Journal article by Reuven Kahane (Contributions to Asian Studies, vol. 5, 1974) giving a structural-sociological explanation of the 1965 coup and army dominance in Indonesia: religious-class polarisation, failing Sukarno-era control mechanisms, and the army's rise. Gerwani appears only in a footnote listing PKI-affilia
Published RIMA version (1998) of Wieringa's 1996 paper, revised after Suharto's fall: the New Order legitimated itself through the army's slander campaign against Gerwani, part of an 'extended coup' of Oct 1965-Mar 1967, with a compact Gerwani history. Companion to the 1996 draft.
Gerry van Klinken's 2001 article mapping the post-Suharto contest over the national past: statist New Order history (film, Lubang Buaya rituals, book bans), versus societal streams including Sulami's 1999 truth-seeking organisation and Pramoedya. Historiographical context.
McGregor and Hearman's 2007 article reading Sulami's and Sudjinah's memoirs as political rehabilitation: both arrested 1967, tried 1975 for subversion; they distance Gerwani from the PKI and answer the sexual slander. Second copy of the paper (South East Asia Research).
Bradley Simpson's 2008 diplomatic history of US-Indonesia relations 1960-68, arguing a transnational coalition of Western governments and technocrats laid foundations for a military-led developmental regime and the Johnson administration willingly backed the army. Context; Gerwani not central.
Katharine McGregor's 2009 article on NU's support for the 1965-66 killings (e.g. its 5 Oct 1965 call to ban the PKI, Gerwani and others), their celebration under the New Order and Syarikat's post-1998 reconciliation work. Context on religious-organisation role.
Seven-page summary (LIPI journal, 2010) of Djakababa's dissertation arguing 1 Oct 1965 was chaotic and the New Order turned it into a good-versus-evil narrative via trials, the monument, commemoration and the film. Short companion to the full thesis.
Michele Ford's 2010 article arguing the New Order consciously rewrote Indonesian labour history to justify a single state union (FBSI, 1973), comparing sixteen labour histories. Context on labour historiography; not Gerwani-specific.
Pohlman's 2014 article arguing the 1965-68 killings were political genocide and that the military's post-coup propaganda, including fabricated stories, constituted incitement to genocide; critiques the exclusion of political groups from the Genocide Convention.
Edited volume (Palgrave 2018; McGregor, Melvin, Pohlman) arguing the 1965 violence was genocidal, covering causes (Aceh army documents, Bali, Pohlman on women's testimonies of sexual violence in West Sumatra) and legacies. Key scholarship on 1965 violence.
Muslim Pohan's 2018 short article on the sexual politics and slander against women's organisations in the shift to the New Order, relying on Wieringa; includes the army's takeover of the army-wives' organisation Persit and Kowani dropping 8 March. Secondary synthesis.
Geoffrey Robinson's 2018 synthesis of the 1965-66 violence (about 500,000 killed, a million detained), arguing the army provoked and organised it, the US and allies facilitated it, and colonial and Cold War history set the preconditions. Context; Gerwani in the propaganda chapters.
Jean-Louis Margolin's 47-page review essay (Archipel 99, 2020, in French) on the 'new historiography' of 1965 through eight books, summarising findings on army-militia cooperation, NU/Ansor, sexual violence and prisons, and critiquing Melvin and Robinson.