody in the community, including children and the youth. The neighborhood chief (ketua R.T.) facilitated the meeting and conclude that W T’s ex boy friend had to pay his debt, and that the community should not tolerate such violence. Another case involved a beating by a retired military personnel who lived in the nearby village but spent every day in Samas. The case involved YN who verbally insulted the man. He was offended and started beating her up. People came to her rescue, no meeting was held, and YN left the location. Until the end of my stay, she never cam e back. This informal military man was one of the men in Samas, about whom the working women talked and were afraid of. He was known as someone with a hot temper and no one dared to argue with him 13. These two cases could only be discovered through conversation while they were still "current news," otherwise they would be submerged by the tendency o f local authorities to claim that such location o f prostitution are "organized" precisely to 13 This m an approached me at my room one morning, asking me who I was. I told him I was a university student and was staying in Samas to get away from the city to be able to write. A university student was considered high status in such a place (village level and economically poor). When he knew my status, he said: "You know, I fought for this country during the revolution. I took part in paving the way for the younger generation, including you!" R e p ro du ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 163] === 143 maintain security and order. The experiences o f W T and YN were not isolated cases, and they were solved differently. Violence against women involved greater repercussions for controlling women prostitutes. There were some explanations given by the neighborhood chief (ketua R.T.) on why the two cases were dealt with differently, such as that YN did insult the retired military man. This in turn became the line o f other prostitutes in justifying why YN deserved the violent treatment. However, this case also shows the real status o f the man as a retired military man, involving both the institutional power he evoked and was regarded to have. On the contrary, in the case o f WT, the village chief announced that everyone should learn not to "maltreat women who have already suffered" (agar tidak menganiaya perempuan yang sudah susah hidupnya). Maltreatment in this case implies somebody taking advantage o f a prostitute and violently harming her. In the other case, the violent beating was not even considered, first because there was evidence that a woman prostitute had insulted the retired military man, and secondly, due to the fact that the aggressor was considered to have a powerful position and because no one would challenge him. Thus, social sanctions were applied to the relatively less powerful men only. W hile I do not agree that women prostitutes are pure victims o f male misogynous tendencies, prostitution is an institution defined by patriarchy where men do have greater power and could freely abuse them. While cases such as those o f WT and YN could happen anywhere, oppression was not limited to such physical and verbal R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 164] === 144 abuse. During the study, women told stories over and over of love and the pain caused by it. The pain that these women faced was due to traditional notions of womanhood, i.e. getting married and having ''normal" family lives. "It was wonderful when I started my relationship with him. He was a nice man with a lot o f ideas in his head. He came to visit me every time I was allowed to go out. He was a friend o f the boss’ nephew I was working. We went out for a ride on my motorcycle. I didn’t mind at all giving him anything he needed. I never thought about the fact that I was always the one who paid for anything we did and we ate. I earned a lot of m oney then. It went on for a long time. The last thing was when he told me his idea about starting a small poultry business. I sold all my golden jew elry and helped him start his business. I bought four hundred ducks and I don’t know how m any hundred chickens. I even went to visit him in his parents’ house. He was very cold to me. Later that day, I found out from my Boss’ nephew that he was getting married to his girl friend I never knew existed. And there I was thinking that he would marry me. I lost everything." (ST, Bandungan)16 "I have a beautiful daughter and a nice husband. Yes, he beats me up occasionally, but I am not going to ask for a divorce. Leaving them back home and working here has everything back to normal. The last time he came here, he did not say anything bad. I am sure the problem we had was just because he was frustrated not having enough money to live on. I know I won’t be able to work like this forever, and I am going back to live with them again." 16 An longer version of ST’s story is printed in Pheterson (ed), 1989; 272-274 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 165] === (PT, Samas) "I left Dolly17 about six years ago. You know I left because o f this man. He said he was going to marry me, and he did. We went back to my village, got married, and stayed there, until all my jewelry... all o f them, nothing left, we sold them all. Then we came to Tretes, I started working again and he left me with somebody he met here. I went back to Dolly, but then all my regulars were already gone. And again I met another man, this time I knew I didn’t even think o f getting married. He took me to Yogya (Central Java) and left me all alone work in daerah lokalisasi. By now I have had enough o f these men". (DS, Tretes) "When I came here (Samas beach), I knew I had to find someone. Then I met him, I thought he was serious about me. It’s a m atter o f self-confidence. I was new here, I have to know how to go around in dealing with the police. He was perfect, he was bom in this village had spent all o f his life here, and his family lives close by. I visited his family’s house, brought them food and presents. They are poor, sometimes they had nothing to eat. So I thought it was my good deed. I bought many things. It was a good trade; I stayed with him at his parents’ handicraft store, so I didn’t have to find a warung to work in, and somebody to work for. It was me and him. I worked and he was supposed to protect me and I gave him money and food. It all ended when I was 17 Dolly is a well known prostitution area in Surabaya. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 166] === 146 arrested. I was jailed for two weeks, he did not come to see me at all. The first day I was out, the owner o f the warung where I ate everyday asked me to pay my loan. I said that I will pay her when I got the money from my necklace that he was supposed to keep for me when I was in Jail. Turned out he h ad sold it, no money left, and he was m ad at me for telling somebody about it. He beat me up because he said I ruined his reputation in this village." (NN, Samas) Relationships are a major part o f the lives of female prostitutes in these three locations. Different areas even have different terms for male lovers of prostitutes, such as gemblekan or gemblakan in Central Java and kiwir-kiwir18 in East Java. These terms describe the fact that between the women prostitutes and their "lover" there is an attachment, but it also refers to the other fact, that is, the m en’s role as parasites. SA of Bandungan spent hours with me talking about her feelings toward Tony, her lover, a young wealthy gambler, and her conflict between the need to earn a living and the uncertainty o f what Tony gave her financially. "I don’t want to hurt his feelings. You saw it last night a P.T.L was looking for me. This man, my friend from Yogya, he always comes every weekend and he always gives more than my regular price. Last weekend he was here too, and I pretended I was away that night. I can’t lie all the time, he would find out 18 the word Kiwir-kiwir literally means something that is hanging on you and waves when the wind blows. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 167] === 147 easily and never call me again. I don’t know what I should say to Tony. I need money to send my family. I earned almost nothing since I got involved with him." Tony and his whole group had left during the third time I went to Bandungan. The receptionist o f the losmen where I stayed throughout my study, and who knew me very well, told m e about the new development in SA ’s life. "You know Tony and his group had left some months ago. Turned out he is a gambler and we thought he was just a rich young man19. Sita is back. Poor her, its kind o f embarrassing after being with a guy for a long time to end up back here having to work like anybody else." The pressure o f meeting a m an so as to be able to leave work as a prostitute is very high in such places. During the first day o f my third visit, Sita was the major subject o f all conversation. Both men and women expressed similar tone. A similar case happened when I was in Tretes. RA and her boyfriend rented a room next to mine in M adame Hajji’s house. We spent every breakfast, lunch and dinner together. Her lover Henky (25 yr.), RA and I were even went hiking several times to the waterfalls in Tretes’ vicinity. I was in a very awkward position. RA 19 I knew all along about Tony, and I still believe that everybody in Bandungan knew about it too. It was just easier to tell the truth when the person was not there, and any body involved (hotel owner, go-betweens, the official from the "guided women" program) did not have to pretend they know nothing about it anymore. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 168] === 148 complained to m e about how Henky did not have any money. She had to pay all of their expenses for which she sold her necklace and tape-deck. Henky came to me and asked me if I could help him to go to his parents’ house and give his parents a letter asking them to send him some money to pay his debt to RN. I decided to get involved in their business and three days later everything was over. H enky’s mother, with a hired policeman20 from Surabaya and accompanied by local police o f Tretes and the ketua R.T. (neighborhood chief) came to our boarding house. RN and Henky confronted one another. While they were discussing the matter, the other women and I were sitting around in the living room, and witnessed the conversation. H enky’s mother accused RN o f bewitching her son. Henky did net argue much, and RN again and again explained her financial loss since she was with Henky. They left the house and moved somewhere else before they reached any conclusion. Later that night, the house owner told me that the local authority along with the Surabaya police decided that RN should leave Tretes for a certain period of time to avoid further meetings with Henky. She received no settlement for her financial loss, and Henky was forced to go home. Just as with SA from Bandungan, who could not work while she was having a relationship with Tony, for two months RA did not work, did not earn any money, and even lost her savings, namely: golden necklaces and a Sony tape-deck system. 20 He did not come in his uniform. According to Henky he was a policeman hired by his m other to help her force Henky to go home, since Henky had not been home for almost two months. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 169] === 149 In these three locations the loss o f savings, not being able to work and earn money, exploitation by "lovers" or "kiwir-kiwir”, emotional burdens and feeling the loss o f dreams and loves is experienced by women prostitutes across classes, whether or not they were physically abused or forced into prostitution. The pressure o f finding a man for marriage and a family life is not just learned from early socialization, but also from within the framework o f such goverment "licensed and control" prostitution sites. Bandungan’s Guided Women Program for example, invites religious teachers regularly and it is mandatory for every registered woman to attend such classes. In Samas, a representative o f a civil employees organization (Dharma Wanita) comes occasionally to give speeches on returning to the "normal" life (ceramah penyadaran). Another layer o f oppression is the power held by waning owners, men or women, for Samas and pondokan owners for Bandungan. The labor process within every brothel is very personalized and is constructed in such a way that each member of the household imagines that they are actually part of the family-like organization. The "informal and familial" image o f brothel organization suggests that a house was meant to be understood as a "big happy family." However, in actual everyday interactions such arrangements involves control, oppression and exploitation. In Bandungan and Samas, the madam is Bue which means mother, and the husband o f the madam is Poke or father. In both locations comparing notes about the "mother" is a R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 170] === 150 common practice: "PT’s Bue is really bad. I feel sorry for her. No food and she is not supposed to eat anywhere. PT had to pay a lot for the room, and certainly she never shows any respect to PT. Mine is not that bad. I just have to know where I should hide my money. I lost my money all the time in that house, and I can’t be sure who took it. Well, I just have to be careful about it." (TT, Samas) "My Bue is a real greedy woman. I don’t blame her either, look at how many nephews and nieces she is taking carc of. They all live here in this house with four women working like this. They are fine kids, I like them all. But Bue, she always borrowed money from everybody, and never gives it back. If we have the nerve, w e’ll say "I’m paying less rent to cover your loan", I did that several times, but I don’t do that any more. I just don’t have the guts anymore. I feel sorry for her, so as long as it is just some small change, it’s fine. I suppose we all make more money that she does." (ST, Bandungan) Even in Tretes in which the term used to call the brothel (wisrna) owner is more o f a working concept, where the women openly call the brothel owner "Boss" (the precise English word), the way in which a boss controlled "his" women also often uses a familial rhetoric. "Remember this woman Lany, the one who was married to a very rich Chinese business man from Surabaya? She was lucky. The guy was a very nice person, R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 171] === 151 he really wanted to marry her. He was not just taking her as a concubine, but as a real wife. The boss was angry, he didn’t let her go. He claimed that she owed him almost a million Rupiahs for all the care he gave her. He asked the man to pay. She left, they both knew it was just a scam from the boss’s part. Well they didn’t pay what the boss asked them to pay, but she left everything she had. Stereo set, clothing, jew elry, just about everything she had." (SI, Tretes) SS was the star o f a well-known wisma in Tretes, and the boss knew that RN was the elder sister o f SS. This is RN’s story concerning her younger sister and the Boss. "Mr. Chong a Taiwanese guy who kept me asked me to move to Bandung with him. I was tempted, why else do we go if not for money and I knew that he earned a lot of money and was very generous to me. W hat kept me from going with him was my sister SS. She is the most expensive woman around here, and she is also known as the Disco Queen (Ratu Disko) in Surabaya. I don’t mind that she has fun in a discotheque, but she hangs around with young kids from Surabaya who are mostly rich and into ganja (marijuana) scene. Some months ago, when she was really into the disco scene, she disappeared for almost a week. Her Boss came to me and asked me to help him bring her back here. We found her in a hotel room in Surabaya, stoned from ganja, and I don’t know what else she took. Her boss couldn’t make her come back, only I could. So she is here and I’m ju st worried about her, she’s still so young". (RN, Tretes) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 172] === 152 RN gave up her own opportunity to live temporarily with a Taiwanese engineer in a contract-based relationship which could make her financially more secure than working as an independent prostitute in Tretes. What mattered for her was that she and her sister could help each other and take care o f each other. It was SS who gave RN some money to go back to the village for a while, when she was "forced" to leave Tretes after the appeal o f Henky’s mother. A family connection in this case certainly works to the advantage o f the two family members. However, it is apparent that as an older sister, she was used by the boss to bring her sister back to Tretes. So far I have discussed the control and oppression by kiwir-kiwir, madames and bosses toward women prostitutes. Clients and calok or P.T.L. (go-between) play a significant role as well. In Samas, there were no go-betweens, but local police and local young men were taking advantage o f the working women, both financially and sexually. Go-betweens, although subjected to certain regulations concerning their conduct, were not explicitly proscribed from sexually and financially victimizing the women. Their power endures due to the fact that they have control over customers, that they could block a particular woman from receiving any clients. ST of Bandungan has a particular story concerning her strain with P.T.L.: "You know Mas (brother) Yono. He did it. He asked me one day when I was just a newcomer here. He is so authoritative and looks dignified (berwibawa), I couldn’t refuse. I was scared o f what he might do if I refused to go to bed with him. So I did it, but I made it so clear that I did R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 173] === 153 it because he wanted me to do so. I made it clear afterward that I don’t like him. I never say anything to him afterwards, nor do I hope to get some clients from him. I thought I had to do it otherwise. I don’t know what would have happened." (ST, Bandungan) M aintaining a close "friendship" with local authorities or go-betweens is very important for working women in these prostitution sites. Most women in Bandungan and Tretes had some go-betweens with whom they related very well. In this case ST had made a conscious decision not to befriend the P.T.L. who "forced" her to have sex with him, but still managed to have several P.T.L.s who were loyal to her without any unpleasant experiences. In fact, ST was one of the most successful women in Bandungan. She received almost four to five men daily, and had to shuttle from one hotel to another every day, five days a week. She was the only one who made up her own schedule and consistently followed it. "There are some nice P.T.L.s around here, Pak (Mr.) S. and Mas (brother) Udi and Mas Pur. They always call me when any o f my friends (read: regulars) come and look for me. I told all my friends to specifically send any o f the three of them when they want to see me." (ST, Bandungan) "Since I had this relationship with Tony, I knew I could have broken the bridge between m e and most o f the P.T.L I could understand why they are upset with me. Could you imagine R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 174] === 154 they called me several times, and I always told them to lie. I told them to tell the guests (read: clients) that I am not here. Some o f them understand that as long as Tony is around I can’t receive any guests. But some just didn’t want to understand and thought I was an arrogant bitch." (Sita, Bandungan) For Samas which, during this study, was not yet "recognized" by the local authorities as a prostitution site, it was the local authorities, individual military and policeman, who were more likely to exercise a certain degree o f power over the prostitutes. "Every one of us knew that we were arrested that night because one policeman didn’t like us. It was T H ’s fault. She refused to go with this guy. She even insulted him in front o f other people. Sure this guy is a policemen, he could do anything he wanted to get back at her. Her waning was the first one raided". (NN, Samas) "Why can’t she just give him a quicky. It w on’t take much time and energy, and w e’ll all be saved. (PT, Samas) "I don’t think she knew this guy was a policeman, he w asn’t the usual police guy around here, how could she know he was a policeman". (TK, Samas) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 175] === 155 W hether or not N N ’s analysis about the cause of the police raid was right is not important in this context. W hat is important is the entire discourse regarding the power that the police personnel hold, and whether the women could actually control such predicaments and prevent them from happening if fhey were more aware. As much as the fact that there are different layers of both oppression and exploitation, there are also different layers o f expression in resisting such conditions. That there are different ways in which women prostitutes in these locations deal with each layer. W om en’s Agency and Resistance To talk about resistance in Indonesia after 1965 is not to talk about organized protests and public organization;21 rather it is a matter of what James Scott (1986) has called everyday forms o f resistance. In a notion which may be productively linked to that of Scott, feminists maintain that we must not overlook women’s agency in considering the oppression of women. What is problematic here is that one has to take into consideration different forms o f oppression, subordination, and exploitation within prostitution. Inne’s decision to stay in Tretes and continue her work as a prostitute when 21 There are some groups dealing with the prostitution question during my research; 1) Yayasan Magdalena (the Magdalen Society, a church-based organization in Karamat Tunggak Jakarta and 2) Koperasi Dian Wanita (A banking cooperative organization for female prostitutes in Tretes, founded and chaired by a wife of the former district military chief. She is also the owner o f several well-known hotels in the area. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 176] === 156 she realized that she could live "independently", away from her parents, make a living and at the same be able to help her parents financially is indisputable. Similarly this is the case of women who enter the prostitution world without being "forced." What remains unanswered in looking at female agency in the context o f oppression and exploitation is the resistance to it. And how are these forms o f resistance specific to prostitution? First, the individual response to violence not only emerges during a critical period that is at the time the violence occurred. But it is also persistently told to and shared with another. WT o f Samas proudly told her own version of how she had made the violent boy friend pay for what he did to her, even after the case was officially closed by the neighborhood chief. "1 remember exactly what happened that day. He came and asked me why I told the warung owner that he owed me some money. I said frankly it was the necklace he sold when I was in jail. He denied knowing o f any necklace o f mine. I said to him I am still terrified by my experienced of being caught by the police, and that 1 couldn’t work for a while; I needed the money from the necklace. All that I remember afterward was him hitting my head, I fell down and his boot was on my face. I screamed as loud as I could, continuously, until I knew some people were coming to help me. I was just screaming and screaming, while defending myself. I am glad I did what I did. I told the truth during the meeting and everybody in Samas knew what he did to me, and that was important. When he saw me on the street afterward, he didn’t even dare to look at me. I don’t care what other people said, but I made it clear that R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 177] === 157 everybody could hear my scream, and that I told the truth in front o f everybody" (WT. Samas) WT told this story in front o f me and five other women. Her story was told with courage, pride, and anger. Although she won the case, and that her ex "kiwir-kiwir" (knapsack) was told by the village meeting to pay everything he owed her, she was aware that not everybody was on her side. While her story was received very well, she was still thinking of moving out o f Samas and trying to find some better place. Moving from one place to another is another way to avoid "danger" after an unpleasant conflict with a client, colleague, house owner, or the local authorities. It is true that we could explain this tendency and define it as an everyday form o f resistance. However, my reading o f such a situation is that when a woman prostitute creates her ow n space - in this case challenging male violence -- at the same time she also loses the space she has created. This is due to the fact that prostitution is a classist, sexist (and racist) institution (see Overall, 1992). Questioning, confronting male power either o f clients, "boy friend", or authority figures, is perceived as crossing the boundary from being "lower" and submissive. Going somewhere else allows a prostitute to reconstitute her social space. Furthermore, stories o f resistance are shared, learned, challenged, and understood by others, especially by the newer and younger prostitutes. DS o f Tretes told a story during one conversation in the living room o f the pondokan house where she lived where eight o f us were sitting around. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 178] === 158 "I was very unhappy in Sanggrahan (the localized brothel area in Yogyakarta). W hat made me leave that place was this guy, an undercover cop. I knew he was a cop, there w asn’t any reason I should be afraid o f him, after all I was in daerah lokalisasi. He agreed that he would pay me Rp.8000; Rp.5000 for me and the Rp3000 to pay the room. W hen he finished his business, he pointed his pistol right at my head. I have never experienced something like that before. I was scared to death. Then slowly I said to him: "Brother, just calm down. I know you are not going to pay me. That’s O.K. But I know that you know I am doing what I am doing to keep m yself alive. So just please pay the room since I can’t pay it myself”. He paid the room rent, and the next morning I left Yogyakarta. That’s the only thing I could do I if still wanted to work like this." (DS, Tretes) At the same gathering, Inne told us her story about the billiard player she once was in love with, who took advantage o f her savings. "It still hurts me when I see Han. I feel I have to do something to make him pay whatever he did to me. You know what I did, I went to see a dukun (faith healer who could also be a witchcraft person). I wanted him to be crazy about me and in return I would turn him down. The dukun asked me to bring whatever o f belongings o f his I could get. I brought his tooth brush and comb. Well, I went and truly enough, he wanted to see me. I said I did not want to see him and he kept coming. Now I am tired with it. I want to do something more than that. It started to bother me to see him coming, looking for me all the time. Now what do I want to do with him?" (Inne, Tretes) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 179] === 159 The responses from the other women were even more interesting: "Just pretend you want to see him and every time he comes ask him to treat you for a meal and do it all the time. Let him pay every meal you eat but don’t go to bed with him. Get as many meals as you can out o f him." (RN, Tretes) "This is it. A real revenge. Just pretend you have forgiven him and you do want to see him. Be nice, take him to your room. Give him a massage, caress him, and then rub his prick with lots and lots of Tiger Balm." (SI, Tretes) Prepare ground chili peppers, give him a nice massage, and mb it with fresh ground chili peppers." (DS, Tretes) None of these women would necessarily do what they were suggesting. What is important here is the way in which Inne’s sorrow became part of other women’s concerns. Laughter was the response to these suggestions. H alf jokingly, they created an imagined physical counter-hegemonic act against male power and sexuality. As I mentioned earlier, exploitation and psychological manipulation by lovers along with ideological constructions o f good and bad women and more importantly, the social norm o f w om en’s fulfillment as wives and mothers, have consequences in the form of oppression encountered in the everyday lives of female prostitutes, although this oppression is often denied. Almost everybody in this study had similar experiences, though some still are at an early stage in the process o f coping with it, and therefore deny that their relationships are somewhat exploitative. Some, however, have overcome R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 180] === 160 such problems and learned a lesson. "I learned my lesson the hard way. After the guy took advantage of me; left me with nothing, no savings, no dreams o f marrying him and having a normal life. Nothing. I don’t date anymore here. I can’t expect myself to find a husband here in this kind of place, the way I used to. One would only meet a creep or an O.K. guy - but with wife and children. Who would want to marry a creep or become a second wife? I keep telling my friends, if you want to find a husband, this is not the place. That’s a way for me to build my dream house; preparing what I am going to do afterward is important." (PT Bandungan) PT just ended her relationship with a local man when I met her. According to other women in Samas, she also spent a lot o f money on the boy friend. Cigarettes, lunch, and dinner, were all paid by her. Most o f the other women disapproved of her behavior: "She should have known that the guy is really a creep. Everybody knew that. Well, I think now everybody certainly knows who the guy really is. The problem is, guys like that think that all of us are just a bunch of women hungry to be loved and would do anything to get it." (WY, Samas) Since it was hard for women prostitute to collectively organize and resist any issue surrounding their rights, and was used to cope with oppression in an individual R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 181] === 161 way. The P.T.L. is Bandungan were more capable o f collectively showing their dissatisfaction, not against the authority or any more powerful party, but rather against the prostitutes. ST’s story illustrates this; "As much as I need the money, I don’t usually agree to go with a guest for a night (long-term service) if I don’t like the person. For me it is very important to always trust my feelings. The P.T.L.'s were angry at me, since they could have made more money if I did go for the long term arrangement. One night I was asleep and I woke up hearing noises. They were demonstrating against me. They said I was playing hard to get (jual mahal), and that I should have thought about their wives and children who were home waiting for the money. I just ignored it. Not everybody is nice to me but at least I have some people I can count on." (ST, Bandungan) To have a certain degree o f control over who the clients are, is very important; more so, to sense any danger, to increase the kind o f control one exercises in order to protect oneself. Samas is characterized by mostly low-income visitors, high school boys, peasants, and once in a while government employees and travelling merchants. Some well known thugs from Yogyakarta also frequently stay in the area. Bandungan and Tretes have m ore varied visitors most o f whom are economically better off. School boys and students o f the middle class, however, were found in all three locations, coming and going in groups. Never did they come individually. "Sometimes it could be interesting with those R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 182] === 162 boys, but I will always make sure before leaving my pondokan that they are going to pay for each head (pokoke carane ngono yo ngitung gundut). It could be rough if I didn’t make sure about that". (YT, Bandungan) "This is a harvest time, there are many wealthy tobacco farmers here. They are O.K. I’d do a very quick job and that’s it. It’s a little scary since they always come with their whole body guards (tukang pukul)". (ST, Bandungan) "Last year a woman was found killed in a hotel here in Tretes. From what I heard she was a newcomer. The guy killed her and took her jewelry, but her boss said that all her jewelry was only worthless fake gold. That’s the reason I never wear my gold when I get a call. As much as I need the money I always make sure that I feel alright about whomever asked for me. (IN, Tretes) "It’s hard to see whether we can really trust the guy who calls for me or not. When a calok calls you, and he says somebody I don’t know before called me, I get the chille, and I always make sure that the calok would check on me afterward". (RN, Tretes) It was clear from their statements that neither the local authorities, the special office for the guidance of prostitution, nor the calok could guarantee the safety of women prostitutes as soon as they were with clients. Security depends very much on each w om an’s alertness in sensing any danger and in defending themselves. Each in R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 183] === 163 their own way became equipped to manage to stay away from any possible victimization, physically as well as financially. O f Sex, Pleasure and Identity The ideological construction of women’s sexuality distinguish good women from bad women. Promiscuous women from monogamous women. Promiscuous women who demand financial inducements either fall in the lowest category o f women or are among those who most need to be helped. Yet the availability of female prostitutes’ sexuality instils both fear and thrill. Here is one story to illustrate;. Partini and I were walking from the village back to Samas beach. It was dark and there was no electricity. A motorcycle with two men on it passed by. Suddenly it turned back towards us. Its light was turned directly to our faces and it stopped with the engine still running and the light on our face. I moved to the side, letting Partini be the one closer to the two cyclists, thinking she might want to approach them. Her reaction was something I did not expect. She stood up firmly -very tough - and said; "What do you think I am. There at that beach I am a prostitute, but here on this street I am a woman just like any other woman." (Partini, Samas) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 184] === 164 Thus for her, there is a clear separation between her work, the stigma attached to it, and her identity as a person and as a woman. She could be perceived as a sexual object within her work but not outside — not in the public domain. The conventional separation between private and public women is obsolete in society’s eyes when regarding w om en’s sexuality, but this distinction is not obsolete — in her eyes. There were similarities as well as differences between Partini and Tientje (the film actress). They both concede that the nature o f their work is prostitution, yet Tientje makes a distinction between herself and what she called "the common prostitute." Partini on the other hand, acknowledges her status as prostitute with all the peril which it entails but only in her work place, and not in the public arena. The "common" prostitute to use Tientje’s term or the "public" women, is contrary to the Latin term for prostitute; that is Meretrix or she who earns. It is a term with no stigma attached to it. It is the social definitions such as public women or common prostitute that segregates women into two categories, the lady and the whore, the good versus the bad women, that very notion that separates women who earn a living from prostitution, such as Partini and Tientje, from other women. Even though the dominant ideology holds that being a prostitute is sinful, which both Tientje and Partini had internalized, at the same time they both manage to see themselves differently: "I am a whore when I am there in the complex" and "I am not a common prostitute since I enjoy the company o f those men who pay my bills." Pleasure was the distinction here between Tientje, the film actress with wealthy R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. === [PDF page 185] === 165 clients and sex-workers from the three locations o f this study, and for Partini and others, whose pleasure was not obtained in the setting o f their work. Distinguishing among clients and regulars who are better customers than the others is one way in which a prostitute controls her private working space. For the women o f Samas, Bandungan, and Tretes who work in brothels with a certain degree of labor control from other parties outside themselves, serving a client’s sexual needs was notconsidered asource pleasure. The very thing that motivates women in this study, despite numerous horror stories of kiwir-kiwir or lovers who take advantage and often control them is, to fall in love and expect a settled and hopeful relationship. One aspect o f such longing was the desire to have sexual pleasure with the man they considered to be their lover. Controlling one’s own sexuality was also an aptitude developed by each prostitute. To be able to manipulate their body in such a way that they could control the client, not allow him to get too much intimacy from her. Similarly, to be able to do the job as fast as possible and to get out o f undesirable situations, such as spending time with uninteresting clients or what the women in this study called the "undesirable men" (laki-laki yang nggak menarik sama sekali). "Working like this can be very humiliating sometimes. Believe me, how many times I wanted to spit in those m en’s faces. Instead I just took it silently, do my job quickly, took the money, left, took a shower, and washed my hair and ate bowl o f bakso (meatball soup). I don’t even cry anymore. Like last night, this dirty guy, when I got to his hotel room he was R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 186] === 166 waiting for his dinner to come. He wanted to eat first and do the business later. He didn’t even ask if I wanted a glass o f water. He just let me sit there, waiting until he finished eating. I had to watch him eat! I hate those kind of guys." (YT, Bandungan) "Well I thought so, the guy I just went with. Big mouth, talking big o f himself, did not consider that I was there with him at all. Big talkers like that are very stingy when it come to paying you, no tips, never. I know this type o f guy very well. Those who talk a lot, and who like to show that they could give us a lecture or something. Those who are so interested to talk and to show o ff are the worst kind here, just wasting your time. Some even try to make you feel bad about taking the money they are supposed to pay you."22 (SI, Tretes) "I can’t stand guys who try so hard to make me come. I can’t stand it. How many times here I had to pretend I was not here, when I knew it was this arrogant guy who wanted to show me how good he was. Not because he wanted me to feel good, but just because he wanted to show off. I don’t think it’s fair. When I got a call and the P.T.L. told me it was a group o f young men, I got nervous. It’s very hard to have to 22 SI was talking about a client whom I also met, since he came to S i’s room while I was there. She introduced him to me, and while we were waiting for her to dress up, the client and I had a short conversation. He was a government official in charge of one o f the teak forest plantations, and was in Bandungan for a conference on forestry. He lived in nearby city and had two children who were in college. He asked about me, and that was the reason he talked about his daughter who was in college and lived in another city. W hat struck me the most from the conversation was that in front o f SI (whom he complimented in English: "Oh, nice" when he first entered the room) and I, he said: "I didn’t send my daughter to school in Yogyakarta; it’s too dangerous for her since there are many cases o f kuntpul kebo (a negative term for cohabitation without being officially married). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 187] === pretend that I enjoy the guy, while inside me I hated those kind o f men." (DS, Tretes) "What I don’t like from these young guys is when they used setud (Prolonged erection cream).23 They didn’t even bother telling me that they were using something like that. Yet I overheard a young guest of mine who used the stuff, tell his friends very proudly and they were all laughing at me. I learned my lesson though." (RN, Tretes) "Sometimes I just can’t be nice to any o f my guests anymore. You know there are many who were with you, treat you O.K., and when they come around again they would not even say "Hi" not even acknowledge you and then you get a call from them again. I think it is sick." (ST, Bandungan) "There are many men who come here looking sheepish, pretending they only came here to eat and drink. Those type make us work a lot before they even go to bed with you. Such a waste of time. I wouldn’t be surprised if they think that we are just a bunch of gait>age. We know they wanted sex. Don’t play hard to get. This is not the place. I hate such a man" (TN, Samas) "I was with this guy last night. I knew it was going to be a bad night. He was with his friends, treating everybody for dinner and drinking. My friends all thought I was lucky that he picked me. Bad! I knew that there was something wrong with him. True enough, he paid me only enough for to pay the room, and on top o f that my Bue thought I was lying. So I got nothing. Just enough to pay Bue. He said h e’d pay me the next time he came to visit. I doubt that he’d 23 Setud is Indonesian pronunciation o f the English term "Stud" R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 188] === 168 do it. H e’ll find somebody else and do the same thing. I wish everybody would know this type o f man, mostly every Bue should know about this trick." (NN, Samas) Contrary to the popular belief that prostitutes have "different" sex drives, and that prostitutes serve men indifferently, the six women talked about the types o f men they don’t have any desire to have sex with. The agency of women prostitutes is revealed not only by a strong individual resistance toward oppressive incidents but also by their use o f their bodies and sexual "knowledge" to make life easier for themselves. Again, one important aspect of working as a prostitute is to be able to continue working and earn one’s living. The body has two sides or aspects as a means o f livelihood; first, to earn a living and second, to keep the work going. Consenting, though reluctantly, to serve specific men sexually, is not something that woman can avoid. Examples o f this are the ability to control how much sexual service they give to each individual client, and whether or not they agree to receive the pleasure of the sex they were trading for money. The question o f one’s ability to carefully choose a client depends on the "class" locations o f the women in prostitution. Tientje (the film actress) solicits clients in four-star hotels, or through her networks o f friends who operate in the same way. It is easier for her to carefully pick a man, and "have fun with" him. For SI o f Bandungan who was one o f a very few prostitutes who received more than four calls a day, the R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 189] === 169 choice was limited to whether or not she wanted to be booked for long-term service. As for PI o f Samas, where clients are scare and come mostly from a poorer economic status than those who went to Bandungan, having a client per day meant her livelihood; the question o f choosing the more desirable client is a luxury. As one woman o f Samas said: "The worst thing that could happen here is that the guy refuses to pay. Guests are hard enough to find here, so I just accept anybody who comes here and am really careful". (TN, Samas) Another important reality faced by prostitutes in this study was (mostly in Bandungan and was about to be conducted in Samas) the "unofficial" yet commonly practiced (at the local level), regular penicillin injections. This practice o f giving weekly penicillin injections is ideological and structural. It is the w om en’s bodies that are perceived as "dirty" and a disease carrier, as opposed to the clients’ (m en’s) bodies. Also, this program is used to gain the confidence of prospective clients by assuring them that the women in such locations are "clean." While the prostitutes were not given information about the hazards o f penicillin injection overdose or about the potential problems o f the regular injections o f penicillin into their bodies, the women were aware that their bodies did not need as much as they were given. The way in which they could withstand the injection required was through individual bodily negation. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 190] === 170 "Sometimes I pretended I was sick, so they didn’t force me to get the injections, but I had to tell them that I got a cold or something. Well, sometimes it works, sometimes it doesn’t. The best time would be when the paramedic (mantri) looks too busy. I ju st left." (YI, Bandungan) "When I said I was sick and I didn’t want to go to get the injection, most o f the time it’s not a lie. How many times my behind hurt and was swollen because o f the injection. How many times I couldn’t even work for a week afterward. I don’t know w hat’s wrong with the injection, but often it made me really sick". (NK, Bandungan) "If I were here yesterday and got the injection, I knew it’s going to get infected inside and swollen again. T hat’s why I went home to Solo. I got a letter telling the binaan office that I had a family problem to take care o f'. (SI, Bandungan) While the hazard o f penicillin overdose was foreign to most women and men in Bandungan, women did feel that weekly penicillin injections created problems in their bodies, and they tried to avoid them when they could. They did this in spite o f the fact that they faced sanctions for not attending the weekly meeting. Exploitation in this context revolves around the actuality o f day to day life inside and outside the brothels for women prostitutes in this study: from the percentage o f the cut taken by brothel owners and go betweens to the profit gathered by hotel and losmen owners from room rentals; from the controls o f local authorities, such as those in R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 191] === 171 Bandungan, Tretes and Samas who were concerned with the women’s "good" conduct; the control o f go-betweens in demanding the "willingness" of women to offer them at least one free sexual service and to accept overnight guests for the bigger percentages involved; the control o f brothel owners such as in Tretes and Samas; to the psychological and financial extortion by lovers or kiwir-kiwir. Furthermore, there is an additional ideological control in the mystery o f penicillin injections that most believed to be justified by the knowledge of educated medical establishment (in most cases by local paramedics). Not all worked as prostitutes against their will or as a result o f having been procured without their consent. Some were cheated and left with no choice except to make the best out o f prostitution. Even so, those who came without intending to become prostitutes found that they could survive by working as prostitutes. None claim that life and work in places like Samas, Bandungan and Tretes is easy. Not enough clients - too slow, too much competition, mean house owners, incidents o f brutality, clients who did not pay, go betweens and lovers who run away with their savings, and even insufficient money for daily food. M ost however, perceived what they do as work or nggawe in Javanese. The picture o f the "happy hooker" did not materialize throughout the research, even for Tientje the "highest class" among the women in this research. She even thought R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 192] === 172 o f going to Japan as a waitrees in a restaurant24 in order to earn a decent living for herself and her grown-up children. From this chapter it is clear that first, sex workers are not necessarily passive victims o f oppression and exploitation o f women; second, althouth they do not fit the image o f lustful hookers who enjoy the pleasure o f serving sex to any man who comes around, they do have a certain degree o f autonomy in controlling their own bodies; third, the ability to select a client depends very much on the location, which relates to the social and economic background o f where both the women themselves and the clients come from. Fourth, because o f the ideology and the stigma attached to their work as sex-workers, the sexism within the institution o f prostitution, sexual harassment and the objectification o f women is understood as part o f the job. However, outside the work setting their identity as a person and as a woman is maintained. And last because sex is work, the giving of sexual service and getting the pleasure from it are different realms. 24 Tientje claimed that she had a friend who offered her a job working as a waitress in a restaurant in Tokyo. She did not realize that Jakarta’s newspapers around the same time were heated by news about two young Indonesian women who escaped from a Japanese brothel-restaurant. They left Indonesia under the promise that they would work as waitresses. Soon after they arrived in Tokyo, they learned that they owed the couple (a Thai woman and a Japanese man) who had arranged their trip, all o f their travel expenses. The two women were coerced to serve sex to pay their debts. The two young women escaped to the Indonesian Embassy, and the couple were arrested in Jakarta. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 193] === CHAPTER 6: LITTLE MEN IN A BIG MAN’S WORLD FOUR STORIES: MEN Y atim an1 of Samas This is my last month working here. I am working for the government managing this beach area. I have been here for a while. This is a job, better than being unemployed. My family is kind o f well-off in the village, so all my brothers and sisters had a good education. W hen I finished high school I didn’t know what to do. I took some vocational training, got a diploma in economics, and my older sister found me this job. So I took it. Jobs are hard to get these days, one can’t be choosy about it. I am a civil servant and have a steady income. It’s not much but it’s enough to get by for a single guy like me who still lives in the family house. It’s very strange for me to work here. I was born and grew up in this area. I used to come here to play with other kids when none o f these 1 I met Yatiman on the first day I went to Samas beach, when I was looking for a possibility to conduct my research and finding out where I could stay. He was having his coffee after his office hours and stayed until very late. We had a long conversation about the area, and later on that evening he accompanied me to a grocery store and stopped for a while, observing a local meeting on domestic violence. 173 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 194] === 174 things existed. We used to go fishing and play until late at night here. Then I remember this place became a date place for teenagers, including me. This girl I was with got pregnant; she was a loose one, I didn’t think it was mine. She told my family so for the sake o f the child I married her, and officially divorced her a month after the baby was bom. I wasn’t bad. I did what traditionally every man has to do here. I washed the diapers for the first month which was our custom that a husband has to perform. I did that. I felt I was forced to marry her, but I did follow the traditional custom. I have had nothing to do with her and the baby at all since we got divorced. I never felt I was even married. I know almost every women here and they know me o f course, though my work doesn’t h a.e anything to do with them. What we do is collect parking fees from the visitors’ vehicles on the beach. This bears no relation whatsoever to the prostitution. We are not here to regulate the prostitutes and the warung owners, though I know almost all the gossip about what is going on around here. I am not in the position to do anything about anything that happens here. There are civil servants who work in the motels, at the parking office and as lifeguards by the beach. We are not here to do any business with either warungs or the women. Once in a while one o f the women came on to me and we had fun. T hat’s all. I never paid or anything, since I never seemed to have R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 195] === 175 any money. A civil servant in my rank, how much do they earn? Not much. Also, if money were involved, I should have been the one who wanted to have sex with them. Most o f the time it was the other way around, they wanted to have sex with me. Most o f all I also had access to these motel rooms as long as they are empty. That’s kind of convenient. Hey, I am not the only one who is doing it. Sometimes even the son o f the night guard spends the night here with a woman. It’s just the way it is around here. It’s a place for sex. This is m y biggest problem here. This kind of things seems to be so natural. The women trade sex for some cash, the men come for sex; I am here because my job is here; and I am a single man. I have two girl friends in the village. One is a lot younger, a high school girl, and the other one is older and she is a nurse. Last month when I met you for the first time, I was involved with that woman at the house you stayed in. I found out two weeks later that I got gonorrhea. The nurse I told you about, she was the one who treated me. My sister found out about this and had me transferred. She decided that this place is really bad for me. She has influence in the government office here, and so by next month I w on’t be here anymore. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 196] === 176 Kancil2 o f Bandungan Like most everybody else who works as P.T.L. (Pengantar Tamu Losmen/Laki-laki) male guest guide, I am not from around here. Most o f us are not from around here. But we do live here now, and many are married to women from here. Oh, it was just part of my journey that I ended up here. It’s kind o f ironic that this is the first legal job I have ever had, and that I have been doing this for some years now. It’s not easy, it’s really a steady job, but at least it’s not illegal like most o f the things I had done before. Some people look down at us, and think that we are a bunch o f gali (local thugs). I am not, we never play rough with anybody. We don’t take money from anybody. We take from the women what we have been assigned to take from them: twenty percent of what the guests pay them. We never ask for more than that. For me this is a job, like if you are selling somebody’s house or cars, or anything like that and you get twenty percent o f the selling price. Like middlemen (makelaar). I think that’s what we are here for. We work day and night, waiting in the street 2 Kancil was one o f the go-betweens in Bandungan who was always around. He often stayed, hanging around in the motel where I stayed or with a group o f men I have contact with. He was one o f the "unluckiest" P.T.L. who did not seem to earn enough money for even himself. Dressed poorly, he did not show any disrespect toward any women prostitutes nor his power as a P.T.L. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 197] === Ill comers, running after cars, going up and down the hills from hotels to the pondokans. Sometimes we get lucky, sometimes we don’t. There is one thing for sure though, among the P.T.Ls we really have to get along well. And it’s not easy either. With me, I am not hard to get along with. But some people are just competitive and don’t care about their fellow P.T.L s We have our own way o f working things out around here. A few nights a go we were waiting on the streetcomers playing dominos (gaple), a car pulled up and I swear I hadn’t earned anything in the past week. When I saw one o f us was already ahead o f me running to the car, I just sat there and watched them. I don’t care to play rough with my fellow P.T.Ls, but sometimes they don’t care about me. It’s a tough job. How would you tell them that you need money desperately, everybody would say exactly the same thing. As much as we don’t want to have trouble with each other, once in a while we come across something ugly within each o f us. You see, my friend can make about Rp.6000 (1987-1988 US $4, three clients’ commission) a day. I hardly ever make that much. Sometimes I make more than that, sometimes I just can’t compete with the other guys. It’s not that I don’t work hard. We all have to get here early, be clean and look nice, sit around and wait for any signs o f men R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 198] === 178 looking for women, Approach them, offer them our services, sometimes there are three o f us, and only a couple o f men, and we have to split up the commission. Most nights we wait until two or three in the morning, those are the hours when you can make very big commissions, when they want the women to stay overnight. Sometimes you end up falling asleep and the other guys get the good luck. I know that people like me here, but I don’t seem to be liked by the women. They treated me alright, I never bad mouth any women here. I never have any quarrel with anybody. What I end up doing sometimes is helping people here and there and accepting their small change, since I am not good in pursuing visitors and getting them women o f their taste. Working in this kind o f place is not easy. I have never lived and worked like this before. I am not as other P.T.L.s are, experienced. I know nothing about other places and how other places work. Every other P.T.L. seems to have had more experience, have known this kind o f place elsewhere before they came here. Me? This is my first time working as a P.T.L. I think it’s my fate that I ended up working and living like this. Or maybe it is a curse. My parents, whom I don’t remember at all, gave me to my aunt. (She said because I was an unbearable little boy.) She R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 199] === 179 took me to live with her in Lampung, Sumatra.3 She was a good parent for me. The only thing she did which I rebelled against was to never give me any pocket money. When I was in fourth grade I realized that she had enough money to give me pocket money. I asked her over and over, and she refused it every time. So one day I started by taking a pair of plates and selling them at the second hand market. Every day before I went to school I sold two plates. About a month later, she found out what I was doing. That was the first time I made my own money. She kicked me out o f the house and I started living my own life. My biggest success was being a small time gambling banker (bandar judi kecil-kecilari). Every market day, in Lampung I went to the market, and I started playing adu kelapa (coconut butting). I really knew which one was the best coconut to gamble with. Soon enough I was the banker. It was more fun than earning money or anything. Then the market police started to chase me around, so I thought I would have to quit or I would end up in jail. I did the sorts of things you would imagine for a young boy living on his own. I was a "medicine" seller (tukang njual obat) on the street, getting the attention of passersby, shouting about whatever I sold so that people got really interested in trying it. It 3 Lampung, Sumatra was the first "transmigration" project in Indonesia, a government effort to relocate the Javanese mostly peasants and landless, from overpopulated Java to Sumatra. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 200] === 180 was all my imagination. I ground aspirin and mixed it with rice flour and called it obatpusing (medicine for headache). I made something else for stomach aches. I did many things like that just to get by. I was selling medicine when I first returned to Java. O f course I never visited my relatives, I didn’t know whether they were still alive or not, I don’t even know where they are now. The only relative I know is my aunt in Sumatra. The first time I came here was with the market people. I had this friend who always came back and forth to Bandungan buying vegetables and flowers and selling them in Semarang. I was helping him as a coolie. Then I learned about this place. I also learned that I could make money being a go-between. So I stayed here. My wife is from here, she lived in the village down the road. We have three children, now almost four, and no certain income. But, I think it is still more settled and "legal" than the kind of things I used to do when I was younger. Salam4 of Tretes 4 I met Mas Salam, a calok (P.T.L. or male go-between) from Tretes who lived in the neighborhood where I stayed. His wife was the lady who did my laundry but I did not meet him through her. He visited me a couple o f times, talking about life. He was very hesitant talking about political conditions in Indonesia in general and in the local community such as Tretes. Among other caloks I met in Tretes, he seemed to be the most educated one, though the story he told shows a very limited schooling experience. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 201] === 181 I came to Tretes in 1981.1 didn’t have any idea that I was going to stay and live here. My wife is from here. She was only sixteen when we got married. I am a lot older than she is and this is my second marriage. Now we have three children and live in her parents’ house. I see my life here sadly. Truly this is not at all what I imagined I would end up being. I am a goldsmith. I never got any formal training, but that is what everybody from my home village does for a living. Automatically, everybody from Bangil (in East Java) knows gold work and becomes a goldsmith. Sometimes I imagine m yself working as a goldsmith again. I really want to, but what can I say, I am here in Tretes with a wife who works as tukang cuci (washing lady) for the women here, and three small children. I work as a calok (go-between). Things are getting harder here, now that gambling is not being tolerated, the economy may be worse than ever, and more and more people come to work here as calok. Sometimes I don’t make any commission in a week. This has never happened before. When I first got here, I came just like everybody else, to enjoy the scenery and hang out. Then I learned that we could actually make a living here by working as a calok. I started doing it, met my wife and stayed. You know, it is not R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 202] === 182 like that anymore, at the meeting last month5 they came up with a new regulation. Only those men who have residential identity card (K.T.P.) are allowed to work as calok. When I first got here, I didn’t have Tretes’ K.T.P. but now I do since I became a member o f my in-laws household. There are too many calok and too many women but not enough visitors around here anymore. I guess I am just one o f the unfortunate people in this republic. I was in the second grade when the independence struggle arose and o f course everybody was involved in the war against the Dutch, including the teachers in my village. H ie school was closed and we were scattered all over east Java. I kept continuing my Islamic and Q ur’an reading school (sekolah ngaji) every night. That was all that we considered as schooling. After the war ended I was too old to go to grade school, but we did get what they called night school where we could choose what kind o f vocational training we wanted. There was nothing in Bangil for me. That was true even in Surabaya. I took mechanic school (sekolah montir). I lived in Surabaya for a while, until my father died and I had to go home to Bangil. The funny thing was though I have some kind o f 5 A meeting conducted by the local authorities, attended by brothels owners and caloks (male go-betweens) from all over Tretes. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 203] === 183 education and I could have worked as a mechanic, I never did it. In Surabaya, I was working all along in a jewelry store, making gold jewelry. My boss, who was Chinese, was very fond o f me and treated m very well. Then my father died. I was called by my mother to go home and live back in the village. I didn’t go back to Surabaya, I stayed in village and taught children Qur’an reading and Islam in our local mosque. I was a good teacher, the children and their parents liked me. I liked being an Ustadz (religious teacher). No one believed me here when I told them I was an Ustadz. What a strange life I have. Look at what I am doing right now, it just doesn’t make sense. My first wife was a school teacher, she taught in our grade school in Bangil. She died too soon, I couldn’t take it, so I left the village for the second time and went back to Surabaya again. I worked as goldsmith again, then a friend told me about Bali. He said we could make more money working as jewelers in Bali, working with silver. So I left Java and worked in Bali. It was true, we got jobs as jewelers easily, and we worked a lot. We made good money, and we were able to go back to Java and visit our families once a month. I did that for more than three years. One day, some friends and I came to Tretes just for a weekend, but we stayed longer and longer and now here I am working as calok. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 204] === 184 A jeweler, an Ustadz (Islamic religious teacher) and now a calok. Working days and night fighting for commissions from prostitutes and brothel owners. I said fighting because this work really means running around, approaching visitors, showing them from house to house. If the visitor decides to take any woman we get commissions, but there are too many women and not enough visitors, even on a weekend. Most extravagant hotels around here have their own employees acting as caloks, and we hardly see their guests on the street. Most regulars do not need our services, since they know their way around and they know who they want to use and where they live. Nothing for us really, except when we got lucky I guess. If I could find a better job which would give me more economic security (pekerjaan dengan gaji yang tetap) I would really leave this calok business. It’s not even a job; it depends a lot on luck, yet it is not easy either.I find it harder and harder to stay up late waiting for cars to come, or wandering the streets to find visitors. There is one thing I worry about, and that is having my children growing up in this kind o f place. We do have a grade school here, but it is surrounded by bordellos. We have a beautiful mosque made from stone, and every house is built from brick, no bamboo houses around here anymore. Where is all the money coming from? Prostitution! No one R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 205] === 185 seems to worry about the future o f our children here. Sure, you have to send your children to Pandakan (the closest town where middle and high school is available). I went down to Pandakan yesterday, the colt (small public bus) was full o f young men, I don’t know where they were from. As soon as a couple o f middle school age girls went in they were making sexual and really degrading jokes to embarrass these two girls. I felt really uneasy, this is the way men talk in Tretes, no sopan-santun (politeness and respect) to women at all, even to young school girls who clearly were on the way home from school. This kind o f thing worries As I said Tretes is progressing a lot, so there is no way that prostitution is going to be made illegal. The lurah (village head) knows nothing about what is going on here, even when a leaf falls he would not glance at it. What he talks about is how we have this wonderful mosque which is the pride o f Tretes, how many people go on the hajji (pilgrimage) to Mekkah, how people seem to be well off, and tourism is still going to be developed: I don’t know what all that really means. Well, I know, and everybody knows that prostitution is going to continue this way, and that people will keep coming to Tretes not for its beautiful scenery and weather, but for sex. But, I shouldn’t really talk about this, and I shouldn’t even say anything like this. We had a meeting the other R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 206] === 186 night, the village chief (lurah) said that we are not supposed to talk with anybody about politics. I realized that I was talking about the politics of Tretes, so if you know o f any job for me, I would really appreciate it. Mr. EXTREME6 OF NJARAK, SURABAYA My father was a nationalist and guerrilla fighter. The night I was bom he was not even home. He gave me the name EXTREME from jail. He was jailed by the Dutch for his activities with other nationalist leaders here in Surabaya. He was a religious person, a true believer and true nationalist, and he fought with the young guerrillas during that time. Everybody in this neighborhood knows him as a person, but no one knows how important he was during the revolution and for some years afterwards. T hat’s politics, people come and go. I still remember how I used to like stealing young mangoes from other people’s yards. Usually they knew it was I who stole their fruit. Once my father lost his temper, and he tied me up in a mango tree for the whole day, no drink, no food. No tears either. There is something in my blood that I just am this way. 6 1 met Mr. Extreme through a theatre artist from Surabaya, who was involved with Ludruk a traditional East Java form o f popular theatre. He was introduced to me as one of the jagoan (local thug) who was not just a rough guy, but also celebrated local "Robin Hood." He was also introduced to me for his many years o f involvement in prostitution environment in Njarak and Dolly, two known prostitution sites in Suranaya. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 207] === 187 I began to be who am I today in grade school. I got punished by my father all the time. He hit me with whatever I had in my hand until my head bled. He even hit me in the stomach while I was tied up in the tree but I did not cry. I just did not. The older I was the meaner I became. I remember a neighbor had some fruit in their trees and they would not give it to me when I asked. The next morning everything was gone including the buds o f the fruits. Gone, and they knew it was me. They couldn’t complain to my parents and my father could not punish me anymore. I literally grew up in this prostitution site. You know, parent’s house is only five hundred meters from Njarak. I ’ve walked past here on my way home from school everyday since I was little, and even came back here after being home for a while. I started to collect bottle caps, collecting as many as I could find to sell to a lemonade factory once a week. The factory was around here too. My parents didn’t know. Well, maybe they knew, I don’t know. Soon the whole neigborhood started to collect bottle caps, but there is no small lemonade factory anymore. Nobody collects them since it is really worthless. So when all my friends from my neighborhood started to follow my steps earning their change from bottle caps, I stopped doing it. But I did not stop coming to this place. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 208] === 188 When I was eighteen or so, I was really into nice clothing, dancing parties, listening to western pop melancholic music. I remember the song "I started a joke": that was the song I danced to in my good old days. That was the time when I went to rich people’s parties almost every weekend. Things were very expensive then. Imported luxury goods were a very rare commodity, and people were really into them. I remember going to these houses, well you know Surabaya is a port city, you could tell w ho’s richer than the others: those who are in the Indonesian Marine (Angkatan Laut). I never got an invitation, I just went and it seemed that everybody knew me. I wore a suit coat and tie, and nice shoes, and I was well accepted by the host and guests. So after I got there, usually, I found a way to help them serving this and that, going in and out o f the kitchen. Soon I would find my way to the bathroom and even into the bedroom. My friends were getting ready there too. One couldn’t tell how many times I changed my suit coats. Sometimes they were too big, sometimes too small, but the changes were fast enough that nobody realized that I wore those coats just for a couple seconds and then, soon after that they were all gone back to my neighborhood. When I came back, I asked them how many we got, and what kind o f things we got. Blazers were very important for me then, to be able to work like I did. I even harvested transistor radios which then were so expensive R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 209] === 189 only rich people had them. I took just about everything I could take, and put it inside my coat, inside and out, going from one room to another. Then somebody, I mean my buddies would quickly take the goods back to our headquarters (markas). Actually, I was the person who actually invented this method o f robbing rich people’s houses. Then other people started doing the same thing, and it was really time to quit. Not even once was I caught. I was really good at it. My parents w^re really amazed when they saw me with those incredible suits everyday. My father even called me the banker’s son (Anak Yang Punya Bank). He hated me, he knew what I did, he knew I gave neighbors’ kids income, but he couldn’t do anything about it either. Nice clothes, good food and cash were never hard to get. When I was younger than that, my whole neighborhood already knew that I was the best kid at stealing people’s chickens from their cages. There were many hungry kids in my neigborhood. Even today, people are still hungry. This was our ritual. When I knew we all were hungry, I called a soto (chicken soup) hawker, and made a deal with him. We agreed on how many bowls o f soup we would get, and on how much cash. So I went to somebody’s house whom I knew to have chickens and took a chicken from the cage. We all ate the soup and went home with full stomachs and I still had cash for my cigarettes. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 210] === 190 Could you see why I was a celebrity among children? They all have eaten soto (chicken soup) with me. Not only that, but when just about anybody in my neighborhood got in trouble, I defended them without even thinking about the risk I had to take. Yes, of course I was put in jail several times when I was young, but not for stealing or robbing rich people’s houses. It was from getting caught in a gang fight. Everytime I was jailed it was because o f fights, once in Jakarta and a couple of times here in Surabaya. Many things happened to me in jail but no one bothered me there. The thing was, I did not go to jail for killing, robbing, or raping or sleeping with somebody else’s wife. Just for gang fights. People in jail respect somebody like that. The only thing was my father. He got really annoyed and sick the last time I was jailed here in Surabaya. So I left. I ran away from home. I went to Jakarta to look for my uncle. I was tired and into a trip o f proving to m yself and everybody that I could live without m y family. I just had to get away from my father. I was young, a teenager I suppose. I got involved with Koes Plus (a band called the Beatles o f Indonesia during the late sixties, it was also a major pop group in the seventies). I worked for them as one o f the Tukang Pukul (bouncers, security guards). That was a great time. We travelled all over. W herever they performed I was there. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 211] === 191 I was not even twenty then. It was just fun, accompanying them everywhere they went. Money was not a problem then. I lived in their house and ate their food and cruised here and there. Not that they gave m e a salary or anything. I was ju st an informal body guard. I was married not long after I moved to Jakarta and lived with Koes Plus. There was this really nice girl, very young. Her parents owned a Chinese restaurant near by. We used to go there a lot, I hung out there with no real intentions. Then one day she got pregnant. I was shocked and didn’t know what to do. We got married and I took her to live with m y parents in Surabaya. I have a daughter, she’s around twenty by now. She lives with her mother and grandparents. Then an uncle o f mine came and took me to work with him in Cilacap, Central Java. I was working in a project salvaging the ruins o f Dutch ships around the harbour o f Cilacap. The remainders o f World War Two in this area. Good job, good money. Living in a ship almost for two years, lots o f drinking and fun. Party almost every weekend, I could barter for two cases o f imported beer with a deer from the jungle on Nusakambangan Island (a very small island near Cilacap, which is mainly used as maximum security prison). O f course I got them from the officials, they all knew me, and we just partied and partied. When the project was finished I went back to Surabaya. I had no R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 212] === 192 settled job, but this doesn’t mean that I did not work. I earned money however I could. My wife couldn’t take it any longer living with me, so she left. She went back to her parents in Jakarta. She got tired living in my extended family like this, with my parents, my sister’s family and my brother’s too. Maybe it is better for her to be with her own relatives. I guess its good for both o f them, to be away from me. I started working in the brothel again. I did it before too. It’s the kind o f job you do when nothing else works out, when you want to drink a lot. M y jo b was just to be there to protect the madames and the women (he never used the word prostitute). Three houses were under my control, about forty women. I had sex with none o f them. You might not believe it, but there is an important unspoken rule that you don’t sleep with any woman under your protection. After all it was not sex that made me work there, it was beer and money. That’s all. I got paid some cash and we got free beer almost every night. I work for a tante (tante is a Dutch word for aunt. The term is used to refer to a madame or a female brothel owner) who owned those three wisma (Sanskrit word for house, a term used in many locations). I was bad. I was really mean. Sometimes I remember what I have done and I just can’t believe it. I was really mean. You know, I never slept with anyone in my wisma. I did that before when I was working in R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 213] === 193 Njarak (a well known prostitution site in Surabaya). One day I lost my temper. This woman did something that made me really mad, and I lifted up a coffee table and hit her with it. She did not dare come back to the wisma for a week after that. I used to be heavy-handed with them (meaning the prostitutes). Now I can’t believe it, but every time the Ibu (literary means mother, but here means madame) told me what they did wrong I beat them. The second time I worked here, I couldn’t do that anymore. I worked to protect the women and the business. Not to beat the women up. Not to make them scared o f me. The second time I worked here I met somebody in Njarak. I worked in Dolly and I always visited her. I became her regular. She liked me and respected me, and we decided to get married so I took her home with me. None o f my family said a word about it. They were shocked when they found out I was marrying a former prostitute. They did not say a word. So she came and lived with me and with the rest o f the family. We both tried hard together and for five years everybody in family respected us. They did respect the decision we made. I really love her, and trust her. She was good for me and vice versa. She couldn’t have children, and I know that. It’s common among ex-prostitutes not to be able to have children. I expected that, so it didn’t R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 214] === 194 bother me. We adopted my sister’s daughter. So we have a daughter. Things went really well for five years, until about a couple months ago when suddenly things changed. It was just little things that proved to me how much she can’t trust me. She was just not open to me with her problems. W hat hurts me most is not whether she trusts me or not, just that she never said anything about what she wanted. I could get anything she wanted, materially I could get anything she wanted. Though it has been a long time since the last time I robbed som ebody’s house, I could do that for her. I thought she was happy, I thought living a simple way like this was O.K. for her. No, it turns out it was not enough. She was borrowing money from almost everybody in this neighborhood. And people started talking about it. This is a neighborhood, people talk about each other a lot, it was embarrassing. It was too late when I finally found out about her borrowing. She told me everything and cried, my mother called me and cried. My mother said, no one has done it to the family like this: give the family a bad image or name. She said that with tears. She told me her side of the story, and I heard my w ife’s side o f the story too. Both have their point, and I think both were also wrong. That was when finally the truth came out o f my m other’s feelings about our five years o f marriage. She said; "I told you before not to marry an ex-prostitute, there is no such thing R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 215] === 195 as ex-prostitute." That was a damn hard thing for me to take. No one could help me, no one could understand what was inside me then or even until today. I just couldn’t take it anymore. My wife was more scared o f me than o f anything else. She quit talking to m e and left. I suppose she is with her folks. I am still upset, and I just d on’t know what to do about her. Ask her to come back? How about my mother? I was very angry, really angry. I shouted really loud so that everybody in the kampung could hear my voice. I told them whoever wants to settle the matter o f my w ife’s debt should come to see me there. O f course no one dared to come and talk to me about how much my wife owes them. I don’t know what to think about my wife anymore, she left. Gone. I hardly went to Njarak anymore, not since people I knew were killed during the mysterious killing7. That was a long time ago, I am still scared, so I stayed away from that kind of life. 7 He refered to the 1983 - 1985 incident known as the mysterious killers affairs (Peristiwa Petrus), in which street criminals with certain tatoos in their armed were killed on the spot by those known as the mysterious killers. This was the state’s violence campaign against criminals. See for details Bourchier (1991). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 216] === 196 DJOKO8, INDEPENDENT BUSINESSMAN, SURABAYA Sorry, I can’t say anything. I have my own mission doing this. I could write a whole book myself, I could write a dissertation myself and I am doing it. I am writing my experience so one day I’ll publish my own book. If people wanted to know about what life in prostitution world is all about, they just have to wait for my book to come out. That’s it. I have no comments. I was a student, a very idealistic student, I come from a religious background. Very religious family. I worked as a journalist, writing about criminality. Going to city court everyday, waiting for whatever 8 When I was in Surabaya, I met journalists, sociologists, students activists and artists. They all knew that I was in Java doing research on prostitution. By that time I thought I collected enough data from Samas, Bandungan, and Tretes, But I was also interested in observing different "classes" o f prostitution. Besides the brothels area, call-girl network was also blooming in Surabaya. The first thing I learn about covered organized call-girl houses type o f prostitution was the sign o f a call-girl business house. M ost people I spoke to told me about particular houses on major streets with the street number in neon lights. That is the sign o f this "hidden" business. I was accompanied by a journalist when I went to D joko’s business house. Sure enough, the house was located on one of the main streets, and it had a street number in neon light. Djoko refused to talk to us, but gave a very interesting narrative o f why he did not want to talk to me about anything. By the end o f my visit, I told him that I was going to meet with some friend whom he also knows personally in a certain pub (A western style pub where the Surabayan elites, foreign expatriate and sailors hang out, and listen to live jazz show). He replied with some kind o f threat or intimidation "Sure it sounds good, I ’ll show up with my uncle from LAKSUSl (Government intelingence agency). I was feeling intimidated, I waited for him and he never showed up. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 217] === 197 sensational news I could get. Being paid five thousand rupiahs every time I got my news printed. How could a journalist live like that. Five thousand rupiah every time your story got printed. That’s nothing. One would end up working half as a journalist and half as an extorter (pemeras) and I don’t want to live like that. This kind o f business is rough. I might be the only native Surabayan in this business. Almost all call girl networks like this are owned by the Chinese. It’s not easy to get into this and maintain it. Too much competition and it’s dominated by the Chinese. I am doing this for a living, I have a family and kids, it’s not easy these days to feed a family. After all I am only here helping my brother who owns this business. I work here and I work for a living. If you want to write something about prostitution, why don’t you go to Njarak or Kermil (these two prostitution sites are considered to represent the lowest class of brothel prostitution in Surabaya). There they have problems. They don’t get injections (penicillin injection program), they’ve got no health care program, they’ve got nothing from their mucikari (brothel owners, euphemism for pimps). My girls here are well fed, they get injections, I treat them well. You know I am doing what I can. A couple days ago, there was a mother who came here offering her twelve-year old daughter for sale, and I told her right away that she R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 218] === 198 should just bring the daughter back, and I even gave her some money to go home to their village. Hey, I know what is good and what is bad. People have misconceptions about me when they know I am running this business. I said, I bother nobody, I harm nobody. I don’t sell virginity, I do not go to villages and tell the girls that I am going to give them jobs as secretaries. I don’t do those things. All o f the girls here came to me. They came to me themselves, and told me they wanted to work here. Hey, I provide what people in Njarak, Kermil or even Dolly do not even think o f doing. My girls get weekly injections. They are clean. If you want to know anything here, it’s that there is nothing sensational about this place. There’s no problem for the girls. No problem whatsoever and I don’t bother anybody! People who know me seem to think I am this cheerful funny kind o f guy (in fact he is also known as a stand-up comedian). No, inside I am a wreck. Do you think I like this job? No. You saw it. Those two cops9 who tried to intimidate me, they come every month trying to get me to pay them. Extortion every month. Who would want to be in my shoes? It’s just unimaginable, having to deal with cops constantly, 9 While I was sitting in the living room trying to talk to him two cops on a motor cycle came to the house. They talked to the guard who sent their message. They came to see D joko’s business permit (a letter showing he got the permit from the local police to run his brothel). Djoko shouted at them saying that he did not have to have a permit; he has an uncle who holds a high-ranking position at the intelligence agency in Jakarta. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 219] === 199 having to always be cautious about other people taking your girls by offering them this and that. You saw those two Chinese guys who were here, who knows who they are, and what they wanted. It was obvious they came to see my girls, but for what? They did not take any of them. I am not sure why they came here, and what they were looking for. They might be competitors spying on my business. I told you I am the only native Javanese in this kind o f business, those guys might be from other houses, with more capital. I could go bankrupt at any minute. You know what? I am organizing a seminar to be held in November, 1988 on juvenile delinquency. It’s going to be at the Hyatt Hotel with a psychologist from the university here, a Doctor from BAKIN10, and somebody from KNPI11. You see, I am concerned about the future o f my younger brothers and sisters and that’s the very reason why I am involved in organizing this event. I ’ll show those who misread me because o f what I am doing in this business. Hey, I’m not a bad person because I live this way. After all I am in this business on a secret mission, and one day I will publish my own book on it. 10 B.A.K.I.N. Is the Indonesian Central Intelligence Agency, a very much feared institution. Throughout the conversation, he mentioned several times that his uncle works there. 11 K.N.P.I. is an organization sponsored by GOLKAR, the New Order Government’s creation political party. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 220] === 200 The Little Men in the Prostitution Business The caloks or P.T.L.s or go-betweens who were mainly male in both Tretes and Bandungan, like the female prostitutes, were subjected to certain regulations and rules o f conduct. They also had to pay certain dues to the office or administration office. Every time they brought a guest to a prostitute and received twenty percent o f what the prostitute earned from the guest, they had to pay Rp.100 to the Guidance Project’s office (Kantor Wanita Binaan) in Bandungan. The same rule applied in Tretes, where every calok had to keep records on how many clients they brought in and pay a certain fee for their membership. Making a living as a go-between did not make for a decent living. Working on commission, the go-between’s income was uncertain, affected by the weather, and their own capacity on any given day to hustle. This work hardly guarantees economic stability much less better education for the next generation. Salam o f Tretes, Kancil of Bandungan, Kamo o f Surabaya, and even Yatiman of Samas, who alone among the men discussed in this chapter held a civil servant job, all lived with their extended families and in the extended family’s homes. Such living arrangements accommodated the low income of these- men. The economic contributions o f each adult family member were arranged informally; "My salary is for me to keep, to buy my clothes and gasoline for my motorcycle. The rice goes directly to my m other’s kitchen. Well, I gave R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 221] === my mother some cash when she needed something and happened not to have any cash." (Yatiman, Samas) "This is the house where all o f us were bom. Before this neighborhood got crowded there was empty land all over here. Now look at our house, we have expanded it enormously. The front was the original house. Then we built the part for my sister when she got married, then my other sister, and my brother, and I got the last comer. We built that when I got married too. Five quarters out o f my parents original house. I have no stable income, and renting a house is impossible, and buying one is even more so." (Kamo, Surabaya) "My parents-in-law live just down the hill. I have lived there since I got married. There are her other sisters with their families living there too. It makes it easier for me to keep working here. I never thought I would settle in this place. It’s beautiful, the weather is cool and I am not crazy the way I used to be when I was living on the road all the time." (Kancil, Bandungan) "Yes I was bom here in Bandungan, but my parents have sold almost all o f our land. Luckily we still have the house now that we all are grow up and need more room. Working in this losmen (low key motel), though, I can give my parents some contribution monthly. I would never imagine having enough money to own even one-tenth o f what used to be my parents’." (Bangun, Bandungan) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 222] === 202 Rent was the key expenditure that these men did not have to take into account the way the prostitutes did. The prostitutes, who are mostly from areas other than these three tourism spots, had to pay rent, while the male go-betweens were informally subsidized by their parents and in-laws to maintain their daily survival. The labor o f the prostitutes subsidized the local economy considerably, without replicating what had been lost when those economies were transformed from ones based on agriculture to ones based on tourism. W hile small land-holders were reduced to holding only their homes, losing what used to be agricultural land, the tourism industry could not grow fast enough to meet employment demands, especially when the labor market became flooded with people from other areas migrating to find work. Movement from a cash crop economy to an economy based on resorts like Tretes and Bandungan underpinned the process not o f proletarianization but rather of semi-proletarianization. Indigenous farmers had moved away from the traditional cash crop economy, but were only on the fringes o f the tourism industry. A little capital from the sale o f their land financed the building o f extra rooms in their homes, which they rented to the prositution industry while their sons or sons-in-laws contributed to the household economy through commissions earned as go-betw eens.The rational for giving working permits to work as go-betweens only to those who hold local identification cards was to stop the flow o f newcomers into these areas, after "progress" in Tretes and Bandungan in the "tourism industry" and its effect on the R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 223] === 203 growth o f prostitution economy began to attract migrants. In theory, these restrictions were designed to give priority to the indigenous villagers in distributing the benefits from such growth. However, the local economy had already undergone significant changes. Local families had lost their property and were undergoing impoverishment from the selling o f their land, yet the prostitution economy or broadly speaking the tourism industry depended very much on what they called "the wheel of fortune." "It’s just that there are not many visitors coming here anymore." Similar to the prostitutes, the link between the economic exploitation o f the gobetweens and the tourism industry can be traced through the role they played in bringing profits to the hotel establishments. Both work on what is essentially a piecerate wage system linked to their ability to attract tourists to hoteis and brothels and which is insufficient to reproduce their own labor power. However the actual act o f prostitution whether or not prostitutes exercise some agency when they become involved in it, is a sexist industry, and even if these men fall into the category of the oppressed, simultaneously they also assumed more powerful positions than the prostitutes in that industry by virtue o f their gender. The sexual division of labor12 in the social organization o f prostitution in both places existed as a given where the women are the prostitutes and the men are the go- 12 There were no male prostitutes in these three areas during the research. At the time male prostitutes were more likely to exist in tourism spots which attracted more foreign tourists such as Bali. Male prostitutes for wealthy women on the otherhand also exist in m ajor cities o f Java. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 224] === 204 betweens and administrators. Even the term P.T.L. which in Bandungan, which officially stand for losm en's or m otel’s guest guide (Pengantar Tamu Losmen) is understood more commonly as Pengantar Tamu Laki-laki (Male G uest’s Guide). Despite efforts by the authorities to regulate and extract capital from the go-betweens, in Tretes the local authorities found it rather hard to control the number o f caloks and their movements. But the institution o f Male Go-Between (calok in Tretes or P.T.L. in Bandungan) guided the accommodation o f the relations o f power existing within gender hierarchy. The "luck" o f the prostitutes depended on the caloks who controlled, albeit imperfectly, the flow of visitors received by prostitutes. This control was mitigated both by the sheer numbers o f go-betweens, nearly 50% o f the number o f prostitutes, and by growing familiarity of the regulars with the prostitutes and their ability to cut out the gobetweens. These factors mitigated the role o f the go-betweens in enforcing power relations. But there were other aspects o f the role played by the caloks which also served to reinforce gender hierarchy. They were in a position to give guidance to the women and to have the last word when a conflict happened between them and the women. Finally, the men were in a better position socially, since they were not morally condemned for their roles as pimps and go-betweens regardless o f whether they exercised their power to sexually victimize the prostitutes. While the prostitutes face the ordeal o f being judged negatively by moral standards that condemn what they do for a living, even if their economic motives are understood, the male go-between carried no social burden. Kancil said that for him R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 225] === 205 being a P.T.L. was the first "legal" work he had ever done, the first time he had no fear o f being hunted by the police. While the prostitutes in Bandungan were only given a chance to work there for four years at most, the male go-betweens had no time limits. More importantly, it was the prostitutes who were regarded as those in need of "guidance" to find a more socially acceptable way o f earning a living. The m en’s own belief in their own moral superiority compared to the women manifested itself in everyday conversations between the men regardless of whether or not women -- prostitutes and non-prostitutes — were present: "Kalau sama kita-kita ini jual mahal, kalau sama tamu walah... disuruh begini begitu terima saja." (With us she plays hard to get, but with a client.. boy she’d do anything he says). "Yang itu, kala sama kita rnana mau niga ban. Kayaknya kita pengen. Biar punya uang juga mana doyan, sama yang bau begitu." (That one, she wouldn’t do oral sex. Well, not that we would want to. Even if I had money I wouldn’t go with the stinking one like that.) "Belaga-belaga, kalau udah dikasih mau terus- terusan, kita yang rugi. Iya kalau bersih. Susah keija begini, banyak yang kebelet kalau nggak mau main dikira sombong." (Playing -coy. If we did give it to her, she would want it all the time. Who knows if she is clean. It’s hard working like this, many homy women around and if we don’t want to they, think we are snobs). R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 226] === 206 These were common remarks on the sexuality of the female prostitutes, who are associated with uncleanliness and moral submission to clients, common in the sense that male go-betweens did not feel at all hesitant expressing them in front o f many people. Sex with prostitutes was seen as degrading to the prostitutes but not to their own sexuality or morality and men often would not admit to having sex with the women who were prostitutes, even when they did. Remarking on the "dirtiness" of the prostitutes clearly seemed designed to establish a distance between their own identities as men, and what they themselves did for a living. W omen employed as prostitutes were not only seen as dirty sexual beings by the men who made a living from the act of prostitution as go-betweens, but were also perceived as having lower intellects and manners than those men. Susi and I were sitting around with some non-prostitute women and P.T.L.'s, and she was interested in learning some English phrases such as: "Would you like to spend the night with me, Sir?" "How much would you pay me?" "Would you like to m a te love to me?" She gave me the Indonesian phrases, asked me to translate them into English, practiced the pronunciations and memorized them. I took her requests seriously and wrote down the phrases and practiced the pronunciation with her. Some women were cackling at her for trying to memorize and say the phrases, the P.T.L.s gave her disgusted looks, and one o f them said; R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 227] === 207 "Nggak usah celelekan, jualan barang aja kok macem-macem, bikin malu aja." (Don’t be silly, you only live from selling your thing, why do you want do things like that, don’t act embarrassing.) Tolerated brothel locations such as Samas, Bandungan, and Tretes appeared to be benevolent places for prostitutes where they lived in "family environments" — brothels run in a household with the mother or father as the "boss”, boarding houses or pondokan where the house owners act as parents -- and warung owners appear as surrogate Moms and Dads. Neighbors were composed o f families who ran their daily lives with children going to school and parents working. The division between "the good and the bad" sharply and openly manifested itself not in these "family" contexts so much as in the relations between the women (female prostitutes) and the men (officials o f the prostitution sites, male go-betweens, and local authorities). But it still manifested itself, albeit more subtly. Though local regulations clearly stated that everybody should treat the prostitutes as human beings the same as everybody else, since they were the one subjected to "guidance", they were regarded almost as "those naughty daughters": "Susah anak-anak beginian, nggak bisa disiplin. Ngajar olah raga disini ya kayak ngajar anakanak kecil. Maunya diajak main-main. Dikasih latihan fisik nggak tahan. Ya gitulah, senenganya ya sepak bola lari sana-sini, ketawa-ketawa." (Sport Coach Bandungan) R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 228] === 208 (It’s a hustle with kids like this, they just can’t be disciplined. Teaching sport here is just like teaching little children. If I give physical exercise, they just can’t bear it, no discipline whatsoever, that’s what they like, playing soccer, running around here and there and giggling). Before the sport session the principle o f guidance office (Kantor Pembinaan) gave an opening remark, including the announcement of long list o f those who were reproved and were put on probation. A P.T.L. was put on probation and he was not supposed to work in the location for a month. He was found guilty o f encouraging the recruiting o f some women from Bandungan to work in Sumatra island. Two women were suspended for a month for not coming to the guidance program’s session four times in a row. Suspension meant that no P.T.L. was allowed to bring any client to these two particular women, although they still could work and find clients themselves. A letter from a prostitute’s parents was explained (after it was opened and read by the official) to everybody and they were urged to encourage the woman (who was absent at that time) to go visit her family13. After the "briefing" as they called it in Bandungan, the principal came and chatted with m&. He also said: "Payah bener, nggak bisa diajak disiplin." (Terrible, they just can’t be taught to be disciplined). 13 The letter was a complaint from parents toward their daughter who apparently had not come home for the last four months and did not send any money either. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 229] === 209 The sport coach was a military man who came once a week to the locations; from my observation he gave an especially heavy physical workout, but lack of discipline was the very term used by these two official on the same occasion to describe the nature o f women prostitutes. What an interesting term to be used in a nation ran by a military dictatorship. W hat is important here is that the women prostitutes did not show a "daughterly" attitude towards these men. The coach came once a week, and they joked around, the principal lived in the neighborhood, and they came to him when they needed and he was respected as their "informal leader" or the gang leader, as one who knows the rough part of prostitution business and at the same time knows how to handle difficult government officials. Overall, they treated him more like their "coach" than "father." R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 230] === CONCLUDING REMARKS Many Indonesian economists and sociologists have noted that economic development process has benefitted an elite class of business people, state bureaucrats, professionals and foreign capitalists (Budiman, 1990). This study is about the people who survive from the crumbs of this process. It is also about the state’s tourism business establishment (from state bureaucrats to hotel and transportation owners), who benefit most from the expansion o f prostitution in the three locations o f this study. The state’s gender ideology reflects its concern with women’s function and role in the society, namely as supporters o f husbands, nurturers o f children, and guardians o f the community and nation. This doctrine is clearly stated in the National Guidelines o f The State (G.B.H.N.), and it underlies the government-sponsored wom en’s organization (Dharma Wanita) women’s and government programs specifically targeting women. In the name of economic development and political stability (national security), voices that challenged the state’s ideology had to be coopted. Since feminists are branded as communists whenever they articulate independent women’s concerns, the only acceptable form o f action that women can take must be compatible with women’s traditional roles and stereotypes. However, state gender ideology is often contradictory when it comes to 210 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 231] === 211 economic interests in the international market. The sending o f housemaids to Middle Eastern countries is one example. The development o f tourism facilities, whether intentionally not, promotes flourishing prostitution business and the commoditization o f women’s sexual labor. The Indonesian government’s position on prostitution has always been one of toleration. While criminal law does not criminalize prostitutes for working as sexworkers, and instead criminalizes and penalizes those who make a profit from prostitution, many cities by law prohibit street walker prostitution. Moreover, local authorities authorize certain localities as designated brothels areas. Some o f these are in the name o f rehabilitation or resocialization for prostitutes, thus allowing prostitution in certain areas while regulating and controlling the trade itself and identifying women as those who need to be helped morally and economically. Other places use the name "guided woman program" to misrepresent their interests. The use o f state power through local authorities to control and license prostitution, is correlated with the need o f the state -- the local authorities and associated personnel — to raise revenues either for individual benefits, neighborhood development, or national economic policy. The state and its contradictory regulatory policies have affected the historical development o f prostitution in Indonesia. Its dominant discourse links sexuality, poverty, and immorality. This posture, as I interpret it, has two components. First, it only considers women o f the lowest class o f prostitution as immoral; therefore they are the R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission. === [PDF page 232] === 212 ones who are subjected to tighter control and regulation. The act of controlling the immoral conduct o f street walker prostitutes and those who work in licensed and localized brothel areas (daerah lokalisasi) also means controlling the conduct of both women and men o f the same class. The official rules o f conduct which call for the clients to treat women prostitutes with respect does not include clients of the "high class" prostitutes. Second, and related, the discourse linking poverty and sexuality portrays lower class sex-workers as victims and ignores the fact that oppression and exploitation takes place in the "higher" class o f prostitution as well. For example, clandestine call-girl networks cater to higher class men and usually do not allow women any days off, or even to travel alone outside of the boarding house. Although victimization occurs, and women are in fact coerced to work in bordellos, prostitutes are not necessarily pure passive victims o f male domination. Female sex-workers do possess a certain degree of autonomy in controlling their own bodies, their sexuality and also their working conditions. Female prostitutes are neither pure victims or sexually autonomous and liberated women. Rather, they are in the contradictory position between victim and agent o f their lives. From this study, it is impossible to see prostitution in terms o f morality and criminality. W hen it comes to economic rationality, there is nothing mysterious or even deviant about a woman who works as a prostitute, or who stays in prostitution even after being initially coerced into it. If prostitution and being a prostitute are deviations R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission. === [PDF page 233] === 213 from social norms, then the whole villages o f Samas, Bandungan and Tretes, including the local authorities (local government officials, district police and district military) are socially pathological. This would include all those connected in some way to the trade: small peasant householders who sold part o f their land, built extra rooms, and rented them to prostitutes who live with the rest o f the family; petty traders who work on the beach during the day; warung owners who make profits off prostitution; prostitutes who work as both sex workers and waitresses or helpers; young men from surrounding areas who otherwise would be unemployed but make 20% commission for each sexual service just for finding a client; religious families who sell part o f their land to build small-scale hotels for their children in which the occupancy depends entirely on prostitution; and local women who support the family income by doing laundry for prostitutes. In Samas, prostitution plays a major role in the process o f developing the local beach into a tourism spot (daerah pariwisata) without which the desire to create a village with "traditional architecture" would not become possible. Only by hosting at least two women working as waitresses and prostitutes can the local small traders build their permanent waitings (small scale restaurants). In Bandungan, the penetration of non-local capital has resulted in local villagers selling parts o f their agricultural land, and building either small motels (losmen) or more rooms in their houses. The same conditions also exist in Tretes. Both in Bandungan and Tretes, capitalists in the hotel industry profited from the high level o f room occupancy used for the sex trade. The R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 234] === 214 local authorities benefitted from both formal and informal fees paid by small and large scale hotels (through taxation), female sex-workers and male go betweens. While the institution of prostitution and the social relations within it is in fact the resort of sexism, classism, and racism (in this case exoticism), where those believed to hold more social, economic, and political power — men - could pay for sexual services from women who are poorer, o f different color or in this case ethnic background to fulfill their fantasy or objectification, female prostitutes themselves tend to internalize the sexual oppression involved and do not necessarily condone the work. The institution o f prostitution, however, not only maintains classism, sexism and racism (exoticism) but also reproduces the social structure in general. It absorbs both males and females displaced from the rural labor force in agricultural production who otherwise would be unemployed. They can at least live at the level of survival, as the larger profits go to the tourism industry establishment and the state’s personnel at the local levels. W omen’s earnings used to support their family in their home village is only enough to survive. It is not enough to help the future generations gain in terms of better education and guarantees for a better future. This is also true for villagers who have sold parts o f their land to build more rooms in their houses for podokans or losmens. Male go-betweens are absorbed into the trade instead of being employed in industry (proletarianized). Although female prostitutes and male go-betweens occupy the same class R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 235] === 215 location, male go-betweens and local authorities possess a certain degree o f power and control over the prostitutes which makes them part of the class o f exploiters and oppressors. The social relations within prostitution allow them, above most others, to take advantage of and sexually exploit women, and yet morally condemn what the women do for a living. The state’s definition o f prostitutes as immoral women or Wanita Tuna Susila which includes any women who have sexual intercourse outside marriage, is certainly an ideological construct of female sexuality (and male sexuality, in the sense that there is no such term and definition of immoral men as those who have sex outside marriage and make a living from it). However, the state does not necessarily reinforce this social norm through a sort o f "moral patrol". It is also imposed by the civil society. Thus, in Indonesia, women activists can be labeled as either WHORE or Communist Woman, and all women who are sexually active outside marriage are prostitutes according to the state definition. Although, the state does not necessarily police morality, this definition is ideological in nature. Because of political repression and the strength of the ideology o f wom en's subordination, one’s identity as a prostitute does not always materialize. The pride o f being a prostitute is not as conspicuous as in the West, where identity has been used to claim rights. In Indonesia, the acceptance within sex-workers themselves that prostitution is work, and perhaps immoral work, has not led to the conditions for organizing efforts. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 236] === 216 W omen prostitutes do perceive the problems that they face in their line of work - conditions faced by all working women - such as objectification and sexual harassment — and they do not tolerate such conduct. This is an example o f how prostitution (as a sexist, classist, racist and exoticist institution) and the working conditions o f prostitutes (who occupy a contradictory location between victimization and agency) are two different categories and should be treated as such. What is true and cannot be denied, is that prostitution is pleasure for men and work for women (see also, McClintock; 1992:93). The state’s contradictory policies on prostitution, in which on the one hand it condemns female prostitutes as immoral women who corrupt the national identity, and on the other, it stimulates, maintains, and controls prostitution, have in fact contributed to the variation in the social organization o f prostitution in Java. The degree o f oppression and exploitation which are involved also varied as did the degree o f autonomy possessed by sex-workers, depending upon the social organization and the labor processes within which prostitutes work. The ability for one to choose or move from different types o f working regimes depends on the numbers o f women, the locations, whether or not the state apparatuses tightly control the area, and the economic location o f clients. In Tretes, for example, there are 1) large numbers of women working as prostitutes, 2) a wide range o f institutions such as wisma (bordellos) and hotels from the cheapest to the most expensive, 3) relatively "richer" clients, and 4) less control by the local authorities. All R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 237] === 217 this contributes to increased mobility, since prostitutes are able to move around from working for bosses/madams to being independent prostitutes, or being kept by a single man. In Bandungan, on the other hand, control from the local authorities is tight, and there is only one form o f prostitution allowed. However, since the clients are relatively economically better off than those who come to Samas, the chances for women to go somewhere else which provides better sexual fees, is more likely. In Samas, the control o f local authorities, and waning owners is strong. This along with the poorer economic background and the scarcity o f clients, makes it harder and almost impossible for women to move from oppressive waning owners to more desirable ones. In addition, the knowledge o f a better location somewhere else is not available since neither friends nor clients possess such information. Thus, from the perspective o f women prostitutes, the length o f time one has been engaged in the trade and the location where they work, along with connections to the higher economic status o f clients are all important factors in determining the different degrees o f autonomy and agency experienced by the prostitutes. This includes the knowledge o f speaking "the language" o f the higher class, and the appearance and the comfortability o f dealing equally with clients. Women in Samas have limited opportunities to acquire such cultural/social capital, while their counterparts from Bandungan have some access to work in clandestine call girl networks in Jakana which pay higher sexual fees. Tretes in itself provides all these different layers o f clients and R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 238] === 218 levels o f sexual fees so that women do not have to move somewhere else in Java to find a way to increase their income from sex-work. The lessons that can be learned from the Indonesian case about how to further the autonomy o f prostitutes through different forms of social organization and legal policy can inform debates in the West over prostitutes’ rights. In the 1970’s the Beverly Hills Bar Association proposed AB213 to legalize prostitution. In this bill, prostitution is recognized as a profession. By legalizing prostitution, argue the supporters o f the bill, the costs o f administering the criminal justice system would be reduced. The spread of venereal disease, the number o f prostitutes, street soliciting and the violent crimes related to prostitution would be more easily controlled. The opponents o f the bill, on the other hand, argue that: first, legalization would only convert pimps into brothel owners who will have even more power than before, and that independent prostitutes will face more oppressive working conditions. Second, legalization does not necessarily reduce the number o f prostitutes. Third, granting the status o f profession to prostitutes would not reduce the personal degradation experienced by them in the work place. And fourth, legalizing prostitution does not take into account the sexual exploitation o f women in general (Women Endorsing Decriminalization, 1973:142-6). Instead o f legalization, international feminists and prostitutes proposed decriminalization. Female prostitutes, according to this view, are doubly oppressed - by the pimps and customers and also by the discriminatory methods o f law enforcement used by the R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 239] === 219 police. To support decriminalization is to recognize women’s oppression in general, prostitutes’ rights to equal protection, freedom o f speech, and the right to privacy (Women Endorsing Decriminalization, 1973). Prostitutes’ organizations persistently emphasize that decriminalization o f independent and voluntary sex-work will help considerably in discovering and also eliminating forced prostitution. Furthermore, prostitutes argue that decriminalization transfers the control o f their work from the hands o f pimps and police to their own (McClintock, 1992:92-3). The issue o f legalization and decriminalization is a complicated matter in the Indonesian context. First, prostituting oneself is not a criminal act even though the governm ent’s toleration in designating certain areas as brothels locations is by no means legalization. Regulating and controlling prostitution, which is mostly aimed toward lower class prostitutes, means denying prostitution as an occupation, yet profiting from it. To be consistent with the criminal law (K.U.H.P.), the local authorities, madams and bosses (mucikari), pondokan (boarding house) and warung owners, hotel and motel owners and male go betweens should be held accountable under criminal law. Toleration with various justifications for stimulating and maintaining these three tourism areas, leaves female prostitutes (though not criminalized), morally condemned, exploited and controlled. The existing regulations and rules o f conduct for male clients and go-betweens, though inspired by the argument to protect female sex-workers from physical and financial abuse, do not necessarily give enough protection. Furthermore, the practice o f providing health care through regular penicillin injections to control R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 240] === 220 venereal disease left female prostitutes without deeper knowledge o f the disease. Instead they were made the scapegoat, declared the source o f diseases while men o f "high m orality” were protected from getting infected by such diseases. In this case the right to understand the disease and how to control it was important. Decriminalization o f voluntary prostitution is what the criminal code is all about. In practice, however, since the colonial era the state has manipulated local laws to permit prostitution only in certain areas, while claiming that prostitution is illegal everywhere else. For that reason, the call for decriminalization is only appropriate in the sense that the specific clause for prostitutes and prostitution inherited by the colonial government should be kept and made it possible for Indonesian prostitutes to be aware o f their rights. Decriminalization is important to the extent that it enables prostitutes to defend their rights as individuals and workers. This includes protection against harassment from the police and knowledge about their health, especially with respect to venereal diseases, including HIV and Aids, and regular but unnecessary penicillin injections. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 241] === POSTSCRIPT: CLOSE ENCOUNTERS; ME AND MY KIND CITY GARBAGE FROM THE NONGO RIVER Dark moonless nights The breakers hurl the Nongo River’s garbage back onto the beaches o f Samas, dry, poor only yucca and cactus grow there, never flowering Endang, Cipluk, Surti, Mami from Java’s remote villages and city slums searching for the w ater’s caress searching for the licking of the wave’s tongue Crashing waves all day all night City garbage Garbage from the Nongo River thrown up on shore with the waves Roaring m otor bikes all day all night good luck, a way to survive for women working far from home A husband, pride o f the village, drops his farmer’s shorts A mother, soul o f the village, turns into a vicious madame entrepreneur Civil servants while away the hours till quitting time in someone else’s bed School boys discharge their longing for m other’s breast Men out o f w ork search for the value o f diplomas and school benches and officials on the take rifle a thousand rupiahs a week from the underwear o f Endang, Cipluk, Surti, Mami women with no sure future 221 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 242] === The coast at Samas, dry, poor only yucca and cactus grow there, never flowering on a moonless night a man knocked on the door o f my room at the motel owned by the local government Believe it or don’t believe it the man knocking at the door believed he had the authority to search a city woman sleeping alone in the local motel maybe because he was Mr. village teacher, brother of the village chief you could count on him to borrow some authority Believe it or don’t believe it a man acting like the local authorities couldn’t believe that a city woman with a university degree would want to stay in a poor coastal village where Endang, Cipluk, Surti, Mami coax fate, try to lure rupiahs into the village help build hovels into real houses and he didn’t believe the city woman with the degree he thought she was just a filthy grain o f sand pretending she’d been to college Believe it or don’t believe it the gentleman caller who knocked on the wrong door, Mr village teacher, the village c h iefs brother, almost believed that the city woman who dared to stay by herself in the local government’s motel could well be a university graduate but probably from another planet she needed to be taught not to associate with the women working far from home amidst the hot sand because people might think she was one o f them 222 R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 243] === Believe it or don’t believe it the coastal caller who knocked on the wrong door acting like Rambo certainly believed that a woman with a university degree alone in coastal village is still a woman after all o f course she needs someone to sleep with for a night or two he offered the kindness o f his male heart half forcing, he suggested we play husband and wife while swearing and cursing at the things Endang, Cipluk, Surti, Mami did and when like it or not Mr. Rambo had to believe that his offer was refused he came out with a formal statement declaring that a woman with a university degree who dared to stay alone in the local government motel spend time in a village poor and dry and make friends with Endang, Cipluk, Surti, Mami "is certainly a woman university graduate w ho’s not quite normal". Believe it or don’t believe it Mr. Rambo gentleman caller who knocked on the wrong door respected teacher, brother to the village chief spent three whole hours coaxing and trying to frighten me in an attempt to force me to comply with his desires His breath was as putrid as a hungry venus’ fly trap His body as rotten as the corpse o f a rat floating in the garbage of the Nongo River His mouth the latest load o f garbage from the entire city o f Jogya For three w hole hours my stomach tossed like the waves of the south sea and I vomited as I imagined the number o f times each day Endang, Cipluk, Surti, Mami have to choke back their own vomit R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 244] === 224 Crashing waves all day all night Heaps o f sand dry, poor, burning searching for the w ater’s caress searching for the licking o f the wave’s tongue what comes is garbage from the Nongo River Roaring motor bikes all day all night the smell o f Mr. Ram bo’s body the smell o f the bodies o f men on motor bikes the smell o f the garbage from the Nongo River the STINK! Saraswati Sunindyo Jogya, 1988 Translated from Indonesian by Michael H. Bodden Men and Authority The incident related in the poem was not the only one o f it kind which experienced during my field work. The most memorable was when I initially went to Bandungan, which was the first location I studied. From the moment I got off the bus, I felt that many eyes were curiously watching every step I took. I went to a local losmen (low scale motel) located in the middle o f the prostitution site. I found out later that the losmen w as across the street from the station o f the male go-betweens. I was just about to rest when someone banged loudly at the door. There was no time for m e to get dressed, the only thing I could do was to grab a sarong and wrap it around my body. The man was an undercover police man. He showed me his I.D. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 245] === 225 briefly, and went directly to the bedroom and bathroom. He searched every single piece o f my belongings, inside the camera case, clothes, books, notes and wallet. "The last time I did something like this, I found a whole stack o f porn pictures," he said while flipping through every book o f mine, page by page. He said he was looking for a run-away high school girl whom he suspected would be in the area. He questioned my vitamin C tablets, wondering whether or not they were BK (an stimulant drug known among the youth in Indonesia at the time). He suggested that hard liquor was illegal, while holding the bottle o f whisky I had bought in a supermarket in Jakarta. He wrote down my parents’ address in Jakarta, inquiring whether or not they knew what I was doing and where I was. It all happened while I sat in the com er o f the room feeling very vulnerable because o f the fact that I was not fully dressed. After he went through my books and notes, which mostly are in English, and having heard my answers to all o f his authoritative questions, he sat down and asked me for a cigarette. He spoke o f the economic hardship o f being a policeman: low income and having a wife and two little girls, while over and over he told me that he would not write a report on his visit with me. I knew that he wanted me to give him some money, but since I told him I did not break any law, he settled for a pack of American Cigarette which I told him was a present from the U.S. "We all thought you are a junkie because you smoke and you are skinny," he said when he left without explaining who he meant by "we". After that incident most R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 246] === 226 male go-betweens and officials from the "Guided Women Program" knew that I was a student who had lived in the U.S. for four years and wanted to know more about Java. Mr. Undercover Police man left my room with a pack o f American cigarettes. W hat should I have to pay him with? If 1 did not insist on the legality of the hard liquor which I bought easily in Jakarta, and argue that Vitamin C is good for your health when you are travelling. What could I have paid him with? If I were 18 years old, had worked as a sex-worker somewhere else, and came to Bandungan to do the same? If I were a young woman without even a grade school diploma who did not know that the criminal code protects independent prostitutes from being criminalized? If I were a prostitute who came to work but had no money at the time? How many times would men with "authority" come and intimidate me if I were to work in places such as Bandungan, Samas or Tretes? W hat is important to note is how both Mr. Rambo o f Samas and Undercover Police o f Bandungan presumed authority over a woman, and played with the power they hold to, on the one hand, put her down, and on the other, obtain something from her (either sex or money). A similar incident happened in Samas, which I wrote about in the poem. After that night, every one (mostly the men) on the beach knew who I was, including the brand o f clove cigarette I smoked. In Tretes, the area is larger than the other two, and with a large number o f women, many o f whom dress in the latest fashion from Jakarta with various styles o f hair cut, I was not as noticeable as in the other two locations. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 247] === 227 My middle class background, education, knowledge o f the criminal law, ways o f talking to officials and to men in general, and my research money - all o f these protected me from further sexual harassment in the world of prostitution during my field work. Long after my incident with Mr. Undercover Police, the male go-betweens in Bandungan refered to me as "The boss with glasses". Boss is the very word used by male go-betweens to refer to clients (men) who come to this location. They run after cars which approach the area slowly and greet the men on the cars with "Hello Boss" in English. The word "boss" implies a higher status (power and money). Thus they put me in the same category as male clients (richer and assumed to hold certain degree o f power). In Surabaya and Tretes, I was introduced to a local thug known in prostitution areas. Only after I proved m yself by not getting drunk after glasses and glasses o f beer in the company o f men, did some o f them think I was OK and agree to accompany me going from one site to the next. In these two sites, the "initiation" to the "man’s world" o f prostitution was through drinking with the men. As a woman outsider, I was not sexually harassed but had to prove that I was as "manly" as they were. A W oman and Javanese (Asian) When I started this project, various people asked me why I chose the subject. I rationalized my answer by saying that with the globalization o f politics and economy, prostitution was a growing industry in the third world, and particularly in Southeast R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 248] === 228 Asia, and that it is thus an important issue. The question itself, lingered in my mind despite my own explanation. Later I started to define what my real answer was. When people asked me again I said; "because, for certain people, I am a prostitute. I was called a slut (lonte in Indonesian) by a boy friend o f mine when I was arguing with him, and thinking (even thinking) about leaving him. I was called a whore by a woman who did not like what I stand for in terms of civil rights (women’s and w orker’s rights). I was called a prostitute by a relative o f mine, only because I was a "theater actress". This ansv er brought another set o f questions. The reactions that this answer elicited were generally expressions o f skepticism about whether or not I could be "objective" as a researcher with "that kind o f personal motive." On the other hand it also stimulated a condescending sympathy: everyone told me that they felt sorry about what I went through. Not only had I become a questionable academic/researcher, I was also perceived as a poor little victim o f such harassment, as if I was the only one in the world who had such experiences. Similarly, such responses imply that there was nothing personal about choosing other topics and nothing political or significantly important about one’s experiences. As if I would not have any personal reason to study other subjects. But I know I will experience the same skepticism as long as I connect my work with what I think is important to me. After he learned what I was working on, a fellow graduate student told me,; "Knowing you, I thought you would pick a topic that is more political. Something like women factory workers." I did not tell him then that what he said was precisely why R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 249] === 229 the topic itself is political and why this study is important. During the time I did this research in Indonesia, I saw by cnance a fellow NonGovernment Organization person in a supermarket. He and I used to be on the same team working on squatter settlement issues in Jakarta. He asked about my research and after I told him about it he said; "Such an ancient topic, why don’t you find something else that is really compelling and new". If prostitution is so ancient, then why in the four decades have W estern, Middle-Eastern, and Asian men (and wealthy) flown to Bangkok and made it possible for Thai rural peasant girls to send money home for their parents and siblings? W hy do local authorities in Indonesia keep giving penicillin injections to prostitutes despite the fact that the Ministry o f Health has never recognized it as a policy? Did I say this to him? No, what he said was a statement in the course o f a casual conversation and there was no chance for me to think about a considered response then. The implication o f what my former comrade said not only questioned the subject matter of my work, but also conveyed a questioning of my abilities. Why did I devote m yself to the study o f a "non-compelling" subject. While the subject I chose and my capability were being questioned simultaneously, the methodology I used and the people in my study w ere also seen as suspect. An Indonesian academic who had done research on prostitution himself, in conversation about m y research said: "How do you do participant observation or even observation on prostitution. You are a woman, you don’t know the pleasure o f it." R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 250] === 230 After I came back to the United States, I was invited to give a lecture at the Center o f Southeast Asian Studies, where I talked about the research and my findings. In an informal conversation someday afterward, an American academic said to me: "How could you do life stories methods in Java, you know well, Javanese lie all the time. They tell you one thing, and tell you something different the next time you talk to them." An Indonesian psychologist who claimed to have had numerous encounters with female prostitutes evinced a similar sense o f distrust for my informants but targeted only "this particular category o f women." "How do you trust your data? In my experiences they talked easily, they tell you what you want to hear, and you know that they are lying. They lie to anyone." Only later on during the process o f writing did I realize what the name o f all these experiences was. It is called "silencing". Whether or not it is intentional, the disdainful comments about the subject matter, my work and the people in the study was a silencing attempt. They were an attempt to reduce my scholarship into a meaningless project. They reduce my ethnicity (the Javanese) into a group o f untrustworthy natives who might have an interesting culture to study but who tend to lie. It reduced female prostitutes from persons to objects o f pleasure for male researcher, objects who otherwise fall into the category o f women who lie to anyone. Even more they are an attempt to discount my voice, Javanese voices, and female prostitutes’ voices. On the other hand, questioning the methodology o f doing any kind o f research R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 251] === 231 (whether qualitative or quantitavive) is a valid exercise o f academic scepticism. How can researchers be assured that their resources are telling the "truth" (whether they are Javanese or Anglo-American, prostitutes or priests)? I started my research in Bandungan. During my first visit, which was only for a weekend, I met LS. During the second visit, she invited me to come to see her room. A picture o f a beautiful little girl was hanging by her bed. I asked her whether or not the girl was her daughter. She said; "Yes, she is with my mother. It’s hard I only come home once a month to see her". A firm and short answer. We did not talk about the girl for a while and before I left to go to Tretes I told her then that I was to come back and see her again. The day I left she took a day off to accompany me to the closest town where I took an inter city bus. A month later I came back to Bandungan, by this time she and I have become more than ju st acquaintances. The next day I visited her at her room, and the picture drew my attention again. This time I asked; "How old is your daughter now?". LS sat me down and said, "You really think she is my daughter do you! She is the granddaughter o f my B u'e (the women who owns the house she lived in)." Without waiting for what I had to say, she then said, "This photograph has helped me a lot. Turned out it’s very good to keep men in their place." LS claimed to identify herself as a mother which she says protects her from unwanted treatment from her clients. It is a reminder to her clients that she is a mother too and that they are also fathers, brothers, uncles or grandfathers. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 252] === 232 What is important here is that at the beginning, she did not feel like explaining why a photograph o f somebody else’s daughter was hanging in her room. First, she did not know me very well and did not feel comfortable with me, and second, my question was the very question everybody asked her when he/she went into her room. Third, she did lie to her clients in order to protect herself from maltreatment, while I do not see (and later on she too did not find) any purpose in telling an "untruthful" story to me. Thus more than a month later, she told me what the "real story" was. How was I assured that the locals (both in Tretes and Bandungan) had lost most of their property and used the money from the sale o f their land to build losmens (small motels) and pondokan (boarding rooms for prostitutes)? In both locations, despite the fact that there has been migration from other areas, most o f the extended families and neighbours were still living there. It was not hard to find out from the locals which property used to be owned by which local families. In other words, I do not have to rely on one person only for any information related to local history. Madames, Prostitutes, Non Prostitutes and The Research A woman* Javanese or Asian, feminist (this term is translated into Indonesian to mean women who fight for w om en’s rights), educated and having lived and studied in the west, doing research in poor brothel villages where economically disadvantaged women work as sex-workers, this crossing o f categories contributed to many different R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 253] === 233 kinds o f "unfamiliarity" which in turn brought about various forms o f what I have called, "silencing attempts." I once received a phone call from a colleague asking me if I know o f any "Indonesian feminists." W hen I responded that I considered m yself to be an "Indonesian feminist" she countered: "But you are a westernized feminist.1" This charge reminded me o f an article2 about police raids in one o f the "undesignated" (unlicensed) bordellos in Bekasi (on the outskirts o f Jakarta). The journalists wrote down what a prostitute said to the police during the raid: "Kenapa saya ditangkap, saya bukan maling. W ong saya jual barang sendiri dan tidak merugikan siapapun. Jangan berlagak suci, saya juga tahu ada petugas yang sering melacur kesini, dan malahan punya gendak segala. Apa mau saya tunjuk?" "Why am I being arrested, I am not a thief. I am selling my own property and I haven’t done any harm to anyone. D on’t play holy, I know there are officers who often come here, and even have mistresses. Do you want me to point them out?" (Tumi, 32 yr., Malvinas-Bekasi) Tumi might not have benefitted from higher education, never read anything about feminism, had never met Margo St. James, yet she did talk about her rights in the 1 The label o f westernized for me is given by both Indonesian and American. 2 See Suara Karya, May 5th, 1986. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 254] === 234 same vein as Margo St. James, COYOTE and the feminists — namely women controlling their own bodies. Did what Tumi say make her a westernized feminist prostitute? It is in connection with the label "westernized" that many asked me (during and after the field work), whether or not I had problems "adjusting" with the people in the locations I studied. (Read by me as a questioning o f my credentials and my work). I started with Bandungan, where I came for the first time as a tourist. Several times afterward I came back for a longer period o f time. I "hung out" with prostitutes, male go-betweens and ate with them in local warungs where everybody ate. Undercover Police Man and the male go-betweens thought I was either a newcomer or the daughter o f a wealthy, high ranking military official. A pondokan owner offered me the house she managed. In time I told the women and men whom I became close to that I was doing research and I asked them if I could use their stories. At one point I showed the women my American feminist newspaper which covered the W orld Whore Congress, and translated it for them. One o f them looked at me seriously and said: "You mean there are western women who work like me?" And when I questioned her further about this she said, "I thought all white people are rich". in Samas before Mr. Ram bo’s visit, a madame offered to let me work for her. After the incident, she did not mention her offer anymore. As in Bandungan, there were some who knew what I was doing. In fact PT, was protective o f me and almost got herself in trouble when she saw Mr. Rambo in my room. She said to him, "Should I R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 255] === 235 buy you something to drink M r.H Mr. Rambo was very upset and told PT to leave us alone. She and others who sat around and talked in my room told me that I shouldn’t put up with him. They were also the ones from Samas who said that I should open a warung, and that it would be good for them to work for me. In Tretes no one seemed to care who or what I was. The women knew what I was doing. We sat around during the day and sometimes in the night. We went out hiking and ate together at our pondokan or in a warung nearby. Most o f the nights when no one came around, I would work on my typewriter; the neighbors and the owner o f the house knew that I was an educated woman. Once a go-between offered me his services to guide me around to find a woman, thinking that I was a man (I had short hair and wore pants). Once in a while I went out playing pool and drinking with the men. When Mr. Rambo of Samas knocked at my door, I was in my room with two other women. He was systematically able to make both of them leave. Later on during his visit, he told me that I should not let them "hang around" in my room, because people might think I was one of them. The next day the two women and another whom I had just met that day came to visit. One o f them asked the same question: "Aren’t you afraid that people will think you are just like us?" That same year, I was invited by a women’s group to give a workshop for women factory workers not far from Bandungan. One woman asked this question: "Is it true what people say about prostitutes, that they hate us, women who are not like R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 256] === 236 them. Every time I pass Bandungan, I thought they might hate me." I do not claim that I have "penetrated" these three prostitution areas since I have no intention of penetrating the m en’s world o f prostitution. I could say that I did extensive field work in these three locations. I stayed in a "waning" and local losmen in Samas. I stayed in local losmen and pondokan in both Bandungan and Tretes. R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission. === [PDF page 257] === BIBLIOGRAPHY Alam, A.S. 1984 "Pelacuran and Pemerasan", Bandung, Penerbit Alumni. Amstrong, Edward 1981 "The Sociology o f Prostitution", in Sociological Spectrum, V ol.l, no.l, Jan-M arch:91-102. Anderson, Perry 1976 "The Antinomies o f Antonio Gramcsi", in New Left Review, No 100: 5-80 Barnet, Harold 1976 Barry, Kathleen 1982 "Political Economy o f Rape and Prostitution", in Review o f Radical Political Economics, vol. 8, no 1:59-69. "Female Sexual Slavery". New York: New York Univeristy Press. Bell, Laurie (ed.) 1986 "Good Girls/Bad Girls: Sex Trade Workers Feminist Face to Face", Toronto, W omen’s Press. Berger, John 1981 "Ways o f Seeing; A book Based on BBC Television Series", Penguin Book. Bertaux, Daniel and Kohli 1984 "The Life Story Approach: A Continental View" in Annual Review o f Sociology, vol. 10:215-37. 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