Rebellion under the Banner of Islam: The Darul Islam in Indonesia

=== [PDF page 1] === REBELLION UNDER THE BANNER OF ISLAM === [PDF page 2] === [Blank page] === [PDF page 3] === VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR TAAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 94 c. VAN DIJK REBELLION UNDER THE BANNER OF ISLAM THE DARUL ISLAM IN INDONESIA THE HAGUE - MARTINUS NIJHOFF 1981 === [PDF page 4] === © Copyright 1981 by Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden, the Netherlands. All rights reserved, including the right to translate or to reproduce this baak or parts thereof in any farm. Printed in the Netherlands. ISBN 90.247.6172.7 === [PDF page 5] === PREFACE lt was never originally my intention to write a book on Darul Islam in Indonesia. The idea of writing an article of this subject grew gradually while I was doing research for a study on political developments in Indonesia in general between 1959 and 1973, when it appeared necessary to gather more information on the various attempts to establish an Islamic state there. The volume of - for the greater part unused - material about these Darul Islam attempts, about which so far very little has been published, tumed out to be so vast that the article developed into a book. This way I ended up with the present book on Darul Islam instead of the previously planned one on the political developments after 1959 (although a work on the latter subject has been mentioned under my name as a completed thesis in at least one bibliography on Indonesian politics, cf. Sritua Arief and Melanie Sritua Arief (1978)). The point of reference, ho wever, remained the same. Thus, one should not expect a treatise concentrating on the religious aspects of the efforts to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia. The Darul Islam movement, which presented the Islamic State of Indonesia as an alternative to the religiously neutral Indonesian Republic, is dealt with within the framework of the political situation in Indonesia since 1945, and the varying outlooks of different competing groups on the concrete structure of the Indonesian state. In the preparation of this study much valuable help and support was received from a number of people and organizations. lts completion would never have been possible without the generous assistance of the Royal Institute of linguistics and Anthropology (KITLV), which has helped me in many ways. First of all its board gave me permission to devote part of my time to research for the book. Later it granted me leave of absence for a considerable length of time for this purpose. It also contributed financially to the costs of my visits to Indonesia in June and July 1976 and from June to September 1978. The === [PDF page 6] === VI Rebellion under the Banner of Islam second trip was made possible also by a travelling grant from the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research (WOTRO). Very kind assistance was also received from the library staffs of the KITLV and of the National Museum in Jakarta. A special word of thanks is due to Anita G. van 't Oostende, who typed the draft of the manuscript. I am especially indebted to Hans Borkent for drawing the maps, and in conclusion, to the KITLV's Editorial Department for its contribution to the completion of the definitive version. Maria J.L. van Yperen corrected my "Dutch" English. Heleen Tigchelaar en Frieda de Back made the final draft ready for the press. === [PDF page 7] === VII A NOTE ON THE SPELLING OF INDONESIAN NAMES AND TERMS Since in 1972 a new spelling system, the Ejaan Bahasa Indonesia yang dzsempurnakan, was introduced in Indonesia, a few words on the rules followed for the spelling of Indonesian names and workds in this book may not be amiss: The nam es of Indonesian organizations and associations are spelt according to the new system, as are all Indonesian words and sentences quoted in the text. For the spelling of geographical names, Indonesia and Portuguese Tz"mor. Offz'cial standard names approved by the United States Board on geographic names, 2nd ed., Washington O.C., 1968, has been followed, with adaptations to the new orthography where relevant. For personal nam es the spelling used by the persons concerned themselves or that in general vogue during the period under consideration was chosen. As the resultant spelling is as a rule that of the old system, everywhere a person is introduced for the first time the transcription of his name in the new orthography is added between brackets in order to avoid confusion, though this procedure caUs for an apology to scholars familiar with Arabic, who may be shocked at seeing such Arabic nam es as Ahmad and Wahid spelt, via the old spelling in Indonesian with "ch", as Akhmad and Wakhid. In personal names the (old) 'oe', however, is generaUy written as (new) 'u', except where the personal preference of the pers on concerned is known to have been for 'oe', as in the case of Soeharto, Soekarno and Roem. For the benefit of readers unfamiliar with the Indonesian language, it should be pointed out that the consonants ch, j, nj, sj, and tj of the old spelling have become respectively kh, y, ny, sy and c in the new one. For Arabic w.ords in an Indonesian context the new Indonesian spelling has also been used. In the few instances in which this has not been done the system of the Encyclopedz'a ofIslam, New Edition, Leiden, 1960, was adopted. === [PDF page 8] === VIII ABBREVIATIONS AB Angkatan Bersenjata ANP·Aneta Indonesische Documentatie Dienst van A.N.P.· Aneta 's·Gravenhage BBM Berita Buana Minggu BI Berita Indonesia BIES Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies BKI Bijdragen tot de Taal., Land· en Volkenkunde DM Duta Masjarakat DP Djakarta Dispatches I Indonesia IB Indonesia Berdjuang IM Indonesia Merdeka IMM Indonesië van Maand tot Maand KB Kalimantan Berdjuang KITLV Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal·, Land· en Volken· kunde M Merdeka N Nusantara NIB Officiële bescheiden betreffende de Nederlands· Indonesische betrekkingen 1945·1950 PR Pikiran Rakjat SMI Soera Muslimin Indonesia === [PDF page 9] === CONTENTS A Note on the Spelling of Indoncsian Names and Terms... VII [Unreadable] 4. The Constitutional Place of Islam in Independent 2. The Proclamation of the Islamic State of Indonesia 81 4. Java's Wild West............................. 102 5. InternalWar................................ 108 Chapter Th ree. Central Java, the Offshoot............. 127 1. The Social Revolu tion on J ava's N orth Coast....... 127 3. The Troops of the Islamic Community............ 145 Chapter Four. The Rebellion of South Sulawesi - l. Kahar Muzakkar and thc Struggle for Indcpcndcncc.. 156 2. The Republican Army, the Ki\"IL and the Guerillas 4. The Fate of the National Reserve Corps of South 5. Kahar Muzakkar and the Darul Islam Movement..... 187 === [PDF page 10] === Chapter Five. South Kalimantan- the Rebellion of the 6. The Ups and Downs of the Guerilla Movement...... 249 Chapter Six. Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars.. 269 1. The Acehnese Islamic Scholars' Association........ 270 3. Opposition to the PUSA Administration........... 284 Chapter Seven. Why Did Pcoplc Join the Daru! Islam?.... 340 The Priangan............................ " 367 Sou th Sulawesi........................... " 383 Maps === [PDF page 11] === INTRODUCTION Since 1945 there have been several attempts in Indonesia to change the Government by forcible means, either through a rebellion or through a coup d'etat. Same of these attempts have been documented and studied in detail. SA a veritable flood of books, articles and documents has seen the light on the coup d'etat of September 1965. Also relatively weIl stndied is the Madiun Affair of September 1948. Strangely enough, and in sharp contrast, the rebellion which bath as regards duration and number and size of the areas affected was the most important of all has up to now received scant attention from scholars. Very little has accordingly been published on this so-called Darul Islam rebellion, which strove for the establishment of an Islamic State of Indonesia. Only in the most recent years have same studies on it appeared (cf. Harvey 1974; Jackson 1971). These have invariably restricted themselves to only one particular area which experienced a Darul Islam rebellion, however, not treating the movement - operative as it was in different parts of Indonesia - as a whoie. The aim of the present baak is to describe each of these several Darul Islam rebellions and to identify some of the factors which may help to explain their outbreak and persistence. Starting in West Java, where the Islamic State of Indonesia, or Negara Islam Indonesia, was proclaimed on August 7th, 1949, the movement subsequently spread to parts of Central Java, to South Kalimantan (Borneo), to South Sulawesi (Celebes) and to Aceh. Darul Islam activity was also reported in the Lesser Sunda Islands, the Moluccas and Halmahera. In these regions, however, it taak the farm of a process of infiltration from South Sulawesi, without developing into a full-scaie guerilla, nor did it become as widespread as in the other regions. In most of these other areas the rebellious movement showed remarkable tenacity and spread over a fairly large area for quite same time. It was not until the early sixties th at the Indonesian Army successfully suppressed the various risings. In West Java it was stamped out around 1962, in Kalimantan around 1963, and in Sulawesi around 1965. In the remaining areas this did not take quite as long. In Central Java === [PDF page 12] === 2 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam the irregularities came to an end around 1955, while in Aceh, where the rising began relatively late, in 1953, a compromise was reached in 1957, with the last rebels surrendering in 1962. Each of these different Darul Islam movements of course has its own history. It is even open to question whether in treating them all as part of a single movement we are not distorting reality. Nevertheless, it is useful to look for common denominators. For in the first place, there were contacts between the various Darul Islam movements which resulted in a blueprint for an Islamic State of Indonesia Govemment encompassing the whole of the territory of Indonesia. Secondly, the tracing of common factors may provide some insight into the problems of nationbuilding in newly independent states in general. This study sets out first of all to reconstruct the factual history of the Darul Islam rebellion and the events leading up to its outbreak. In the absence of easily accessible literature to which one may refer, the description of the movement in the various areas had necessarily become rather lengthy. Use was made primarily of books and articles with scattered references to the rebellions and/or connected events, such as regional monographs, military histories, biographies, and reports in national and regional newspapers. For the consultation of these materials the libraries of the Royal lnstitute of Linguistics and Anthropology (KITLV) in Leiden and of the National Museum (Museum Nasz'onal) in Jakarta proved invaluabie. The descriptions of the Darul Islam risings in the respective provinces are meant to serve three additional purposes. Firstly, because it is so scantily described, the great impact which the rebellion as a whole had at the time and the hardship which it caused tend to be easily overlooked or underestimated, whereas in actual fact it rendered large parts of Indonesia insecure for years, with many people actively supporting one of the two sides, either of their own volition or under duress, or being caught between two fires. Secondly, in the analysis of the motives inducing people to rise in rebellion it appeared to be necessary, in order to gain an understanding of the Darul Islam, to take the developments during the Indonesian struggle for independence between 1945 and 1950 into consideration. As the local circumstances varied greatly during this period, and each of the various regions was affected differently by the war against the Dutch, the relevant events in each area had to be described. This way it was possible to bring out the differences within the overall similarity, or, to rephrase the lndonesian national device, the "diversity in === [PDF page 13] === Introduction 3 unity". Thirdly, and connected with the preceding point, the emphasis on and relative strength of the contributing factors varied from region to region. In Aceh, for instance, the rebellion combined religious inspiration with opposition to the increasingly pervasive influence of the Central Government. In South Sulawesi the demobilization of former guerillas after 1950 was decisive. In South Kalimantan the underestimation of local achievements in the struggle for independence figured prominently. In West and Central Java the Darul Islam rising was the result of a conflict over territorial autonomy, with strong Islamic overtones, sometimes mixed with millenarian beliefs. In all the areas concerned the social processes which provided a fertile soil for dis orders and uprisings in general had been under way already for some time. The authority of the traditional elite had been undermined by its association with colonial rule; the established mechanism whereby rural society took care of its destitute members had been weakened by the commercialization of agriculture and the opening up of the interior; differences in wealth and land ownership had become more pronounced; and the mobile work force of the estates and the mining industry had increased in size. The first chapter of this book sketches the life and background of the most important Darul Islam leader and the architect of the Islamic State of Indonesia: Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo, gene rally simply referred to as Kartosuwirjo. It traces his prewar political career and describes his views on the attitude the Islamic community should adopt in a colonial society. In the same chapter attention is given to the constitutional debate in 1945 on the ideological basis of the Indonesian State. For the discussions in this connection taking place just before and after the proclamation of independence testify to the sensitive nature of this issue, the questions raised then still occasionally coming up today. It is impossible to understand post-war Indonesian poli tic al problems without taking them into consideration, in facto This also applies to the Darul Islam. One cannot place this movement in its true perspective within the Indonesian Islamic community as a whole without being aware of tV delicacy of these discussions and of the actual options open. Broadly speaking, there werethree alternatives: an Islamic state, a state based on the Pancasz"la as set out in the preamble of the 1945 Constitution as the former's "secular" antipode, and a state form as defined in the Jakarta Charter as a compromise solution. This Jakarta Charter, representing a variant version of the === [PDF page 14] === 4 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Pancasz'la, prescribes the obligation for Muslims to observe Islamic law, being the reflection of a compromise reached between proponents of an Islamic and those of a "secular" state in June 1945. In the end, on August 18th, 1945, it was dropped from the constitution again. lts importance lies in the fact that in later years it became a political vehicle for those Muslims who rejected the violent Darul Islam course, and who wished to achieve their Islamic ideals by legal, constitutional means. This gives rise to the intriguing question of why some people were prepared to take up arms in the pursuit of their ideals and others were not, and why armed resistance was restricted to particular areas. In the search for an answer to this question, which prompted the present study, the recent history of the regions concemed has been traced and an attempt has been made to identify those characteristics that set these regions apart from other are as in Indonesia. So in the next five chapters the political history of the relevant regions - West Java, Central Java, South Sulawesi, South Kalimantan and Aceh - and their respective Darul Islam risings is outlined. Each of these historical outlines consists of two parts. The one deals with the relation between the official Republican Army and the irregular armed groups operating alongside it, in particuIar the Muslim ones, during the struggle for independence, as wen as with the attempts to impose central authority and the reactions this provoked. The other is concemed with the Darul Islam itself in the relevant region: its activities, its struggle against the Republican Army, its intemal conflicts, and its uItimate defeat. In the seventh and concluding chapter the question of why people joined the Darul Islam is discussed. Four contributing factors are suggested. Two of these have already been mentioned above, namely the relatz"on between the offi"ct"al Republz"can Army and the z"rregular guerz'lla unz"ts, and the expansz"on of Central Government control with its administrative and economie consequences. The other two are the changes z·n landownership and Islam. The first factor, that of the relation between the offt"dal RepubHcan Army and the z"rregular guerz1la units, had its roots in the special conditions of the war of independence between 1945 and t.950. In Indonesia this war was not fought by one single official Republican Army. Many other armed groups participated in the struggle besides, and a great many irregular units, sometimes referred to as "wild guerilla groups", operated alongside === [PDF page 15] === Introduction 5 the official Republican Army, which controlled these only on paper. These irregular units all possessed alocal, an ideological and an ethnic character, but can be broadly classified into three groups, according to the emphasis that is placed upon one or other of these facets. Firstly, there were the virtually purely local guerilla groups, which each operated in a small and well-defined area. They recruited their members almost exclusively from among the loca! population and had as sole concern the struggle against the Dutch. Even so, they might constitute a potential source of trouble for the Republican Army where the latter entered the home base of such local groups. With the second type of irregular units the ideological, or religious, aspect was predominant. These units might be affiliated to or come under the auspices of a particular political party. Alternatively, they might have gradually broken away from the relevant political party and continued the struggle for the realization of their ideological or religious aims without an institutionalized relation with any politica! party. This type included such groups as Hizbu 'llah and Sabz1i'llah, which were originally Masyu mz· units. Units of this type might also possess astrong local component. None the less, their ideological foundation gave them a national perspective that set them apart from the purely local groups. In the case of the third type of irregular units the ethnic component was predominant. It included two sub-types, the one consisting of units operating in their home area, the other of units with headquarters in Java which were made up of people from other islands who had migrated to Java. The objective of this second sub-type was partly to fight the Dutch in Java, partly to achieve the liberation of their own region. Examples of this are the Kebaktz"an Rakyat Indonesia Su la wesz· (KRIS), Pemuda Indonesia Maluku (PIM), and Ikatan Perjuangan Kalimantan (IPK). Both sub-types differ from the first type, that of the purely local groups, in that the area for which they claimed responsibility and from which they recruited their members was very much larger, and comprised not just villages or districts, but entire ethnic communities, provinces, and even whole (large) islands. Some of these "wild" guerilla units provided the core of the Darul Islam Army, the Tentara Islam Indonesz·a (TIl), or Islamic Army of Indonesia. In Java these were the Hzz bu 'llah and Sabilz"- 'llah, in Sulawesi the KRIS (and the organizations that sub- === [PDF page 16] === 6 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam sequently developed from it), and in Kalimantan the ALRI Div. IV, or Fourth Naval Division. Armed clashes between the Republican Army and the irregular units and between the irregular units themselves occurred as early as the first years of the struggle for independence. The causes of these were mostly conflicts over arms, which were very scarce at the time, alleged encroachments on regional and military autonomy, and competition for hegemony. The mutual hostility grew stronger from 1948 tin around 1955, when the Republican Army's superiority was increasingly felt and the irregular units experienced the impact of its policy of reorganization and demobilization. The requirements for admission to and promotion within the Republican Army were such th at the members of the irregular units - with their poor level of military training and general education - were at a distinct disadvantage. Disillusionment over their demobilization or at the position assigned them in the Republican Army induced many of the ex-guerillas to join the Darul Islam. In one instance, in South Sulawesi, this even constituted the immediate cause of an uprising of large units of former guerillas. The problems with the irregular units are related to the second factor, th at of expanding central contro!. The conflicts with the Republican Army had their parallel in those provoked by the Civil Administration. Here. too, local interests had to give way to Central Govemment ones. The attempts to build up aloyal regional administration gave rise to accusations that it was trying to javanize the civil service. To make matters worse, in areas outside java many local incumbents of functions in the Republican Civil Administration in 1945 and 1950 were replaced, or at any rate refused recognition as such. As in the case of the Republican Army, the confrontation was in part again one between knowledge and skill on the one hand and revolutionary élan on the other. An additional difficulty was that the loyalty of the Armed Forces and Administration in the outer regions was supposed to lie first and foremost with the Central Govemment and not with the region concerned. Furthermore, the Republic's acceptance of a federal structure for Indonesia meant a sacrifice of the interests of those inhabitants of the Member States who had carried on the struggle for a unitary Indonesian Republic and had established counter-administrations in these Member States, as was most evident in South Kalimantan. In the economie field as wen the Central Republican Govemment was accused of advancing the interests of the javanese to === [PDF page 17] === Introduction 7 the detriment of the outer regions. It was feit that Java was getting a disproportionate share of the export earnings which ought in the first place to accme to the exporting regions themselves. Moreover, local foreign trade was adversely affected by Central Government schemes aimed at establishing control over that sector, while other schemes regarding the production and quality of certain export crops gave rise to conflicts with local producers. As the Darul Islam rising was a mral rebellion, the third factor discussed is that of the agrarz'an structure. It should be borne in mind here that this rebellion took place in relatively prosperous parts of Indonesia, and that it was not just an incidental, shortlived, local outburst of local discontent. On the contrary, it displayed considerable tenacity and encompassed large areas. In attempts to explain the underlying basis of agrarian unrest in Indonesia and other are as in Southeast Asia some authors have pointed to the dismptive effects on village life of colonial mIe or Western economie penetration. Vnder the influence of increasingly frequent contacts with the outside world a change occurred in the existing economic and social relations. J acoby (1961:37), for example, has stressed the importance of "the introduction of Western economic methods, the disintegration of the old village economy, and the disruption of the traditional uniformity of village life" in his discussion of the strong mral base of the nationalist movement in Indonesia before 1950. Scott (1972) mentions the commercialization of agriculture and the effects of colonial mIe on the patron-client relationship in this connection. The problem is, however, as Van Nieuwenhuijze (1958:175) has pointed out, that the changes brought about by contact with the West took place gradually, and th at "since in general these changes were not catastrophic, little attention was accorded to them in the pre-war years, and none at all in the troubled postwar period". He concludes that "although there are accordingly few guideposts~to follow in this field of enquiry, it can safely be assumed that gradual changes have been taking place in Indonesian society for a considerable time, changes which verged on the catastrophie during the J apanese occupation and the postwar revolution and its aftermath". Van Nieuwenhuijze is one of the few authors to have written about the Darul Islam, and one of the even fewer to have taken the socio-economie aspect into account, though he has simply acknowledged its existence without further elaboration. In fact, apart from studies dealing with the pre-war period, like Sartono === [PDF page 18] === 8 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Kartodirdjo's (1966), there are none which treat rural risings in Indonesia, perhaps because the Darul Islam has escaped the attention of scholars. If any attention is given to the subject at all, this is only in the negative sense of explaining why this kind of movement was absent in this country (cf. Mortimer 1974). Tbe present study argues that, with some modifications, the regions that experienced a Darul Islam rebellion were affected by processes which are generally suggested as contributing factors in explanations of peasant rebellions in other countries. My point of departure is Wolf's observation (1969:278) that the changing status of land, namely from an attribute of the kinship group or community to a private commodity, is a factor underlying peasant rebellions. Indeed, pre-war studies on the relevant regions indicate th at this process was most advanced here as compared with other parts of Indonesia. lts consequences were a certain concentration of land ownership and the growth of a mobile group of labourers available for work as farmhands or on estates and in industry. In the section on the agrarian structure this development is briefly outlined. With respect to West Java this is followed by a discussion of the study on the Darul Islam of West Java by Jackson (1971). The latter argues that the choice of villagers in the matter of whether or not to join the Darul Islam was determined by the position taken by t~eir leaders, as bearers of traditional authority. The definition of this latter concept given by J ackson and the methods used by him in his study do not, however, justify his conclusion. Judging from the literature on the regions concemed of before the war and the years immediately following it the Darul Islam areas, as Vink (1941) has shown, were those in which the individualization of land ownership was most advanced. Whereas in particular in Central and East Java the reaction to colonial pressure involved a process of "shared poverty", in the Darul Islam areas it led to one of increased differentiation in wealth and land ownership predsely because the sodal mechanism whereby traditionally a surplus was redistributed within the community lost in effectiveness. Outside backing diminished dependence on local approval and support, while improved access to the markets increased the opportunities for disposal of food and other commodities. Tbe fourth factor to be discussed is that of relz"gion. The title of this book notwithstanding, religion is not discounted as a motivating force. Tbroughout Indonesian history people have rallied around the banner of Islam to resist the infidel foreign === [PDF page 19] === Introduction 9 colonizer. In the Darul Islam movement it was no longer foreigners who were singled out as an enemy and opposed, but fellow- Indonesians and fellow-Muslims. In view of this, and taking into account the religious character of the regions concemed, one may be tempted to regard Darul Islam as a movement of strict Muslims trying to establish a state in which a pure form of Islam was adhered to. The real picture is much more complicated, however, with such heterodox elements as belief in the coming of a Just King or of an era of peace and prosperity accounting for at least part of the popular support the movement enjoyed. Moreover, even faithful Muslims were subject to attacks for no other reason than that they were openly critical of the movement or withheld their active support. I have not in the present study adopted a mono-causal approach to the Darul Islam. As Jacoby (1961:37) has observed, "It is always a plurality, a combination of factors, which leads to the final historical result". In our case the Darul Islam assumed its definite shape as the result of a combination of conflicts of interests and outlooks within the Armed Forces, resistance to an increasingly pervasive central authority, gradual changes in the agrarian structure, and Islamic views and ideals. Mutually distinct though these four were, they at the same time influenced one another. The first two, as was said above, were quite closely related phenomena. The hostile attitude towards Javanese dominance, moreover, was reinforced by distrust of the nature of the beliefs held by Javanese Muslims. Further, and in conclusion, Islam itself, with its regulations regarding private property, is only calculated to stimulate the individualization of land ownership. === [PDF page 20] === CHAPTERONE THE DARUL ISLAM, lTS PRELUDE 1. Introduction The area where the Darul Islam movement first started, and from which in later years it was to spread to other parts of Indonesia, is the mountainous region of West Java, extending eastwards from Bandung to the border with Central Java. Generally when people speak of the Darul Islam rebellion it is this area that they have in mind. It is of ten forgotten th at similar and related rebellions also occurred in other parts of Indonesia, ad ding to the difficulties of the successive governments of Indonesia in surpressing the rebellion, as weIl as strenghthening the gruesome connotation of the words Darul Islam in some circles. Darul Islam (Arabicdàt al-Islam) means literally the "house" or "home" of Islam, i.e. "the world or territory of Islam". It refers to the Islamic part of the world where the Islamic faith and the observance of Islamic law and regulations are obligatory. lts opposite is the Darul Harb, "the territory of war, the world of the infidels", which is gradually to be included in the där al- Isläm. In Indonesia the words Darul Islam are used to describe the post-1945 movements which tried by force to realize the ideal of a Negara Islam Indonesz·a, or Islamic State of Indonesia. During the first few years of the Indonesian revolution there was as yet no crystallization of the Darul Islam movement. Islamic leaders in Jakarta and other urban centres submitted to the agreements reached on the Constitution of 1945 and the Pancasila and recognized the Indonesian Republic as their state, which they had hopes of eventuaIly, after the defeat of the Duteh, turning into an Islamic state. It was outside these urban centres and, as was to become clear in later years, independently of the urban or urbanized Islamic leaders th at the Darul Islam would take shape. But in the rural areas as weIl it took some time for the Darul Islam movement to develop into a dangerous alternative to the Indonesian Republic. === [PDF page 21] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 11 The relatively late development of the Darul Islam was partly due to the fact that there was a common enemy to be defeated first. Unarming retreating japanese units, opposing British interference and resisting the returning Dutch demanded everyone's full attention, and for a while relegated ideological differences to tbe background. It was partly due also to the fact th at neither tbe Darul Islam nor the Republican leaders were at all prepared for the j apanese surrender and the subsequent proclamation of independence, and had first to organize and gain control over tbeir following. 1 The situation in java, and even more so on the other islands of Indonesia in the months following the proclamation of independence by Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta on August 17th, 1945, was unique. Independence was proclaimed, a Government was formed and a Parliament (actually a Central Indonesian Committee with only advisory powers) instituted, but that in fact was all. The leaders of the new Republie had had no opportunity to develop a bureaucratie and military apparatus. Formal control remained in the hands of the japanese, made responsible by the Allies for preserving law and order until the allied troops landed. Sometimes the japanese authorities were sympathie to the cause of the Republic and assisted it in a number of ways, sometimes they took a neutral stand. In other instances they acted contrary to the interests of the Republic, whieh in some places resulted in serious clashes between j apanese troops and Indonesian armed groups trying to occupy j apanese pre mises or to seize j apanese arms. 2 An indigenous bureaucratic and military apparatus, as indieated above, had still to be built up by the Republican leaders. In the main cities they could rely on the Indonesian personnel ofj apanese government institutions for this. When after the first confusing days the news of the japanese surrender and the proclamation of independence became more widely known, in fact, the more important centra! and regional government offices were taken over by their Indonesian employees, sometimes with the tacit support of the japanese authorities, and in other cases after their threatened or actual occupation by large crowds of demons trators. The extension of Republican authority to the countryside met with many more difficulties. In the cities the building up of a Republican gove~ment apparatus was faciHtated by the presence of a vast number of more or less educated, nationalistie and radical youth alienated from traditional society. They con- === [PDF page 22] === 12 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam stituted, as van Baal (1976:103-104) has 'put it, a separate "tribus", no longer identifying themselves with the ethnic group they originated from, but thinking of themselves as members of a larger society: the Indonesian one. In the countryside, however, the Republican Govemment had to rely upon traditional civil servants, who had already been deprived of much of their prestige in the colonial period and were identified by the population with the much hated, cruel j apanese regime. In the first months after the japanese surrender the latent conflict between the loc al population and its traditional rulers, now no longer backed by the Dutch or j apanese regimes as they were, in many places violently erupted. Not only in java but also elsewhere the Republican Govemment was confronted with popular rebellions against the traditionallocal leaders whom the Govemment, for lack of suitable alternatives, had chosen to be its representatives in the rural areas. The situation was aggravated and complicated by the absence of a weIl organized Republican Army. True, an Army had been formed, first, in order not to embarrass the japanese, in the guise of a People's Security Corps (Badan Keamanan Rakyat, BKR), later, af ter October 5th 1945, officially under the name of People's Security Army (Tentara Keamanan Rakyat, TKR). But, as was also the case with the Civil Administration in the early ph ase of the revolution, its actual con trol of the local situation was more of a fiction than a reality. As Anderson puts it: "The TKR rose out of the revolution itself, from the lap of the people themselves, growing up according to local conditions, without planning, leadership, or equipment from the state. Each unit worked for itself, naturally no one knew how many there were, nor howmany men or arms they contained" (Anderson 1972:236). Besides the lack of effective control by the Army Command, the Army also had to cope with the spontaneous growth of a great variety of local armed units and organizations originating outside it. The local Army units seemed in those' first months to be but a tiny few amongst the vast number of armed revolutionary groups. It was these loc al groups, sometimes no more than mere bands, and of ten, in the tradition of the pre-war rebellious movements, headed by local Islamic leaders, that spearheaded the assault on traditional authority. As such, local discontent often developed along the dividing lines defined by the long-standing antagonism between Islam and customary law (adat), or between Islam and traditional rulers. === [PDF page 23] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 13 Some of these popular uprisings occurred in areas which were in later years to experience a Darul Islam rebellion. The most notabie, and also best documented, of these took place in Aceh, and in Java around Tegal, but other regions also witnessed socalled social revolutions. 3 As Islamic leaders played an important role in mobilizing the loc al population, not only against the Dutch but also against the traditional leaders, and more over had no contact with the Republican centre, it is not surprising that the first efforts to organize society according to Islamic principles should have been made in the context of these uprisings. C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze, one of the first, and for a long time tbe only, author on the Darul Islam, in trying to trace the origins of the Darul Islam movement in West Java, identifies one of these local movements as the starting-point of the Darul Islam here. He mentions as such a movement in the Tasikmalaya-Ciamis area headed by "one of the famous 'ulama' [Islamic scholars] of the southeastem portion of West Java". Describing the connected course of events he states: "Preparations for a demonstration at which the Islamic state of Indonesia was to have been proclaimed were halted at the last moment by certain localleading personages who feared trouble from the Japanese. No proclamation was issued, but this episode marked tbe beginning rather than the end of the Du:r ui-Islam movement. Leadership of the movement, initially in the hands of the kt'yat' referred to above, was gradually assumed by a Muslim politician, S.M. Kartosuwirjo" (Van Nieuwenhuijze 1958:167). Hiroko Horikoshi establishes the same connection. Identifying the famous ulama mentioned by C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze as Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri (Yusuf Tauziri), she describes the latter as "the real spiritual leader of the DI [Darul Islam] movement during its first phase", and goes on to say that "soon after the DI tumed against the Republic, he discontinued his support" (Horikoshi 1975:61).4 Tbe alleged intended proclamation of an Islamic state by Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri may have influenced the development of the Darul Islam movement in West Java, but its importance should not be exaggerated. It was a symptom of the prevailing mood amongst the rural Islamic community, and as such is of importance for an understanding of later developments, rather than constituting an explanation for one of the salient features of the Darul Islam, its armed resistance to the "secular" Republic. As Hiroko Horikoshi points out, Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri withdrew his support when === [PDF page 24] === 14 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Kartosuwirjo (Kartosuwiryo) rebelled against the Republic in 1949. After his breach with Kartosuwirjo, he became the leader of Darul Salam, the World of Peace, a movement for the founding of an Islamic state by peaceful means. It must be noted that he afterwards gave quite a different version of the developments during the second half of 1945. So Pinardi quotes a statement by Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri according to which: "At the time Japan surrendered in the Second World War, on August 15th, Kartosuwirjo invited me to proclaim the N.l.!. [Negara Islam Indonesz'a], but I refused" (Pinardi 1964: 51). Another version on the earliest beginning of the Darul Islam movement has it that Kartosuwirjo, by far its most important leader not only in Java but throughout Indonesia, himself proclaimed an Islamic State of Indonesia in the days surrounding the Japanese surrender. According to Alers, "Sekarmadji Kartosuwirjo proclaimed his Dar-ui-Islam as early as August 14th, 1945", but revoked his proclamation after hearing of the declaration of independence by Sukamo and Hatta on August 17th (Alers 1956:73).5 Considering the date of Kartosuwirjo's alleged proclamation, one day before the japanese surrender, as wen as the places where this might have taken place, Alers' statement becomes extremely dubious. It is quite unlikely that Kartosuwirjo proclaimed his State in Jakarta. In the first place the japanese would not have permitted it. Secondly, if Kartosuwirjo had indeed proclaimed an Islamic state at jakarta, this would have been more gene rally known, unless of course the proclamation was made at a small and secret meeting. The possibility remains that Kartosuwirjo made his proclamation somewhere in Banten, where he was supervisor for a J apanese-sponsored guerillatraining programme, or around Malangbong, near Tasikmalaya, where he had lived for some time. But this also is unlikely. Rumours of a forthcoming japanese surrender that might have inspired Kartosuwirjo in this act were confined to Jakarta and did not reach either Banten or Tasikmalaya. Whether or not Kartosuwirjo proclaimed an Islamic state on August 14th or requested Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri to do so, or whether or not Kiyai jusuf Tauziri in fact intended doing so, is not of any great relevance. This kind of knowledge may be helpful in reconstructing the factual course of events of 1945, but any supposed connection between early manifestatÎons of the ideal of an Islamic state and the later Darul Islam may distort the picture. It is in the context of the political and social develop- === [PDF page 25] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 15 ments of 1945 and 1946 that we should view these early manifestations. Conditions during those years differed sharply from those in 1948, when the Darul Islam took concrete shape. To begin with - and this should not be underestimated, as has been pointed out before - the situation in the second half of 1945 was chaotic. News of the ] apanese surrender did spread, but was often distorted and mixed up with all kinds of false rumours, while ]apanese authority crumbled. A power vacuum was the result. The Republic was not yet fully enough organized to be able to take the place of the ]apanese, while the old colonial power was still absent. Dutch troops were only to arrive the next year, while the old colonial cadre was still in prison camps. The British troops, arriving before the Dutch, were, like the remaining ]apanese forces, unable or reluctant to act. Besides the fact that the Republic had still to build up an effective civil and military apparatus reaching out over the entire country, its activities in these first months were also seriously hampered by the lack of means of communication or access to these. News of the proclamation spread over the country only gradually, and when it reached the people they often did not know what it signified or how they were to react. How the news of the proclamation was received in Bandung, only a hundred miles from ] akarta, is described as follows by Smail: "To begin with, on the 17th [of August 1945] most people had not yet heard rumors of the ]apanese surrender, let alone positive confirmation. Without this indispensable pieèe of context the ordinary man had no way of assessing the significance of the proclamation"... while many of the educated men, "familiar with the rapidly maturing plans for a ] apanese-sponsored pseudoindependence, simply assumed on first hearing of the proclamation that it was part of the ]apanese Program". And, giving a condensed version of one of his interviews, he writes: "He (a lower-class man who had been a militant revolutionary) started off by giving an impression of the atmosphere immediately after the ]apanese surrender. People were happy but at the same time they were bimbang (confused and worried). They were bz·mbang because they knew that lndonesia had become independent but didn 't yet know what this Independence was. It was like waking up still sleepy, looking around, trying to get your bearings, or like a dream." (Smail 1964:15-26, 38). In the countryside people must have reacted even more confusedly to the news. Kiyai ]usuf Tauziri's alleged plan to proclaim an Islamic state was only one of the many instances in this anarchical situation === [PDF page 26] === 16 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam immediately after the Japanese surrender, with local groups acting independently without any knowledge of the situation in Jakarta and without any contacts with the Republican leaders. 6 The same holds true for the reported activities of Kartosuwirjo - if he did, in fact, act this way - in those days. The second point to be taken into consideration in trying to understand the conduct of the rural Islamic leaders is their changed position in comparison with the pre-war period. This position had changed considerably during the J apanese occupation. Before the war the Dutch had pursued a policy of noninterference in strictly religious affairs, and of allowing, though not encouraging, social and educational activities undertaken by the Islamic community. In the political field, however, the Dutch Colonial Administration had adopted a less tolerant attitude. Political activities by Islamic groups had been subject to tight control and close supervision, which allowed the Islamic leaders little room for political manoeuvring. All this changed in the Japanese period. The Japanese, much more than the Dutch, relied on the Islamic leaders to mobilize the population. At first it looked as if the Islamic leaders in fact were given preferential treatment over their rivals, the nationalist and traditionalist elite. As Wertheim has written: "The Japanese were weIl aware of the potential force which their influence upon rural society, combined with their fundamental anti-Western attitude, still could provide. They attempted to make use of this group to strengthen their grip upon the agrarian population, by calling them to the cities for short indoctrination courses and by imbuing them with Japanese propaganda". (WeFtheim 1959:226). The J apanese attitude thus enabled the Muslim leaders, notably in the rural areas, to extend their influence in society. They were now recognized as a genuine force in society, a force no longer only to be distrusted and closely watched, but worthy of being drawn into the orbit of national affairs. This greatly enhanced their prestige and self-esteem, the more so as they were not involved in the more obvious acts of J apanese exploitation. The J apanese policy of activating the rural Islamic leaders moreover provided them with new opportunities for winning over the population to their cause, thus deepening the cleavage between them and the traditional rulers. Another aspect of J apanese policy, which had the same result of causing a deepening rift between the two camps, seems at first sight to be in contradiction with the one mentioned above. Much === [PDF page 27] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 17 of what has been written on the strengthening of the position of the Islamie leaders at the expense of the nationalist and traditional ones applies only to the national polities of those days and to the situation in urban centres. 7 It was here that the manifestation of the japanese Islam policy was most obvious. In the countryside the j apanese were confronted with a situation in which the only group that was suitably equipped for and capable of running the day-to-day administration was that of the traditional leaders - the same group that had been used for this purpose by the Dutch. Some adjustments were made here by the japanese in that they extended the powers of Islamic leaders, but this was not enough to prevent the development of a feeling of frustration among Muslims, who had expected much more from their cooperation with the japanese authorities. When japan surrendered, local antagonisms, which had been frozen by the Dutch, and preserved and activated but at the same time undermined by the japanese, openly erupted. The resulting revolts, however, remained within local bounds. The local administrators were replaced by new ones, often Muslims, but in java at least no national framework was developed. In java these so-called social revolutions quickly faded into the background when the Republican Army and Government became better organized and penetrated deeper and deeper into the rural areas. On the arrival of Republican Army units in regions whieh had experienced popular uprisings against their traditional leaders, the self-established new leaders were removed, and sometimes arrested if the revolt had taken too violent a turn. They were replaced by the old leaders again or by other representatives of the same social class which they had tried to destroy. It was only in Aceh that the social revolution had lasting effects. Here the instigators from the beginning also played an important, and after the end of 1945 a major, role in the national revolution. In java the leaders of the national and those of the sodal revolution came from different groups with different backgrounds. The sodal revolutions in Indonesia alloccurred during the first year of the struggle for independence. They were, with the possible exception of Aceh, isolated outbursts of popular discontent at years of exploitation by a foreign power and its accomplices, members of the traditional ruling strata. They of ten included an Islamic component, but lacked a national framework. This second prominent feature of the Darul Islam movement -' the first being its armed opposition to the Republic - only developed in later years. === [PDF page 28] === 18 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam For a proper Darul Islam movement to take shape, it was prerequisite th at local sentiments and feelings no longer be voieed by only purely local leaders, but by people who had crossed local boundaries and could formulate an Islamie alternative to the Indonesian Republic without having lost touch with local society. This kind of leadership was to be found in Kartosuwirjo, who was experienced in national polities but close enough to the rural population to attract its support. In the first years of the revolution both he and the other Darul Islam leaders and the Republican ones tried to ignore their difference in conception regarding the basis of the Indonesian state. The struggle against the common enemy - the Dutch - commanded everyone's fuH attention, and for a while the ideologieal difference was kept in the background. Even the setting up of an Indonesian Islamic Army, the Tentara Islam Indonesz"a or TIl, early in 1948 did not result in an open rupture. Although its institution was clearly a preparatory step to the founding of an Islamic State, it was just possible for the TIl, in the political and military context of the time, to be considered as just another military branch of a particular political grouping. The Indonesian Islamic Army was founded shortly after the Renville agreement of January 1948. It was this agreement which was to give rise to troop movements that would eventually trigger off the civil war between the Darul Islam and the Indonesian Republic. One of the stipulations of the Renville agreement, concluded between the Dutch and the Republican Governrnent, was that Republican troops should be withdrawn from areas formally controHed by the Dutch. It implied the restriction of the territory of the Indonesian Republic in Java to the small area of West Java west of Jakarta and to parts of Central and East Java. Republican troops had to leave almost the whole of West Java, Central Java from the border with West Java roughly to Kebumen in the south and Semarang in the north, and the area of East Java east of Malang. The agreement met with enormous opposition in Indonesia, culminating in a cabinet crisis. As a re sult of waning support for his Cabinet, whieh was responsible for the signing of the agreement, the then Prime Minister, Amir Sjarifuddin (Amir Syarifuddin), resigned. Also many members of the Republican Army were opposed. Bound to abide by the decisions of its,Government as it was, however, the Army simply had to obey and retreat to the areas defined as Republican territory in the Renville negotiations. A === [PDF page 29] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 19 different reaction came from many of the irregular guerilla units operating outside the Army, which still enjoyed a large degree of autonomy. Some of these units openly opposed the Renville agreement and refused to comply with its stipulations. In West Java, as a consequence, a situation developed in which the Republican troops left the area, while many wild guerilla units stayed on. On February 2nd the Republican Silz'wangz' Division of West Java began what it itself styled its hijrah to Central Java. Hijrah, meaning "the severance of ties" or "emigrating", is the word generally used to designate the departure of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in 622 A.D. In Indonesia the term is sometimes used to describe a course of action which appears at first sight to be defeatist and hence negative, but in the end wiIl turn into a tot al victory. At the end of the thirties it had been used by Kartosuwirjo to explain the policy of noncooperation with the Dutch Colonial Administration. Now it was deliberately chosen to give expression to the idea that the retreat of the Silz'wangi Division to Central Java would only be temporary Uust as the Prophet returned to Mecca at the end of eight years). According to Simatupang, who attended the Renville negotiations as military advisor, "Pak Dirman [Sudirman, the legendary commander-in-chief of the Republican Army] chose this word to denote the withdrawal operation because it expressed both the conviction that withdrawal was temporary and the notion that, at a more favorable time, we would return to these places as victors" (Simatupang 1972:139-140). Among the troops which refused to be withdrawn were units of two Islamic guerilla forces, the Hizbu 'l/ah and Sabili'llah, which were the armed branches of the major Islamic party, Masyumz'. Their decision to stay behind ran counter to the policy pursued by the leading politicians of Masyumi. Although the party withdrew its support of the Amir Sjarifuddin Cabinet because of the Renville agreement, it considered itself still committed to the stipulations of that agreement, since it had been signed by the legitimate Republican Government. Besides the commanders of Hzzbu 'l/ah and Sabz1i'llah units in West Java, a number of civilian Masyumi politicians, amongst them Kartosuwirjo, acted in opposition to official party policy. They took the view that, as the struggle against the Dutch should be continued, there was no other alternative but to remain in West Java and guide and coordinate the resistance there. The absence of the Republican Army, together with the fact th at the Hzzbu 'l/ah and Sabili'llah were the strongest of the === [PDF page 30] === 20 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam various guerilla forces remaining behind, gave Kartosuwirjo ample opportunity to build up a civil and military administration as a prelude to the proclamation of an Islamic state. The Hizbu 'llah and Sabili'llah units were transformed into the Islamic Army of Indonesia and a rudimentary government structure was set up. The new situation furthermore greatly enhanced the prestige of both Kartosuwirjo and the remaining guerilla units. When a year later the Sz·lt"wangi Division returned to West Java, it was confronted by a population and an army that felt let down by the Indonesian Republic and who considered themselves the true continuers of the struggle against the Duteh. Efforts by the Republican Army to regain control met with fierce resistance. It would be about fifteen years before the rebellion could be suppressed, after Kartosuwirjo's arrest in 1962. The period of roughly one year in which the champions of the Islamic State were left to their own devices in West Java proved decisive. For at the end of 1947 they as yet had no efficient organization of their own that transcended local boundaries, and any attempt to form an Islamic army or government would probably have failed, as any such body would have been put down by the Indonesian Republic before it had the chance to develop into a genuine force. At the end of 1948, however, they had a relatively strong army at their disposal, as weU as a govemment structure that could compete with that of the Republic, although no Islamie State had yet been proclaimed. Within the space of one year they had succeeded in eliminating a time-lag of about three years with re gard to the building up of their own administration. 2. Sekarmadjz' Marz'djan Kartosuwz'rjo The success with which, in the course of 1948, the foundations for an Islamic State were laid can to a large ex tent be attributed to Kartosuwirjo. He combined in his person a number of qualities that made him the outs tanding leader of the Darul Islam movements. Kartosuwirjo was a skilful organizer, and at the same time capable of attracting a large following among the rural population. He was experienced in national polities, having played a prominent part in the pre-war Islamic movement, but preferred country life to the urban setting of Jakarta. His political record, moreover, was excellent. Before the war he had always been strongly opposed to cooperation with the Dutch Colonial Administration, also at times when other nationalist and Islamic leaders had argued in favour of cooperation. He had not been too === [PDF page 31] === I The Darul Islam. its Prelude 21 prominent in the J apanese period, while in the early years of the Indonesian revolution he had invariably been cri tic al of the policies pursued by the political parties and by the successive Republican Governments. By disengaging himself from Republican political life he had evaded the difficult dilemma between waging an all-out war against the Dutch until the struggle should have been won on the battle field and making concessions through negotiations in exchange for an early recognition of independence. Thus he remained clear of the negative impression which the conclusion of the Renville agreement created among the population of West Java, to whom it was difficult to explain why the Republican troops were retreating or what they hoped to gain by this. Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo (Sekarmaji Marijan Kartosuwiryo), as his full name ran, was not a native of West Java. He was bom near Cepu, half-way between Blora and Bojonegoro, on the present-day border between Central and East Java, on February 7th, 1905. 8 In later years Cepu acquired some significance as a regional oil centre of the Bataafsche Petroleum Maatschappij. At the time Kartosuwirjo grew up at Cepu, ho wever, it was still a very small, quiet town. It had some importance for local trade, situated as it was on the Solo River and on the tramline to Surabaya, but had as yet none of the air of a busy oil centre. Not much is known about Kartosuwirjo's social background. His father was a so-called mantri penjual candu a middleman in the govemment-controlled and -exploited distribution network of ready-for-use opium. Considering the education Kartosuwirjo enjoyed, his father must have been relatively well-to-do, while he himself must have been highly intelligent. He attended the best schools that were open to "natives", where only the children of the "native" well-to-do and aristocracy were admitted. It is paradoxical for a man who for many years was to be leader of an Islamic rebellion that his formal education was essentially secular in nature. There are no indications that Kartosuwirjo visited any of the many Islamic schools. Tbe quality of the education provided at the first school Kartosuwirjo was sent to at the age of six - the Inlandsche School der Tweede Klasse, or Native School of the Second Grade, of which there were only a few - was still quite modest. The standard of these schools was just a little above that of the ordinary Volksschool (People's School), intended to provide part of the population with some rudimentary and general knowIedge, but nothing === [PDF page 32] === 22 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam more. 9 The level of education of the second-grade schools, whose pupils could qualify as teachers at People's Schools, although slightly higher, was still far below th at of schools of the first grade. The major difference was the teaching of Dutch, a knowledge of which language in the colonial society of Indonesia was one of the prerequisites for further education and admission to administrative jobs. Subjects of "the first grade" might also be taught at "the second grade" by special permission, but the teaching of Dutch here was explicitly precluded. On Kartosuwirjo's finishing of the four-year Native School of the Second Grade, he continued his education at primary schools of the first grade. First he entered the Hollandsch-lnlandsche School (Dutch Native School) and then, in 1919, after his parents had moved to Bojonegoro, the Europeesche Lagere School (ELS) (European Primary School). For the son of a "native" both we re elite schools. The Dutch Native Schools were intended for the children of upper-class members of autochthonous society. The requirements for admission to a European Primary School were the most stringent of all. As the name implies, these were designed first and foremost as educational institutions for the European and Eurasian segment of society, though a limited number of natives was also admitted. The latter were in the first place children who could safdy be expected, in view of their social background, to continue their studies at European institutions of secondary and higher education, and in the second place especially gifted children who could be assumed to continue their studies at one of the institutions for training native doctors, lawyers or civil servants. Kartosuwirjo belonged to the second category. Af ter completing European Primary School, he went to Surabaya to study at the Nederlandsch-Indische Artsen School (NIAS), or Netherlands Indies Medical School. The NIAS course for so-called Dokter Jawa or Javanese doctors, consisted of two parts. Because a proportion of the students admitted here had only a primary education, the first part constituted a three-year preparatory course providing the necessary secondary education. The medical course proper book another six years. The J avanese doctors turned out by NIAS were not treated as coequals of their Dutch counterparts. To be considered a genuine physician one had to have complete one's medical studies at a university in The Netherlands or at the Geneeskundige Hoogeschool in Jakarta. Kartosuwirjo began the NIAS preparatory course in 1923, at the age of eighteen. Af ter completing it he was admitted to the === [PDF page 33] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 23 medical course, but had to leave for political reasons the very next year, 1927. Like so many of his politically active compatriots, he was expeIled upon his political activities becoming too open. In those days Surabaya was one of the principal centres of the nationalist movement. In the words of the later President Soekarno, who lived there between 1916 and 1921, "... Surabaya was a bustling, noisy port, much like New Vork. It had a good harbor and an active trading center. A key industrial area with fast turn over in sugar, tea, tobacco, and coffee, it had keen competition in commerce from the sharp Chinese plus a large influx of mariners and merchantmen who brought news from all parts of the world. It had a swoIlen population of young and outspoken dockhands and repair workers. There were rivalries, boycotts, street fights. The town was seething with discontent and revolutionaries" (Soekarno 1965:34). What Soekarno noted about Surabaya may also have struck Kartosuwirjo. Although he arrived in that city two years after Soekarno had left it for Bandung, the political experience he acquired here were in many ways was similar to those of Soekarno. Both had as their political mentor one of the most outstanding and popular nationalists of the time: the Sarekat Islam leader Haji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto (Umar Said Cokroaminoto). They both lived at the latter's house for a longer or shorter period during their stay in Surabaya and acquired much of their early political experience there. Soekarno stayed with Tjokroaminoto between 1916 and 1921, when the latter's fame was at its peak. Relations bet ween the two were close for a while, but the two men became estranged after Soekarno left for Bandung. In the personal sphere the changing relation was reflected in Soekarno's marriage to Tjokroaminoto's daughter and subsequent divorce from her (Dahm 1966:60). Kartosuwirjo also lived at Tjokroaminoto's and developed a close relationship with him. Contrary to Soekarno, however, he never feIl out with Tjokroaminoto, but remained loyal to his policies, as weIl as to the Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia, which developed out of Tjokroaminoto's Sarekat Islam. Kartosuwirjo came to live with Tjokroaminoto after his expulsion from NIAS in 1927 and af ter a short spellof teaching at Bojonegoro. He almost immediately became Tjokroaminoto's private secretary continuing in this function unti11929. At th at time Tjokroaminoto's influence was already declining. During Soekarno's stay with him he had still been the virtuaIly unchallenged leader of the Sarekat Islam, the first Indonesian === [PDF page 34] === 24 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam mass movement, which at the top of its strength boasted a membership of over two million. 10 Between the founding of the Sarekat Islam in 1911 and its de cline after 1920 he was one of the principal spokesmen - perhaps even the most important one - of the Indonesian opposition to the colonial regime. He headed the biggest nationalist movement of those days, became one of the Indonesian members of the Volksraad, the Netherlands East Indies quasi-parIiament, which enjoyed very limited powers, and was actively involved in the labour movement. He seems to have had a very fIexible mind capable of absorbing a combination of Islamic, nationalist and socialist ideas. According to a characterization of him by one of his contemporary opponents, he "at one time was or claimed to be a 'social democrat, then a Communist, while at another time abandoning all isms'" (Noer 1973:123). His house was the centre of the anti- Dutch movement in Surabaya. It was a meeting-place for poli tically active Indonesians, and at the same time a boarding-house accommodating many of the later political leaders in their younger days. The latter included, besides Soekarno, among others future leaders of the Indonesian Communist Party like Alimin and Musso (Pahlawan 1972:143-151). In 1927, at the time Kartosuwirjo was boarding with him, Tjokroaminoto's position within the nationalist movement had changed, as was indicated above. He had become the target of much criticism, and his once powerful Sarekat Islam, uniting people of Islamic, communist and nationalist persuasions, had declined into a minor Islamic party. The communists, first working within the Sarekat Islam and trying to steer it onto a more radical course, had been expelled from the party in 1921. The decision accordingly had been taken at a party congress at which Tjokroaminoto was absent. He had subsequently been imprisoned by the Government on charges of entertaining relations with an illegal section of the Sarekat Islam which was ai ming at the violent overthrow of the government. l l The communists continued their activities in their own separate party, the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), which a few years later was banned and its leaders gaoled after the abortive uprisings in West Java and Minangkabau of late 1926 and early 1927. More important still for the decline of the Sarekat Islam than the loss of its radical leftist cadre was the rise of a secular nationalist movement. This movement and its prominent spokesman, Soekarno, gradually took over the former dominant position of the Sarekat Islam and Tjokroaminoto. The influence === [PDF page 35] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 25 of the Sarekat Islam within the Islamic community also declined. For in the religious field it had to compete with two new non· political Islamic organizations, the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdatul Ulama. ParadoxicaIly, it is precisely the de cline of the Sarekat Islam and the development of succeeding parties out of it which highlight its significance. lts operation in two fields - the political as weIl as the non-political - made it the sole vehicle for those Muslims who wished to remain politically active without abandoning the principle of the primacy of religion. It is within this context that the pre-war political activities of Kartosuwirjo must be seen. He was one of those Islamic leaders who refused, or to put it less kindly, were unable, to make a choice between poli tics and religion for tactical reasons. Besides Tjokroaminoto's influence, Soekamo and Kartosuwirjo had in common the fact that they both started their political career in the Surabaya branch of the youth movement Jong Java (Young Java), although in different periods, and that both eventually withdrew from it - Soekarno because he considered Jong Java too moderate, Kartosuwirjo, who rose to the position of chairman of the Surabaya branch, because of its religious stand. That both feit ill at ease in Jong Java is not surprising. AIthough a little more radical than its mother organization Budi Utomo, it pursued the same cautious policy stressing traditional Javanese cuItural values. In the process it clashed not only with its more radical members, such as Soekarno, but àlso with those members who wished to react to the dominance of Western power and Western culture by a return to the true face of Islam, stripped of its J avanese and heretical elements, rather than to J avanese culture. The latter group grew especially disappointed at the professed religious neutrality of Jong Java which in practice meant the neglect of Islam and the stressing of J avanese cultural expressions such as wayang and gamelan. 12 In 1925 there was a rupture between the two schools of thought as the Muslim members left Jong Java to form the Jong Islamieten Bond, or Young Muslim League. The latter was to develop into a nursery for the future Islamic political cadre. "It grew into a training school for an Islamic leadership distinct from the 'secular' Western-oriented Indonesian intellectuals" (Benda 1958:49).13 The Jong Islamieten Bond was a more or less independent youth organization. However, Pluvier's opinion that it had no ties whatever with the Sarekat Islam is not quite correct (Pluvier === [PDF page 36] === 26 RebeIlion under the Banner of Islam 1953: 153). To start with, there was the former organization's poli tic al outlook. It shared with the Sarekat Islam the view that Western domination could only be combated by stripping Indonesian Islam of its heretical components and adopting those achievements of Western civilization th at had given the West its technical superiority. Furthermore, the Jong Islamz'eten Bond did not, like so many other Islamic organizations, withdraw from the political arena. As was observed above, it became the focus of leadership-training for what may be called the young Islamic intelligentsia, possessing a clear view of the requirements for an independent, preferably Islamic, state. Finally, there existed personal ties at least in its early period, between the Jong Islamieten Bond and the Sarekat Islam. The founder of the former, Haji Agus Salim, was in fact one of the principal Sarekat Islam leaders at the time, having been elected vice-president of this league in 1923 (Noer 1973: 132). Likewise the first chairman of the Jong Islamieten Bond, Wiwoho Purbohadidjojo (Wiwoho Purbohadijoyo), originally came from the Sarekat Islam. It is far from surprising th at the politically and religiously conscious person that Kartosuwirjo had developed into in those years joined the Jong Islamieten Bond. He himself does not seem to have played a decisive role in the secession of the Muslim youth from Jong Java. The reason for this may have been th at the Jong Islamieten Bond was founded in Jakarta, far away from Surabaya, and that Kartosuwirjo only heard of this later. He left Jong Java to join the Jong Islamieten Bond within a few months of its foundation, however. In due course he became one of its leaders}4 Eventually his activities in the Jong Islamz'eten Bond provided one of the reasons for his expulsion from NIAS. He was accused of being a political activist and of having in his possession literature with communist inclinations, which probably meant nothing more than that he had books th at were critical of the colonial regime. His expulsion from NIAS and his subsequent relationship with Haji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto marked the beginning of his career within the Sarekat Islam. At the time Kartosuwirjo joined the Sarekat Islam it had already changed its name into Partaz' Sarekat Islam, stressing its political function by the adoptation of the qualification "party". The party changed its name again in 1930, this time into Partaz' Sarekat Islam Indonesza (PSU), to express the fact that the struggle in Indonesia itself had taken precedence over its earlier professed international pan-Islamitic ideals. 15 === [PDF page 37] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 27 Before discussing Kartosuwirjo's posItlOn within the Partaz' Sarekat Islam (Indonesia) it may be worthwhile pausing to consider whether he fitted into the intellectual and religious climate of this party and of the Jong Islamieten Bond. The Partai Sarekat Islam (Indonesz'a) and Jong Islamz'eten Bond are gene rally represented as organizations of modernist Indonesian Muslims, as opposed to traditionalist ones. In the opposition of modernist versus traditionalist Muslims the puritanical and intellectual aspects of modernism are generally stressed. The modernist movement within Islam has as its principal aim a return to the "true sources" of Islam, the Koran, or word of God, and the Tradition, or transmitted words and deeds of Muhammad. Accordingly, the modernists are generally associated with the fight against heresy, saint-worship, animistic beliefs, adaptations to local situations and adherence to practices of the pre-Islamic period in general. They are also associated with intellectualism, not only because of their hostility to superstition, but also because of their search for a modus vz'vendz' between Islam and the modern way of life. "What seemed to have become the central problem of the Muslim modernists in Indonesia was their desire to alleviate the Faith from all its irreligious impurities which through time had been syncretized into it, and to liberalize it from its madzhab [i.e. the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence] rigidity so that it could be made compatible with the demands and needs of a progressively modern world. For th at they believed that they had found the answer by returning to the true sources of Islam, which could be found in the Holy Koran and Hadith." (Alfian 1969:131). Kartosuwirjo definitely does not seem to fit into this atmosphere. The picture of him emerging from the scarce biographical notes is that of a man whose Islamic training lagged far behind th at of the leading exponents of Islamic modernism in Indonesia, and whose religious ideas were still very much influenced by the traditional setting. His initial Islamic education was very meagre. He acquired his knowledge of Islam in later years, and did so mainly from foreign, probably Dutch, books on the subject and via his personal acquaintance with prominent Indonesian Muslim teachers (Pinardi 1964:29-30; Horikoshi 1975: 73; Noer 1973: 148). Of course foreign, Western books were not the best sources for the study of Islam and the new religious movements within it. Kartosuwirjo, however, had no other option. As a result of his secular Dutch education his Arabic was poor. He even seems to have studied the Koran from Dutch translations. === [PDF page 38] === 28 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam This lack of fluency in Arabic also excluded Kartosuwirjo from direct contact with the works of Islamic thinkers. It may even have kept him from going on a pilgrimage to Mecca and visiting the Arabic centres of Islam and Islamic modernism. Unlike a number of other Indonesian Muslim leaders, he never went abroad to extend his knowledge of Islam through discussions or study with internationally outstanding Muslim teachers. For a more thorough knowledge of Islam Kartosuwirjo had was dependent upon personal acquaintanceships with scholars he met more or less fortuitously. Part of this as in the case of his political education, he acquired from Haji Oemar Said Tjokraaminota and the Surabaya circle of Sarekat Islam leaders. More important for the development of his religious ideas were the rural Islamic leaders of West Java he became acquainted with after 1929, when for reasans of health he moved to Malangbong, a small town near Garut and Tasikmalaya. During this stay at Malangbong he studied Islam with a number of local kz'yais, amongst them the above-mentioned Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri and his father-in-Iaw Kiyai Ardiwisastra. 16 The latter was not only one of the most prominent PSU members of the area, but, as J ackson points out, also "a very famous religious teacher from Malangbong" acksona 1971:437). In Malangbong, as throughout rural Java in general, Islamic modernism had not yet penetrated very deeply. It had remained largely an urban phenomenon which had had na influence on the rural kz·yais. As a consequence, the religious education Kartosuwirjo received from these local kiyais possessed few of the characteristics of modernism. Like his tutors, Kartosuwirjo became a "dedicated Sufist" (Horikoshi 1975:74). Sufism, with its stress on mysticism and asceticism and its disposition towards saint-worship and other cultish farms of worship, is almast the direct opposite of modernism. The impact of his religious experiences at Malangbong were, in fact to set Kartosuwirjo apart from an important section of the PSU leadership and to contribute to his rupture with the party in later years, when his "mystical leaning had estranged him from the other Sarekat Islam leaders" (Noer 1973: 148). On the other hand, this did enable him to remain in close touch with the local population and to win its support. In fact, it is precisely his mystical leanings and the circumstance of his fitting into the longstanding tradition of rural rebellion with its Islamic leadership that are commonly singled out by authors on the Darul Islam movement as the major factors which gained the === [PDF page 39] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 29 latter popular support. According to these authors Kartosuwirjo's personality and way of life, along with his skilful exploitation of popular belief, contributed greatly both to the mass support given the movement and to its longevity. One of the first scholars to drawattention to this aspect of Kartosuwirjo's leadership in later years was Pinardi. He explains Kartosuwirjo's appeal partly from his association with the ideal of Ratu Adil, or Just King, and his manipulation of other popular beliefs. As an example he mentions the wearing by Kartosuwirjo of two magical swords, Ki Dongkol and Ki Rompang, which when united, according to popular belief, would bring prosperity to the land and victory in battle to the person who succeeded in uniting them (Pinardi 1964:154-156). Hiroko Horikoshi also points to the importance of mystical beHefs among the population of West Java in explaining Kartosuwirjo 's appeal. "Many local ulama and villagers attributed his ability to recruit followers among the po or and unsophisticated peasants to his mystical powers. His mysticism is important above all because it is dear stories of his miraculous qualities contributed to the continuátion of his movement..., it seemed likely that the D[arul] I[slam]'s centralleadership welcomed and even manipulated them [i.e. rumours about his magical powers] by shielding Kartosuwirjo from, and making him almost inaccessible to, his guerilla fighters in the field." (Horikoshi 1975: 74-75). Kartosuwirjo's stay at Malangbong was of importance in more than one respect. It not only shaped his future religious ideas, but also made him familiar with the culture and way of life of th at part of West Java. It moreover fostered a life-Iong bond between Kartosuwirjo and Malangbong. Initially it was the PSII that would benefit. In later years, af ter being forced to leave the PSII, Kartosuwirjo used his influence in Malangbong for his own ends - first for the benefit of the shadow PSU founded by him, and later for that of the Darul Islam. Upon Kartosuwirjo's moving to Malangbong in 1929 he was appointed PSII representative for West Java. Studious and ascetic as he was, he took this task very seriously and energetically devoted himself to the extension of PSII activities in the area. "As an E.L.S. graduate and a medical school 'drop-out', he in fact could have been reasonably well-off if only he had been willing to become a government employee or work at a private office. But Sekarmadji... appears to have preferred to remain poor and devote all his energies and thoughts to the life of his party.,,17 === [PDF page 40] === 30 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Kartosuwirjo's efforts did not remain unnoticed. In 1931 he was eIected general secretary of the PSU, and in 1936 vice-chairman. At that time, however, the party was experiencing one of its major crises, being torn apart by growing internal strife. Kartosuwirjo at first beIonged to the winning faction, which resulted in his eIection as vice-chairman, but later was forced to leave the PSU. The main issue around which the conflict revolved was the attitude towards the colonial government and the question of whether or not the PSU should cooperate with the colonial regime. The differences on this point were aggravated by personal animosities within the party's leadership and by the struggle for con trol of the PSU af ter the death in 1934 of Haji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto. The PSU had a long-standing tradition of non-cooperation. The policy accordingly had first been formulated at its party congress of 1923 and 1924 (Noer 1973: 142-143). Finding its inspiration in Gandhi's movement in India, and disappointed with the attitude of the Dutch colonial power and with the actual powers granted the People's Council, it developed the concepts of seIfreIiance (swadeshz") and repudiation of the existing colonial structure (hzjrah). In adopting the swadeshz' principle the PSU was following the example of the Indian anticolonial movement.and Gandhi, who had defined swadeshz' as "the spirit in us which restricts us to the use and service of our immediate surroundings to the exclusion of the more remote" (Gunnar Myrdal 1968: 1209, citing Unnithan 1956:54). As such, swadeshz" implied a rejection not only of colonial-style society, but of all manifestations of modern Western life. It signified a return to the traditional village economy and its products and a rejection of Western-made or -imported goods. At a superficial glance it seems to run counter to the principle of seIective borrowing from the West, as professed by the modernists who had played such an important part in the early years of Sarekat Islam. The romanticizing of village life and its passive withdrawal from the influence of urban and Western society constituted, in fact, only one aspect of the movement. Throughout the years the PSU pursued an active policy of improvement of the life of the poor and effecting agrarian reform, nationalization of vital industries and improvement of labour reIations. The stress on the traditional village was not inspired by any inability to cope with modern life or to comprehend the forces operating in colonial society, but by severe === [PDF page 41] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 31 disappointment at the colonial government's inattention to its demands. The solution hit on was typical for the PSU. It combined the rural rejection of Western penetration with the highly political outlook of its leaders. The rather aggressive nature of the PSU's non-cooperation policy wasreflected in the combination of swadeshi with hijrah. Thus swadeshi, which itself already implied a rejection of colonial influence, was intensified further by the hzjrah idea, which enabled the PSU to formulate an aggressive policy of noncooperation without the need to resort to open rebellion. Looking back at Islamic history, in particular Muhammad's repudiation of the people of Mecca for rejecting his teachings, the proponents of non-cooperation found in the hzjrah concept the necessary inspiration to sever all ties with the colonial power. In the same way that Muhammad had left the citizens of Mecca to their own devices to found a new Muslim society in Medina through hijrah, a total disregard of the Dutch for the sake of building up an independent Indonesian, Muslim-inspired society became the aim of the present hzjrah policy. The colonial regime should be ignored not only in the economic, but also in the political field. Hijrah was, as it was put by the PSU leader Haji Agus Salim in 1927 "cooperation between ourselves for our own consolidation and the unity of all ideas, thoughts and deeds in all aspects of life, whether social, economic or politicai" (Noer 1973:143, citing Agus Salim 1927). This combination of swadeshi with hzjrah made the noncooperation policy of the PSU attractive to men like Kartosuwirjo, who linked hatred of the colonial regime with an emphatically Islamic outlook and a deep-rooted suspicion of urban life. It not only combined idealization of village life with the actual political struggle, but in some respects also implied a linkage of the Hindu tradition with the Islamic one. This non-cooperation policy came under discussion within the PSU itself in early 1935, when the th en chairman Agus Salim pressed for a reviewal of the hijrah policy. The arguments put forward by Agus Salim were of a distinctly tactical nature. The previous years had se en an increasingly repressive attitude on the part of the Colonial Government. Radical Indonesian political leaders had been arrested and the supervision of political meetings tightened. On an increasing scale political meetings had been prohibited or stopped in the middle by the secret police as soon as the speeches became critical in tone. It was Agus Salim's opinion that in this repressive climate, non-cooperation and the === [PDF page 42] === 32 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam hostile reaction it drew from the government could only hamper the party's activities. Kartosuwirjo took quite a different view. Not easily inclined to compromise, he remained an unconditional supporter of noncooperation. Together with Agus Salim's principal opponent within the PSII, Abikusno Tjokrosujoso (Abikusno Cokrosuyoso), the brother of Haji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto, he thereupon became the chief advocate of hzjrah. 18 At the first suggestion of reviewal of the hijrah policy by Agus Salim in 1935, Abikusno Tjokrosujoso resigned from the executive board of the PSII, and his example was foIlowed by Kartosuwirjo (Noer 1973:145). The conflict over cooperation with the Dutch developed into an outright confrontation between two opposed standpoints. On the one hand there were the pragmatists, who were prepared to modify their point of view where they feIt this to be in the interests of what they considered to be the aims of the party. They were prepared to compromise thus not only in the political field, and as one of the major consequences of political cooperation to accept seats on the quasi-representative councils, but also in the religious field. They were inclined, much more than their opponents, though still of course within certain limits, to differentiate between polities and religion. When at the end of 1936 they formed an oppositional committee, the Barisan Penyedar PSII, or Front of the Awakening of Consciousness in the PSII, to propagate their views, their argument was that "because of hijrah the PSII had degenerated from a policital party into a party for religious propaganda and Koran recitals" (Pluvier 1953: 114). In the spectrum between those natj.onalists who should be characterized as Muslims guided by secular principles in their political outlook and activities and those who sought their inspiration in Islam, they took a middle position.1 9 Like the latter, the pragmatists professed the ideals of an Islamic state and the organization of society according to Islamic principles. But unlike them, they were weIl aware that these ideals were not to be realized in the near future in a colonial context, nor in a situation where the secular nationalists were in the majority (like that which would arise after the Second World War). The pragmatists' opponents, on the other hand, were more uncompromising. They were not ready as yet for any form of accommodation, and strongly emphasized the primacy of religion. They were moreover much less influenced by Western ideas concerning the state structure and democracy. === [PDF page 43] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 33 The showdown came at the twenty-second PSII congress, held in July 1936. Here is was immediately obvious that the factÎon of Abikusno Tjokrosujoso and Kartosuwirjo, who could command the support of the younger members of the party, was much stronger than that of Haji Agus Salim and his associates. At this congress, Abikusno Tjokrosujoso accordingly scored an overwhelming victory. He was elected "formateur", which involved being given fuIl powers to nominate all the members of the board. As a consequence, the board dit not mirror the relative strengths of the conflicting factions. It was made up entirely of Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's supporters. Kartosuwirjo became vice-chairman, or vice-president, as the function was styled. Abikusno Tjokrosujoso saw his victory at the congress as an endorsement of his hzjrah policy. The truth of this was disputed by Haji Agus Salim, however, who "maintained that the question was deferred by the congress and accused Abikusno of arbitrary action when he declared the question closed, thereby instructing Sarekat Islam branches to ignore Salim 's proposal to abandon the HzOdjrah policy" (Noer 1973:145-146). Agus Salim tried to counter the move by instituting the above-mentioned Barisan Penyedar PSII, but in vain. He was expelled from the PSII, together with about thirty of his associates, early the next year. 20 Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's claim that the PSU congress of July 1936 had endorsed the hzjrah policy was expounded in a twovolume brochure on the subject by Kartosuwirjo. lts title ran "The hijrah attitude of the PSII" and was, as the subtitle explained ratified by the 22nd congress of the party (Sikap 1936). Kartosuwirjo did not write this pamphlet on his own initiative, but at the request of the 1936 congress. The ideas outlined by him here were eventually to lead to his own expulsion from the party. On publication of the book, however, there was as yet no sign of any controversy on the hijrah policy between Kartosuwirjo and the other influential PSII memberso His views were fully supported by the board. The foreword to the second volume, signed by Abikusno Tjokrosujoso as president and Arudji Kartawinata (Aruji Kartawinata) as secretary of the PSII, contains a statement th at "the views, opinions and ideas on and interpretation of the PSII's hijrah attitude which are expounded in this brochure were discussed at length with the President Elect of the Party Board and the Party's Executive Committee before and after the writing [of this pamphlet] by the author" (Sikap 1936 II:3-4)o Most of Kartosuwirjo's pamphlet is devoted to a discussion of === [PDF page 44] === 34 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam the true meaning and implications of hijrah. 21 It traces. the places where hzjrah is mentioned in the Koran and explains its meaning in the relevant context. Kartosuwirjo's interpretation of hzjrah and views on the transposition of the concept to the colonial context are rigourous and far-reaching. Basing himself on the Koran, he states hzjrah to be the duty of "all men and women, old and young", with the exception of the weak, and that it is not to be given up "until real Falah (Salvation) and Fatah (Victory or Opening) have been achieved" (Sikap 193611: 17-18, 22). It is interesting to note that Kartosuwirjo does not put forward any political reasons for committing hzjrah. The major cause for such an act, according to him, is "Slander in Religion", which he defines in a very broad sen se, encompassing "any act, whatever its nature or form, which may cause people to stray from the ways of Truth as defined by the teachings of the Islamic Af ter the discussion of the meaning of hzjrah, Kartosuwirjo goes on to say that in almost every place in which the word htjrah is mentioned in the Koran, it is associated with jihad. So he writes with re gard to the PSII, "no act of hijrah can be considered valid if in hijrah the jihad ideal is not realized" (Sikap 193611:30). While linking htjrah with jihad, Kartosuwirjo carefully avoids too aggressive an interpretation of the two concepts. Earlier in his brochure, where he deals with the different meanings of htjrah, he stresses th at Muslims, in their entire conduct, and so alSO in htjrah, must be devoid of "hatred, malevolence, strikes, (or) enmity" (Sikap 1936 11: 15). In his subsequent discussion -of jihad he points out that this word does not mean "war in the sense in which it is of ten understood by Western or Westernized people" (Sikap 1936 11:45), but denotes a sincere effort or intention to follow "the path of God, the path of Truth, the path of Reality" (Sikap 193611:43). Differentiating between jihad ul-asghar and jihad ul-akbar, the "little" and the "great" jihad, he urges his readers to give precendence to the latter, which is the more positive one, saying: "We refer to the little jihad as being negative in nature, because it constitutes only [an act of] defence, either self-defence or the defence of Religion against attacks from its enemies. And we claim that the great jihad is constructive and positive (... ) in nature, because the jihad includes the element of building up and organizing both oneself and one's village and country, as weIl as the Islamic Community." (Sikap 193611:48). === [PDF page 45] === The Darul Islam, its Prelude 35 At the time of writing his pamphlet, Kartosuwirjo still enjoyed the formal support for his interpretation of hijrah of the PSU board, as is evident from the approval expressed in the foreword to his brochure by Abikusno Tjokrosujoso and Arudji Kartawinata. Within a few years the situation changed, however. In 1939 Kartosuwirjo found himself involved in a bitter wrangle with the majority of the PSU leadership, headed by Abikusno Tjokrosujoso. Again the point at issue was the party's attitude vis-à-vis the Colonial Government. Kartosuwirjo, who remained the uncompromising proponent of a radical hijrah he always had been, now found himself opposed by his allies of only a few years back, who had considerably modified their views in order to be able to cope with the increasing Government pression.. Kartosuwirjo did not approve of the PSU's about-face, which in the course of 1939 resulted in the latter's participation in GAPI (Gabungan Politik Indonesia or Indonesian Political Federation), a federation of Indonesian political parties of which Abikusno Tjokrosojuso became general chairman. 22 He furthermore strongly objected to the GAPI-initiated and PSII-supported move for the institution of a truly representative parliament, even though he had at that time already been formally dismissed from that party. The PSU's change of policy from its former non-cooperation line rendered Kartosuwirjo's brochure, which still in 1936 and 1937 had been of such great value in countering Agus Salim's influence, now obsolete and even in contradiction with party policy. The ideas outlined by Kartosuwirjo here we re dismissed as anachronisms, and the author was asked to recant and to stop the distribution of the leaflet, being expelled from the PSU together with a number of his associates upon his refusal to do so (cf. Noer 1973:149; Horikoshi 1975:63; Pluvier 1953:117-118; Slametmuljana 1968 I: 23 7-238). The other PSU-ers who were obliged to-Ieave the party with him included Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri and Kamran, the then leader of the youth section of the PSU and the future commander of the Tentara Islam Indonesia. The decision to expel Kartosuwirjo and his associates was taken by the party's executive committee on January 30th, 1939, and approved by the party's congress of January 1940. Those who were thus deprived of their membership refused to accept the decision, however. On Kartosuwirjo's initiative an oppositional committee, the Komite Pertahanan Kebenaran PSU (KPKPSU), or Committee for the Defence of the Truth of the PSII, was th en formed. Being intended to operate within the PSU, it hence === [PDF page 46] === 36 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam ignored the resolution of expulsion. 23 Upon this proving unfeasible, it was decided at the committee's first public meeting at Malangbong on March 24th, 1940, to form an independent party. The actual intention behind this was that the committee should develop into the real PSU. For Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's PSU was felt to consist of people who had betrayed the true struggle of the Islamic community and so to be no longer worthy of the name Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia. The new party, with Kartosuwirjo as chairman, which was sometimes referred to as the "Second PSU", in fact arrogated the name PSU to itself. It saw itself as the true continuation of the former PSU, and re-adopted the old PSU policy, stipulating th at the hijrah policy not only should be continued, but should even be carried through in a more radical way (cf. Pluvier 1953: 117; Horikoshi 1975:63). It is impossible to estimate the extent of the support Kartosuwirjo and his Second PSU enjoyed. The new movement's free development was seriously hampered from the beginning by its anti-government stand. A greater impediment still to its growth was the general political cIimate of those days. The invasion of The Netherlands by the German army on May 10th, 1940, and the threat of a J apanese attack on the Indies included the colonial authorities to intensify their supervision and control of political activities. As early as May 10th martial law was duly proclaimed and public political meetings prohibited. The changed situation made it almost impossible for the Second PSU to extend its activities and carry through its plans for instituting branches in every place where the original PSU - sometimes called "the Parliamentary PSU", to stress its new cooperation policy - was represented. The reports on the success of the Second PSII are contradictory. Judging from Pinardi's account, Kartosuwirjo's shadow-PSII did reasonably weIl where the formation of ncw branches was concerned. "Virtually everywhere branches of the Parliamentary PSU existed, sympathizers of S.M. Kartosuwirjo also a~feared to found branches of the KPKPSU" (Pinardi 1964:26). Pringgodigdo gives the same impression of rapid development. According to him the Second PSU "had in the beginning only 2 branches, but by March 1940 it already included 21 branches" (Pringgodigdo 1950:150). Hiroko Horikoshi takes a different view and qualifies Pinardi 's evaluation of the strength of the Second PSII as an overstatement. She is of the opinion that "the KPK PSU was successful only in West Java", and points to the fact that at the KPKPSII's === [PDF page 47] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 37 first congress onIy "six former PSU branches attended: Cirebon, Cibadak, Sukabumi, Pasanggrahan, Wanaraja and Malangbong". Her findings on the support for Kartosuwirjo's movement make her remark also that: "Noer's... statement that the KPK PSU branches were all in Central Java does not coincide with my informants' claims" (Horikoshi 1975:63). Hiroko Horikoshi's assessment calis for some modification, however. It should be noted first of all th at she did not read the relevant passages carefully. The fact that Pinardi uses the word "virtually everywhere" instead of, as Hiroko Horikoshi asserts, "at every PSU branch there was a KPK PSU", may only be a trivial point. Of greater importance is her misinterpretation of Deliar Noer. The latter, probably following Pluvier, when speaking of Central Java is referring not to KPKPSII branches, but to the PSII branches which sided with Kartosuwirjo in his conflict over hijrah and which we re expelled together with him. Deliar Noer writes: "together with some eight branches of the Sarekat Islam, all in Central Java, he (Kartosuwirjo) was dismissed in 1939 upon which he established the Komite Pertahanan Kebenaran PSII... " (Noer 1973:26; Pluvier 1953:117). The second point to make here is that Hiroko Horikoshi is ignorant of the problems inherent in a party split. It is curious that she speaks only of "former branches" of the psu. As Kartosuwirjo founded a counter-PSII which existed alongside Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's old PSU on the central level, there must also have been established at least a number of counter-branches operating in opposition to local branches which still acknowledged Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's PSII on the local level. Thirdly, one should not overlook the contemporary political situation, which makes it almost impossible to draw relevant conclusions from the formal number of branches of the Second PSU in an attempt to assess the appeal of Kartosuwirjo's movement. It must be remembered that Kartosuwirjo and his associates had only a few months to organize their party before the proclamation of martiallaw in May 1940 excluded all further open political activity. From then onwards any such activities had to he carried on secretly or semi.illegally. These circumstances make it difficult to judge the potentialof the movement started hy Kartosuwirjo. It may weIl he that, as Pinardi states, Kartosowirjo had followers virtually everywhere Ahikusno Tjokrosujoso's PSII was present. The speculation does not even seem too hold that, if the Second PSU had had unlimited opportunity to develop, it might have grown into a powerful altemative of the official PSU. === [PDF page 48] === 38 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam In the roral are as in partieular people neither we re very interested in, nor had a clear understanding of, the quarrel between the PSU leaders about the finer points of ideology and tactics. It was much easier to activate and mobilize the rural population by means of unambiguous acts aimed at the improvement of its own situation and by a continuation of the fierce verbal attacks on colonialists and infidels. Another moot point is whether Kartosuwirjo's movement had the proper personnel and the necessary organizational skill to transform the potential support which hostile attitude towards the Dutch colonialists and infidels might have gained it into a massive and organized following. In this respect Kartosuwirjo's PSII may have been at a serious disadvantage. So the fact that only six former PSU branches of West Java attended the first congress may be accounted for by organizational problems. If Hiroko Horikoshi 's information on this point is correct, it is in deed strange that there were no representatives from the Central Java PSII branches that had been expelled at the same time as Kartosuwirjo was ousted present. Considering the short lapse of time between the formal dismissal of Kartosuwirjo and the branches supporting him and the date of the congress, it seems likely that Kartosuwirjo wanted to act quickly without fully realizing the problems involved in convening a meeting, and that in the end he had to fall back on his personal network in West Java. In the light of later developments, the congress was of the utmost importance, in spite of its rather modest attendance. It paved the way for the indoctrination and training of leaders of the post-war West Javanese Darul Islam. The Second PSU itself provided a starting-point for the recruitment of a cadre for the Darul Islam. Even more important was the resolution passed by the Second PSU's first congress to establish an Islamic school for the education of a future Islamie leadership. The idea of such a school was not a new one. Kartosuwirjo, who had a keen eye for the need for leadership training, and who had given attention to this problem in his hijrah brochure, had been entrusted with the task of establishing "an institute scheduled to train militant cadres of the party" by the PSII in December 1938 (Noer 1973: 148). When the PSII steered its poliey onto a more cooperative course the party had lost interest in the scheme, however. Kartosuwirjo had nevertheless continued with the preparations for the foundation of a training institute and adapted the idea to his own ends. The institute he had in mind would not serve the interests of the old PSII, which he felt === [PDF page 49] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 39 had betrayed the cause of Indonesian Islam. It was to become an educational institution, supervised by the Second PSU, at which students would be imbued with radical ideas congruent with a total hijrah. Kartosuwirjo's plan was adopted by the Second PSU's congress of March 1940, which passed a resolution for the foundation of the so-called lnstitut Supah or Suffah Institute. 25 Situated at Malangbong, the Suffah Institute was originally intended to provide general and religious education, but, as we shall see, it eventually changed into an institution providing paramilitary training during the J apanese occupation. The institute was organized along the lines of Islamic boarding-schools, pesantrens and madrasahs. It formed a closed community, the studentmembers of which worked the institute fields, thus making it to a large ex tent self-supporting, where it was possible for strong personal ties to develop between students and teachers. At the institute, which provided a four- to six-month training-course, Kartosuwirjo himself taught Dutch, astrology and ilm al-tawhïd, or the doctrine of the Oneness of God (i.e. "dogmatics") (Noer 1973: l49; Pinardi 1964:27). lts students came mostly from the Priangan area, in particular the eastem part. Students from outsi de Java, for instance from Toli-Toli in North Sulawesi, were also enrolled at it (The 1968:3; Pinardi 1964:29). Within the limits imposed by martial law Kartosuwirjo's Second PSU, together with its Suffah Institute, continued operating alongside Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's original PSU for the two remaining years of Dutch colonial mIe in Indonesia. During that period it remained isolated from other Indonesian political and non-political groupings, Islamic or otherwise. It never joined the federation of Islamic organizations, the Majlt"sul lslamil a 'laa lndonesia (MIAI), Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia. For this MIAI, founded in 1937 on the initiative of two nonpolitical Islamic organizations - the refonnist Muhammadiyah and the traditionalist Nahdatul Ulama, originally set up as a counterpoise to the refonnist Islamic movement - the PSU had at first remained aloof, joining it only in 1939 as part of its policy of reconciliation with other groupings. There are no indications that Kartosuwirjo ever considered the possibility of joining MIAI. His attitude towards the MIAI is explained in part by the fact that his fonner enernies in the PSU who had forced him to leave the party participated in it, and in part by the participation of the MIAI in the negotiations with the Colonial Govemment on political and constitutional refonns. === [PDF page 50] === 40 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam These ncgotIatlOns with the Dutch turned out a bitter disappointment particularly for Abikusno Tjokrosujoso and other leaders of his PSU, who had had high expectations from their accommodating attitude towards the Colonial Government. Not only did their policy prove a failure in securing them a better deal from the latter, but moreover their expectation th at the threat of an imminent japanese invasion might in duce the colonial authorities to make consessions in return for popular support turned out to be a gross miscalculation. Even more painful was the discovery that the abandonment of the non-co operation policy had anything but halted the decline in membership and in the popularity which the party had enjoyed since the early twenties. 26 These feelings of disappointment, coupled with the anticipation of a japanese victory, inspired the "Parliamentary" PSU to revert to its former principle of non-cooperation and withdraw from the negotiations with the Dutch. The decision to sever formal relations with the Colonial Administration again was not simply prompted by the wish to abandon a sinking ship and prepare for a j apanese take over. The proportion of the political active of those days who considered the japanese their enemy was small. It included in the first place members of the Indonesian Communist Party, which had gone underground after the abortive, ill-prepared uprisings in java and Sumatra at the end of 1926 and the beginning of 1927, as weIl as other Marxists. A second group which was opposed to the impending japanese invasion, by reasons of the fascist totalitarian character of the j apanese regime, was formed by a number of intellectuals influenced by Western liberal ideas concerning democracy. The rest of the Indonesian political elite, including the great majority of Islamic leaders, took either a neutral or a positive stand, however. To some it did not seem to matter much whether the foreign overlords we re j apanese or Dutch, and envisaged this as a transitional stage in the process towards full independence. The j apanese propaganda machine tried, in fact, to exploi t the prevailing mood by representing the j apanese forces as forces of liberation, without, however, coupling liberation with independence. In their efforts to win Indonesian popular support the japanese also turned their attention to the Islamic population, courting Islam and seeking contact with Islamic leaders. In Aceh these contacts the j apanese sought to establish with the Islamic population sparked off an open rebellion immediately before the j apanese invasion. In java th ere do not seem to have === [PDF page 51] === I The Darul Islam. its Prelude 41 occurred any organized acts of sabotage or rebellion on the part of j apanese-sponsored groups. Nevertheless, here as weil the colonial authorities were apprehensive of actions by what they conceived of as an Islamic fifth column. So af ter the Dutch became involved in the war with japan a number of Islamic leaders here were arrested. Amongst them was Kartosuwirjo, who was jailed for one-and-a-half· months on suspicion of projapanese espionage (Pinardi 1964:35).27 3. The Japanese Occupation The Dutch East Indies became involved in the Pacific war almost immediately after the j apanese air raid on Pearl Harbour on December 8th, 1941. Immediately up on hearing the news of the attack and of japan's declaration of war on the United States and Great Britain, the Dutch Govemment in exile in London declared war on japan. This declaration was conveyed to the j apanese Minister of Foreign Affairs on December 10th. The japanese forces invaded the territory of the Dutch East Indies early the next month. The ill-prepared East Indies Army proved no match for the japanese, and the East Indies forces surrendered on March 8th, 1942, without having been able to offer any significan t resistance. For the Indonesians the Dutch capitulation and the introduction of j apanese rule did not at first make much difference, except, perhaps, that it brought greater hardship and stricter official contro!. Hopes that japan would allow Indonesians a more active part in the administration and in policy-making soon faded. The disappointment was most acute in Aceh, where the Islamic leaders had hoped for a definite improvement of their social and political position. The prominent role they had played in the anti-Dutch insurrection just prior to the japanese invasion in their view warranted the replacement of the traditional elite, which had gene rally acted as an instrument of colonial rule. The j apanese authorities made only slight adjustments, however, and, like the Dutch before them, continued to rule through the medium of the traditional leaders. In java, or more precisely, in jakarta as the centre of all- Indonesian political activities, it also soon became evident that the japanese would continue the policy that had been fixed by the Dutch. In the political sphere they had no intention of giving former exponents of anti-Dutch nationalist and Islamic feelings a say.28 Among the leaders of the pre-war PSII it was particularly === [PDF page 52] === 42 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's group that entertained great hopes. In the days immediately following the Dutch surrender Abikusno Tjokrosujoso, probably misunderstanding the intentions of the japanese, threw himself with verve into the activities of a section of the Indonesian political community aimed at forming an Indonesian Govemment to assist the japanese War Administration. So he chaired a meeting on March 9th at which a "List of Ministerial Candidates for the Indonesian Government and their Assistants" was drawn up, and was himself mentioned by the newspaper Tjahaja Timur as an eligible candidate for the premiership (Sluimers 1968:347-348, 366-367).29 His hopes of becoming Prime Minister, if he ever cherished such hopes, were soon dashed. All speculation on the composition of a future Indonesian Government was quickly ended by the promulgation of a decree by the Military Commander of java (Decree no. 3) on March 20th forbidding discussion of any kind on the political structure of Indonesia. The japanese authorities had finally put their cards on the tabIe. The decree was worded in such a way as to virtually preclude all further activity on the part of the pre-war political parties. The only organizations which were allowed to continue functioning were those which could be closely supervised and might be geared to the japanese war effort. For the mobilization of the population the japanese Occupational Administration preferred the institution of new mass organizations, headed by popular and cooperative Indonesian leaders, to working through the existing ones. As a consequence, the pre-war Indonesian political parties had to cease their activities. One after another they expired. This was true also of the Islamic parties. Abikusno Tjokrosujoso 's PSII decided on March 9th to close its offices, while the party's executive committee decided on April 14th to suspend all activities (Benda 1958: 112, M 19-6-1947, 28-4-1947).30 Kartosuwirjo anq his Second PSII, too, were forced to discontinue their political activities. The Suffah Institute, however, although designed as a training institute for a political cadre for the Islamic community, did continue functioning for some time. Situated at some distance from the centres of poli tics and administration, and having at least the appearance of an educational institution, it was initially left alone by the japanese. The Institute's subsequent development during the japanese occupation is not altogether clear. In most publications on the Darul Islam it is alleged to have changed in the course of the japanese occupation from an institute === [PDF page 53] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 43 providing both general and specifically Islamic education into one for paramilitary training. As such its importanee is usually stressed in explanations of the network of personal relations between Kartosuwirjo and the commanders of the Islamic Army of Indonesia which became manifest during the Darul Islam rebelIion. It is subsequently argued in this connection th at many students who received a military training at the Suffah Institute eventually joined one of the two principal post-war Islamic guerilla organizations, Hizbu 'llah and Sabüi'llah, which were to become the core of the Islamic Army in West java. This inference should not be drawn too hastily, however. The Suffah Institute may to some ex tent have been instrument al in building up a Darul Islam cadre. It provided Kartosuwirjo with an opportunity to expound his views on Islam and its position in society to numerous Islamic youths. This, together with the st rong personal ties between pupil and teacher that are likely to develop in any Islamic school, must certainly have contributed to the following he commanded af ter 1945. But the link should be seen primarily as an indirect one. It is quite incorrect to suggest, as doen Van Nieuwenhuijze, that the japanese used the Suffah Institute "as a training centre which, every two months, produced 300 Muslim candidates for incorporation in the Sabili- 'llah, one of the two armed suborganizations of MASjUMI that were to assist the j apanese arm y against the Allies " (Van Nieuwenhuijze 1958: 168). Van Nieuwenhuijze, as weIl as those who quote him, like jackson, here are overlooking the fact that the only armed suborganization of Masyumi that was formed during the japanese occupation was Hz'zbu 'llah, and then only around the beginning of 1945. Sabilz"llah was only formed later Oackson 1971:39). Kartosuwirjo did for some time head the Hizbu 'llah unit at Malangbong. He seems to have done so as one of the most influential Islamic leaders of the area, however, and not in his capacity as principal of the Suffah Institute, which had Erobably already been closed by that time (Horikoshi 1975:66). 1 His involvement in the Malangbong branch of Hzzbu 'llah does not appear to have been as intensive as might have been expected from a person like Kartosuwirjo. He divided his time bet ween heading the Malangbong Hzzbu 'llah and acting as supervisor in the Banten Residency of a guerilla-training programme organized by the Jawa Hokokaz', a mass movement dominated though not controlled by the "secular" nationalists (Benda 1958: 285). Kartosuwirjo's role in Hzzbu 'llah and Jawa Hokokaz' ju st about === [PDF page 54] === 44 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam sums up his political and military activities during the j apanese occupation. F or some time shortly after the j apanese invasion and the discontinuation of the second PSII he was active in the MIAI, the only Islamic organization still to be tolerated by the j apanese at the time. In this connection he became one of the members of the central committee managing the Rait al-Mal, instituted by the MIAI for the purpose of collecting the religious tax and redistributing it among the poor (Benda 1958:259). When the MIAI at its congress of October 1943 dissolved itself and the Rait al-Mal had to be wound up, Kartosuwirjo ceased to play a prominent public role in the Islamic movement. He never gained prominence in the Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indo nesz'a, or Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims. This new organization, commonly known by its acronym Masyumi, was founded in November 1943 to replace the MI AI. According to Pinardi, Kartosuwirjo did become secretary of Masyumz', but there is no evidence to support this view (Pinardi 1964: 31). It can safely be assumed that Kartosuwirjo never joined to the inner circle of prominent Indonesians who held key posts in the war-time Administration or in j apanese-sponsored Indonesian organizations. He did not belong to what is described by William H. Frederick as the "circumscribed number of recognized and prestigious Indonesians who filled multiple positions, often to what must have been a burdensome degree" (Frederick in Hatta 1971:38). Illustrative of the rather insignificant local role played by Kartosuwirjo during the j apanese occupation is the fact that he is not named among the roughly three thousand important Indonesians mentioned in Drang Indonesia jang terkemoeka di Djawa, a "Who's Who" published by the japanese Military Administration. It may weIl be that the japanese Occupational Administration was a little afraid of the radicalism displayed by Kartosuwirjo in founding the Second PSII before the war. Contrary to Kartosuwirjo, his pre-war adversary Abikusno Tjokrosujoso, in spite of his earlier failure to persuade the japanese to allow the institution of an Indonesian Government, vigorously participated in the war-time political and public life. He was first advisor and later head of the Bureau of Public Works and fulfiIIed various important functions in the Indonesian political movements permitted by the j apanese. The different roles played by Abikusno Tjokrosujoso and Kartosuwirjo were also to be reflected in the debates on the future politica! structure and constitutional basis of an independent Indonesia which took place in the closing period of the === [PDF page 55] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 45 J apanese occupation. As the tide of war turned, Japan, hoping to secure Indonesian support for its war effort, altered its attitude towards the Indonesian nationalists, allowing them a more adive part in state affairs and greater freedom of movement. Indonesians now we re permitted to form their own armed organizations. First, in October 1943, the Peta (pembela Tanah Air, or Defenders of the Fatherland) and later, at the end of 1944, the Hizbu '!lah, the armed branch of the Islamic Masyumz·, was formed. On September 7th, 1944, moreover, the Japanese Prime Minister, Koiso, promised Indonesia "independence in the near future". On March Ist, 1945, this pledge was reiterated, this time by the J apanese Commander in Chief, who announced at the same time the establishment of a Study Committee for the Preparation ofIndependence (Benda 1958:173,184).32 4. The Constz"tutz"onal Place of Islam in Independent Indonesz·a The composition of the latter Committee was made public on April 29th. In all it comprised, at its first series of meetings, sixty-two members, among them such well-known personalities as Soekarno, Mohammad Hatta and Muhammad Yamin. 33 lts chairman was Dr. Radjiman Wediodiningrat (Rajiman Wediodiningrat). Abikusno Tjrokrosujoso was one of the representatives of the Islamic community on it. Kartosuwirjo was not included. 34 The Committee's first series of meetings lasted from May 29th till June Ist. On the closing day Soekarno gave an address in which he outlined for the first time his ideas on the five principles or Pancaszla which he felt should form the basis of an independent Indonesian state. 35 Soekarno's exposition and the subsequent debates on the Pancasz"la as a proper basis for such an Indonesian state touched on the fundamental issues of the impending conflict between the proponents of a "secular" and those of an Islamic state. Soekarno, in his address, proposed Indonesian nationalism as the first principle on which the Indonesian state was to be based. He reminded his audience that nationalism was not intended to be allowed to degenerate into chauvinism, in the sense of "Indonesia über Alles". Hence he proposed internationalism or humanity as the second principle. In expounding his views on the third principle, that of democracy, Soekarno rejected the idea th at Islam should form one of the bases of the Indonesian state. In his view representative councils were the appropriate place in which to fight for the === [PDF page 56] === 46 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam realization of the Islamic ideals. So he advised the Muslim leaders present to try and secure a majority in these representative bodies if they wanted the Indonesian govemment to issue regulati ons that accorded with Muslim law. He added quite straightforwardly that only if sixty to ninety per cent of the elected representatives of the people pronounced themselves in favour of an Islamic constitution would it be proved that Islam was really intemalized among the Indonesian population and th at the latter was not simply paying lip-service to it. With this statement Soekarno was confronting the Islamic leaders with the fact that, although the large majority of the Indonesian population, namely about eighty to ninety per cent of the total, is Muslim, a considerable proportion is fairly lax in the discharge of its religious duties and is decidedly in favour of a "secular" over an Islamic state. It was particularly the situation in Java which Soekamo had in mind when clarifying his view by stating that for him it was an objective truth that Islam was not yet truly alive among the people. Democracy by itself was not sufficient, Soekamo continued. Hence the fourth principle on which Indonesia was to be based was social justice or prosperity. There was to be no poverty in an independent Indonesia. As the fifth and final principle propounded by Soekamo was the belief in God. The Indonesian people should be a religious people. Every Indonesian should worship his own God in accordance with his own religious principles, and respect the religion of others. In this first session of the Study Committee for the Preparation of Independence the idea of an Islamic state was also rejected by Mohammad Hatta, Indonesia's future Vice-President, and by Supomo, the first Indonesian Minister of Justice. The latter did so more elegantly than Soekarno. Instead of going to the very core of the problem by hinting at the reluctance of part of the Islamic population to live in conformity with Muslim law in the strict sense, he evaded the touchy issue of the degree of acceptance of Islam by the Islamic community, and, illustrating his arguments with examples from Muslim States like Egypt, pointed out that acceptance of Islam as the basis of society would certainly not mean an end of all ideological differences. In countries like this, Supomo claimed, differences of opinion we re apt to arise about the question of if and how Islamic law could be adapted to modem developments in the world at large. Another argument put forward by Supomo was that if Islam was === [PDF page 57] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 47 accepted as the basis of society, Indonesia could never become a unitary state. The establishment of an Islamic state would imply, according to him, that the state identified itself with the largest section of the population, which would give rise to the problem of minorities. Although an Islamic state would of course guarantee the protection of the interests of minorities, he continued, the minorities themselves would be unable to identify with the state (Yamin 1959-1960 1:116-117). Soekamo's speech certainly did not put an end to the controversy between the advocates and opponents of an Islamic state at the end of the J apanese occupation. 36 After the Committee 's first session thirty-eight of its members met at the headquarters of Jawa Hokokaz' on the initiative of Soekamo on June 22nd to discuss the problems to be settled at the Committee's next session. At this meeting a sub-committee of nine was appointed to study the position of Islam. The proponents of the "secular" state, or the nationalists, as Soekamo was to call them a month later in his report on the sub-committee's activities to the plenary meeting of the Study Committee, were represented on it by four members: Mohammad Hatta, Muhammad Yamin, Subardjo (Subarjo) and Maramis. From the Islamic camp Abdul Kahar Muzakkir, Wachid Hasjim (Wakhid Hasyim), Agus Salim and Abikusno Tjokrosujoso participated. Soekamo acted as chairman. The sub-committee of nine reached a compromise which would become known later as the Jakarta Charter. This was a preamble to the constitution on the formula of which all its members, "secular" and Islamic alike, seemed to be able to agree. This preamble incorporated, though in a slightly different wording, the Pancasila principles outlined by Soekamo early in June. There were two important modifications, however. In the first place the order of the five principles had been changed. Belief in God, mentioned by Soekamo as the fifth pillar on which Indonesian society should be based, now ranked first. The second, and most important, change concemed the position of Islam. When Soekamo had discussed Belief in God as one of the Pancasila, he had done so in general terms, without any mention of Islam in particular. In fact, he had gone so far as to refuse to make special provision for Islam in the constitutional framework of the future republic. This subsequently changed in the Jakarta Charter. The Muslim members of the sub-committee had pressed for a special provision for the Muslim community, and persuaded the other members to rephrase the principle of Belief in God. In === [PDF page 58] === 48 Rebellion under the Banner os Islam the Jakarta Charter, accordingly, Belief in God is stated as the first pillar on which the Indonesian Republic is to be based, and is expanded by the immediately following dause "with the obligation for the adherents of Islam to practice Islamie law" (Boland 1971:27).37 This provision, according to Boland, who was among the first to point out the significanee of the Jakarta Charter, was to become known as "the seven words". It was to provoke considerable discussion in later years. lts relevanee for the present study lies in the fact that the Jakarta Charter provided th at segment of the Islamic community which was striving after the realization of the ideal of an Islamic state by peaceful means with a symbol which could guide them in their struggle. Acceptance of the Jakarta Charter after August 1945 was to become one of the legal Islamie parties' major short-term objectives on the longer road towards the realization of an Islamic state. The Jakarta Charter was discussed during the second series of meetings of the Study Committee, lasting from 10th to 17th July, having been made public by Soekarno on July 10th in his report on the deliberations on the Indonesian constitution which had taken place in between the two sessions. It had not yet come up for discussion at th at time, other matters being dealt with first. So amongst other things it had been agreed, by a majority of 55 of the 64 members present, that Indonesia should become arepublic, and not a kingdom as suggested by some. It had also been decided that the territory of the republic should be defined by the boundaries of the former Dutch East Indies. On J uly 11 th three sub-committees were formed, one to draw up a constitution, and the other two to study the defence system of the new republic and to examine financial and economie matters respectively. The sub-committee on the constitution was headed by Soekarno. Of the earlier sub-committee of nine only he, Maramis, Agus Salim, Subardjo and Wachid Hasjim now participated. Abikusno Tjokrosujoso was not induded in this sub-committee, but headed that on defence. 38 The new sub-committee for drafting the constitution met on July 11 th and 13th. Without much prior debate it almost unanimously pronounced itself in favour of a unitary state,39 with only two of the nineteen members against. Then the preamble to the constitution came up for discussion. It came immediately under attack from Latuharhary, representing the Christian community of the Moluccas, who raised objections to the dause in the preamble stipulating that the adherents of Islam should === [PDF page 59] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 49 put Islamie law into practiee. He was doing so, he said, because of the consequences the dause might have for the adherents of other religions, and because of difficulties it might give rise to in the relation between Islam and customary law. He was supported by Wongsonegoro and Husein Djajadiningrat, who both had a traditional Javanese aristocratie background, and of whom the latter had headed the Office of Religious Affairs instituted by the Japanese administration. They expressed their apprehension lest unconditional acceptance of the Jakarta Charter, with the inclusion of the dause at issue, encourage fanaticism on the part of a section of the Islamic community. The objections we re dismissed by Agus Salim and Soekarno, who had both had a part in the framing of the Jakarta Charter. Agus Salim made the rather ill·founded remark that "the conflict between religious and customary law was not a new problem, and generally speaking had already been solved". Soekarno emphasized th at the Jakarta Charter was a compromise which it had taken great pains to re ach and should therefore be left intact. He succeeded in persuading the other members to stop the discussion on the preamble and turn to the constitution proper. He could not, however, prevent the position of Islam being raised again in connection with some of the artieles of the constitution. This time the attack came from the Muslim camp. It was Wachid Hasjim, one of the Islamic members of the earlier sub-committee of nine, who put the spark to the tin der. His proposals we re such that they could not but increase the opposition to a dominant or special legal position for Islam. The first amendment moved by him was for the inclusion in the constitution of a provision stipulating that only Muslims could qualify as President or Viee- President. The second involved the formal incorporation in the constitution of the principle that Islam should be the state religion. 40 Wachid Hasjim's proposals were supported by one other Islamic representative on the sub-committee, Sukiman. They were opposed, however, by Agus Salim, Wongsonegoro and Husein Djajadiningrat. The former two pointed out that acceptance of Wachid Hasjim's amandments might endanger the compromise reached in the preamble. In the brief discussion following Wachid Hasjim's proposals Wongsonegoro attempted to prevent the champions of Islam from using the preamble, or to be more precise, its dause on the observance of Islamic law, to impose a strict fulfilment of religious duties. Towards this end he proposed adding the words "and belief" to the article on religious freedom, === [PDF page 60] === 50 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam which it had already been agreed should re ad that the state should guarantee the freedom of all citizens to adhere to any religion whatever and to fulfil their religious duties proscribed by their religion. The word used by Wongsonegoro, kepercayaan, which is gene rally translated as "belief" was used particularly in later years with reference to the heterodox mystical sects within Javanese Islam, with their numerous adherents among the abangan. It is interesting to see representatives of J avanese mysticism striving to achieve constitutional recognition of the existence of mystical sects as a separate phenomenon, free from interference by Islam, by having this word kepercayaan introduced even at the very beginning of the legal history of the Indonesian Republic. In the whole debate on the position of Islam in society, the fight for or against inclusion of the word in question in the law has been no more than a rear-guard action. Open rebellions to establish an Islamic state aside, inclusion of the word kepercayaan in the constitution or in individual Acts of Parliament is an issue that is invariable raised as a last resort when one of the two contending parties, the orthodox Muslims and the "secularists ", is threatening to gain the upper hand. 41 For years the legal battle between the advocates and opponents of an Islamic state in Indonesia was to be waged with reference to the Jakarta Charter. The champions of the Islamic state urged for its inclusion in the constitution, or, what would only have complicated matters, for its recognition as being equivalent in status to the preamble of the constitution which did not include the much debated "seven words". The word kepercayaan surfaces only in particular cases. It did so, for example, in the debates of the sub-committee for drafting a constitution in 1945 upon its becoming likely that the Jakarta Charter would be adopted as the preamble to the constitution. The word was then introduced to safeguard the existence of mysticism and heterodox Islam. Since the Jakarta Charter in the end was not accepted after all, as we wiII see bel ow, the debate about it subsequently drew all the attention, and the quarrel about the legal status of kepercayaan receded into the background. It was only in the seventies that the word kepercayaan rose to the surface to become a bone of contention again. By that time, however, the situation had changed radically. The Darul Islam revolts had been put down, and even the mention of the Jakarta Charter had become taboo. At that time it was not the "secular- === [PDF page 61] === I The Darullslam, its Prelude 51 ists" but the strict Muslims who were on the defensive - at least as they saw it. Thus they attacked the intended introduction of the word kepercayaan in legal documents as an attempt by the Govemment to we aken the position of Islam even further on a number of occasions. 42 In July1945 the suggested inclusion of kepercayaan with all its implications still went virtually unnoticed. The attention was monopolized by the debate on whether or not to include the stipulation for Muslims to observe Islamic law in the preamble. The sub-committee took note of Wongsonegoro's remarks, and promised to look into his suggestion. It also agreedto a proposal by Otto Iskandardinata to include the provision that "the state is based on Belief in God, with the obligation for adherents of Islam to ob serve Islamic law" not only in the preamble, but also in the section of the actual constitution dealing with religion. In the series of deliberations on the constÏtution and other important issues, such as the wording of the declaration of independence, the full Study Committee for the Preparation of Independence met again on July l4th. Again the interest was concentrated on the preamble to the constitution. This meeting was opened with a report by Soekamo on the progress of his sub-committee, which was immediately followed by a serious discussion provoked by one of the advocates of a strict form of Islam, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo moving the deletion of the words "the adherents of Islam" in the clause "with the obligation for the adherents of Islam to observe Islamic law".43 This proposal of course was totally unacceptable. Again, as before, Soekamo spoke in favour of maintenance of the original text of the clause by pointing out that the Jakarta Charter was a compromise, and like every other compromise had been a matter of give and take. Ki Bagus Hadikusumo was not at all impressed and refused at first to give in. He only did so after the chairman of the meeting, Radjiman Wediodiningrat, stating th at th ere was hence no other alternative than to put the issue to the vote, whereupon Abikusno Tjokrosujoso hastened to intervene. He came to Soekarno's aid in defending the Jakarta Charter, echoing Soekamo's words that it constituted a compromise involving some give and take. He strongly advised against voting on the issue, more over, because of the bad impression this would create on the outside world. In the debates on the constitution the image of unanimity should be preserved, he said (Yamin 1959-19601:278-284). The next moming the constitution itself and its individual articles came up for discussion. First, introducing the draft, the === [PDF page 62] === 52 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam general principles underlying it were outlined by Soekarno and Supomo. The former said nothing new, and did not deviate substantially from his speech of June 1st or from any of his other reports to the Study Committee. Supomo once again admonished the members of the Study Committee not to become divided on the position of Islam, and to abide by the Jakarta Charter. He pointed out that the preamble and the actual constitution formed an inseparable unity and th at the principles embodied in the preamble, on which the meeting had already agreed, should also be a guide for the spirit and the letter of the individu al artides. Supomo distinguished five such general principles, of which only the last two concern us here (Yamin 1959-1960 I: 302-303). Briefly summarized, the tenor of these two principles was that the Indonesian state should be based on Belief in God, and that the "special character of the largest section of the population in its territory, the Islamic population", was recognized. In his discussion of the meaning of the Jakarta Charter, Supomo once again urged his audience to abide by the compromise and not to press for more. He immediately added that the constitution itself in fact went further than the Jakarta Charter, alluding here to the unanimous decision by the subcommittee chaired by Soekarno, in which all the disputants had participated, to indude a dause stating that "the State is based on Belief in God, with the obligation for adherents of Islam to observe Islamic law" in the body of the constitution, instead of, as originally intended by the committee of nine which had formulated the Jakarta Charter, only in the preamble. Supomo was weIl aware of the opposition to the dause and of the fear of Islamic dominance. He tried to convince the meeting, however, that such fears were groundless in view of the second dause of the article, which guaranteed freedom of religion and freedom for each individual citizen to fulfil his religious duties according to his own religion and beliefs (Yamin 1959-1960 1:315-316). It is doubtful whether Supomo's arguments impressed his audience. Supomo was explicitly ad dressing only the non-Muslims in his attempts to win over the opponents of the Jakarta Charter, in spi te of the fact that, as I have argued above, the basic opposition came from within the Islamic community (although opposition from the non-Muslims may have contributed to the controversy over the Jakarta Charter). He prob- === [PDF page 63] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 53 ably could not foresee at the time that most of the opposition would come from Muslim quarters. In the discussions following Soekarno and Supomo's expo sitions which at first centred on such general matters as the status of the representative councils and care for the poor and for deprived children, the first to touch on the position of Islam again was Muhammad Yamin. He criticized the draft constitution for not fully reflecting the spirit of the preamble in its artides. This was the case with the position of Islam, for example, he said. Muhammad Yamin pleaded for the creation of a special Ministry of Religion to take care of specifically Islamic affairs, such as the maintenance of the mosques, as weIl as for the institution of an Islamie High Court. In his view the Supreme Court should not restriet itself to the administration of justice, but should also be responsible for ensuring that the laws introduced by Parliament were not in contradiction with the constitution, customary law or Islamic law. Hence his proposal for the institution of an Islamic High Court alongside a High Court for Customary Law as special sections of the Supreme Court. The meeting does not appear to have given much attention to these suggestions of Yamin. Instead it launched into a lengthy discussion on citizenship and on the constitutional position of Cabinet ministers. It was again Ki Bagus Hadikusumo who, at the evening session of J uly 15th, tried to reopen the debate on Islam. In retrospect, the discussion started by Ki Bagus Hadikusumo takes on a rather comic appearance. Ki Bagus Hadikusumo said five times in a row that he did not understand the dause "with the obligation for the adherents of Islam to observe Islamic law" and asked what it meant. He was answered by Radjiman Wediodiningrat, the chairman of the meeting, who concurred that it was a difficult question and replied each time Ki Bagus Hadikusumo pressed for an explanation that the matter had already been settled and th at the debate should not be opened again. In the end Ki Bagus Hadikusumo was obliged to explain that he really did not understand. Politely thanking the chairman, he stated that, since he had not got a de ar answer, he was forced to speak his mind. When it looked as if Ki Bagus Hadikusumo would indeed take the floor to expound his views, Radjiman Wediodiningrat interrupted by pointing out that th is would mean a repetition of the discussion on the preamble of the previous day, while th at preamble had already been unanimously accepted. So Ki Bagus Hadikusumo declared that he would have to leave the matter at that, === [PDF page 64] === 54 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam then. He had been stopped short by what he described as an order by Soekamo and Mohammad Hatta, who, as he put it, shouted "enough, enough, enough" before he had a chance to speak. Upon Ki Bagus Hadikusumo's pointing out that any decision might still be changed, and that he in fact had no intention at all of discussing the preamble, but only the article of the constitution th at contained the clause in question, he was again cut short by the chairman, who adjoumed the meeting for about ten minutes. What was said in those ten minutes is not known. Ki Bagus Hadikusumo remained silent for the rest of that meeting, however (Yamin 1959-1960 1:371-374). The Islamic and "secular" leaders who had participated in drawing up the Jakarta Charter, in their eagemess to safeguard the Jakarta Charter, and forgetting that there were others as weIl who objected to the way in which the constitutional position of Islam was formulated, probably pressed Ki Bagus Hadikusumo to stop his opposition because of his persistance. In any case they succeeded in persuading Ki Bagus Hadikusumo in one way or another to refrain from further questions. Nevertheless, immediately upon reopening of the meeting the attack was renewed by yet another member, Abdul Patah Hasan. He did not touch on the Jakarta Charter or the relevant sentence in the draft constitution, but circumvented this controversial point by opposing the second dause of the article on religion in the constitution. (The first was that of the Jakarta Charter, though this is not mentioned by Muhammad Yamin.) This dause as reproduced by Muhammad Yam in read: "The state shall guarantee the freedom of all citizens to adhere to any religion whatever and to fulfil their religious duties'in accordance with their own religion and belief".44 Abdul Patah Hasan did not agree with this wording as he felt that the formula could imply "a subtle suggestion" to Muslims to abandon their religion. Consequently he proposed that the clause should read: "The state shall guarantee the freedom of all cÎtizens who adhere to another religion to fulfil their religious duties in accordance with their own religion and belief". Supomo, speaking on behalf of the sub-committee th at had drafted the constitution, did not object to this. He stated that it had been merely his committee 's intention to ensure freedom of religion to non-Muslims. If Abdul Patah Hasan's wording was a more accurate reflection of this intention, he and his committee would not oppose the change in formulation. If our view that the debate on the legal status of Islam can only be fully understood if it is related to the differences wi thin the === [PDF page 65] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 55 Islamic community itself - differences that in arguments between the exponents of Islam and those of other religions often remain concealed - is correct, Supomo's reaction was rather imprudent. Acceptance of Abdul Patah Hasan's proposal would undoubtedly have provoked an open confrontation between the orthodox and the "liberal" Muslims on the committee and made for an even tenser atmosphere. It was the Christian members of the Study Committee who in a way prevented an open quarrel on the compulsory observance of Islamic law for all Indonesian Muslims. Before "liberal" or heterodox Muslims like Wongsonegoro could react in protection of their interests, Latuharhary spoke out against changing the dause on freedom of religion, arguing that acceptance of Abdul Pat ah Hasan's proposal would imply a fundamental change in the original meaning of the dause. In his view the origina! dause had been formulated out of respect for religion, but in the event of its amendment as suggested by Abdul Patah Hasan, it would no longer be religion that was respected but the adherents of religion - a completely different matter. After some discussion yet another version, this time proposed by Dahler, was accepted. It read th at "The state shall guarantee the freedom of all citizens to adhere to their own religion and to fulfil their religious duties in accordance with their religion and belief". In spite of this new compromise, the attack by the Islamic members of the Committee on the draft constitution continued, as according to them it failed to give Islam its proper place in society. The issue seized up on by them to vent their dissatisfaction was that of the formal requirements for candidature for the Presidency. This new, and at times quite heated, discussion started was sparked off by Pratalykrama asking immediately after the unanimous acceptance of the Dahler formula whether the constitution should not contain a provision that the President should be at least forty years of age, an autochthonous Indonesian, and of the Islamic faith. This point had been raised before, namely during the plenary session of the sub-committee for drafting the constitution chaired by Soekamo. At th at time Agus Salim had rejected a similar suggestion by Wachid Hasjim by pointing out th at a stipulation in the constitution that the President should be of the Islamic faith would put the compromise of the Jakarta Charter in danger. The choice of a President, should, he felt, be left to Congress, the institution empowered by the draft constitution to elect the President and the Vice-President. He had argued that a === [PDF page 66] === 56 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam written provision that Indonesia should have a Muslim President would immediately prompt other questions. If the President should be a Muslim, then what about the Vice-President and the ambassadors, he had asked rhetorically. And what would be left of the pledge to protect other religions? (Yamin 1959-1960 I: 262). Upon Pratalykrama's againraising the question of the religion of the President on the evening of July 15th, Supomo reacted in almost the same way as Agus Salim. He stressed once again that the Jakarta Charter should be left unchanged, and urged his audience not to bring the subject up for discussion again. If it was, then the debates of the past few days would have been for nothing, and someone might propose special conditions for the ministers as weIl. Supomo's words had no effect. Masjkur (Masykur), a kiyai from East Java, rose to point out the discrepancy in the draft constitution between the stipulation that the President should be swom in according to the rites of his religion, which might be one other than Islam, and the obligation for Muslims to ob serve Islamic law. According to him there were two ways of solving the problem. The first was by dropping the obligation for Muslims to ob serve Islamic law, but substituting it with a provision that the offical religion of the Indonesian Republic should be Islam. The second was by stipulating that the Indonesian President should be a Muslim. It all dearly became too much for Supomo and Radjiman Wediodiningrat. The latter asked Soekamo to reply, in the hope th at Soekamo's authority might be great enough t'o modify the opposition from the Islamic members. Soekamo thereupon answered, that he understood what Masjkur meant when speaking of a discrepancy in the draft constitution, but pointed out, as Supomo had done before him, though unsuccessfully so, that he and the members of his sub-committee had great faith in the wisdom of the Indonesian people, who would be certain to elect a Muslim as President. If Masjkur were to ask him personally, he, Soekarno, was absolutely convinced th at the Indonesian President to be elected would be a Muslim, because the majority of the Indonesian population was Muslim. Soekamo called to mind his speech of June Ist, in which he had urged the Islamic leaders to try to achieve a majority on the representative bodies if they wanted to see an Islamic legislation enacted, saying: "As a Muslim myself, I urge the Indonesian Islamic community to work as energetically as possible at propagating the Islamic faith among the Indonesian people, so that, when the mind of a large propor- === [PDF page 67] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 57 tion of the Indonesian population really comes ablaze with Islamic ardour, and their spirit flares up with Islamic fire, not only wiIl the future President of the Indonesian Republic be a MusIim, but also every Act to come from the representative council wiIl - I predict - bear an Islamic stamp." (Yam in 1959-19601:380). At the end of th is short speech Soekarno urged the Islamic leaders present once again to respect the Jakarta Charter. This implied that the draft constitution should remain intact as weIl. A gentlemen's agreement had been made, the draft constitution being, Soekarno stressed, a reflection of th at gentlemen's agreement. When Masjkur insisted on further deliberations and repeated his request for fuller infonnation on some of the points of the draft constitution, Radjiman Wediodiningrat confronted him with the choice of keeping the relevant dauses of the draft constitution unchanged or putting the matter to the vote, a procedure which the Study Committee had consistently tried to avoid, especially where important and sensitive issues were concerned. Masjkur replied th at he feIt a compromise must be found. Soekarno immediately thereupon suggested, on behalf of his sub-committee, that the words "according to the rites of his religion " in the provision on the presidential oath of office should be scrappedo This in turn was rejected by Masjkur. As Soekarno continued pressing him to agree, Abdul Kahar Muzakkir intervened. Claiming to speak on behalf of all the Islamic leaders present, he angrily proposed deleting every reference to Islam in the preamble, in the constitution and in the dedaration of independence, which had also been drawn up by the Study Committee. Radjiman Wediodiningrat continued pressing for avote. The Muslim members of the Study Committee emphatically replied that it was impossible to vote on religion, however. The entire compromise, which had been reached with such pains, was in jeopardy. The first member to indicate that the Muslim leaders of the Study Committee were no longer interested in any compromise was Achmad Sanusi (Akhmad Sanusi), who stressed that there were only two alternatives left, viz. to accept Masjkur's proposals or to reject them and foIlow Abdul Kahar Muzakkir's suggestion to delete all reference to Islam. It was impossible to vote on religion, he repeated. He was seconded by Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, who urged that it should be decided here and now whether the Indonesian state was to be a "secular" or an Islamic state. If the === [PDF page 68] === 58 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam majority was against an Islamic state, then the state should be neutral with respect to religion. Under no circumstances, however, should the constitution contain only a vague and superficial mention of Islam. This would create a bad impression on the Islamic community, which knew quite well what was the issue. Hereupon Achmad Sanusi again took the floor around midnight to try and alleviate the tension by asking those present to remain calm and urging the chairman of the meeting to let the atmosphere quieten down before allowing the discussion to continue. Radjiman Wediodiningrat quickly availed himself of the opportunity to adjourn the meeting till the next morning. After the closing of the meeting, representatives of both the Islamic and non-Islamic factions met informally on Soekarno's initiative to try and find a way out of the impasse. From this meeting must have stemmed the proposal made by Soekarno the next day - asking the non-Islamic members for a sacrifice, for "there is greatness in sacrifice" - to include the stipulation that the President should be an autochthonous Indonesian and a Muslim in the constitution, and to leave the article on religion, including the stipulation that Muslims should observe Islamic law, unchanged. After some further debating, mostly concerning the other points, the draft constitution, including of Soekarno's suggested amendments, was finally adopted unanimously. 5. The Proclamation of Independenee The June and July discussions on the draft constitution have been described at some length above, as they illustrate the great difficulty involved in finding a modus vivendi between the demands of the Islamic leaders and those of more "liberal" Indonesians, Muslims or otherwise. As the description shows, a compromise like the Jakarta Charter was unable to satisfy both camps. It might suffice as a general ideological outline of society, but as soon as it had to be filled in and specific stipulations had to be made, even in such a broad framework as that provided by the constitution, problems arose. As it would turn out, all the discussions had been for nothing, and the constitution drawn up by the Study Committee was never enacted. Independent Indonesia actually became a "secular" state, in which there was no question of any legal obligation for Muslims to ob serve Islamic law. This may have contributed to the outbreak of the later Darul Islam revolts. It is doubtful, however, whether the exclusion of the Jakarta Charter === [PDF page 69] === I The Daruk Islam, its Prelude 59 from the preamble to the constitution was a decisive factor. lts indusion might only have satisfied the moderates, who when all was said and done only sympathized with the aims of the Darul Islam movement and gave it some moral support, but never joined it. and in the end strongly denounced the violent course it took. Leaving aside for a moment the fact that many non-religious factors contributed to the outbreak of the Darul Islam rebellions, it is not too bold a speculation that the "die-hards" on either side would never have accepted a compromise like the Jakarta Charter anyway. Particularly in the Javanese setting, where most of the early constitutional debates took place and where the first of a series of Darul Islam rebellions was to erupt, it would have put too strong a stamp on society for it to be acceptable to nominal Muslims or non-Muslims. Conversely, some of the religious and political leaders of the Indonesian Islamic community would never have stopped short of an Islamic state. The representatives of the Islamic community who participated in the discussions on the constitution from June till August can be characterized as moderates or middle-of-the-roaders as far as the question of fin ding ways of cooperating with other segments of society is concerned. But even some of them found it difficult to accept the Jakarta Charter and its implications. Islamic "diehards" like Kartosuwirjo and Kam ran, who before the J apanese occupation had championed a total hzjrah, had not even had a chance to voice their opinions. They had become alienated from the Japanese occupational authorities as weIl as from the opinion-forming section of the Islamic community which was supported by the Japanese and for its part cooperated with them. Consequently they had been unable to secure seats on the Study Committee and state their position. On July 16th, the substance of the constitution and its preamble seemed to have been finally decided on, and the constitution agreed upon by the Study Committee included the Jakarta Charter not only in its preamble, but also in the first dause of the artide on religion. History, however, took a different course and the actual developments were much more rapid than had been planned or even anticipated. On August 14th, a few days after the United States had dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan unconditionally surrendered. Three days later, on August 17th, Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta proclaimed Indonesia's independence. The next day, August 18th, the Indonesian Independence Pre- === [PDF page 70] === 60 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam paratory Committee 4S met. This Preparatory Committee, as it is commonly referred to, had been set up with japanese consent for the purpose of making final preparations for independence early in August, since a japanese defeat was imminent anyway. It had to complete the task of the Study Committee and prepare the final draft of the constitution. lts first meeting had, in fact, been planned for August 18th, but now took place under quite different circumstances from what had been envisaged. It was to have completed its task before the formal transfer of sovereignty by the japanese, who had at first planned independence on September 7th, but later, because of the changing circumstances, on August 24th (Dahm 1971:110). Originally this Preparatory Committee had twenty-one members, and was chaired by Soekarno, with Mohammed Hatta and Radjiman Wediodiningrat as vice-chairmen. 46 It differed from the Study Committee in that its composition was intended from the start to roughly mirror Indonesia's regional differences. While the Study Committee had been composed along the lines of ideological diversity, with a strong but not exclusive emphasis on java, the reverse was thus true of the Preparatory Committee. The major criterion for its composition, as stated above, was the regional diversity of Indonesia, although the regional differences within the major islands were still overlooked. As a consequence of this change in emphasis, many of the members of the Study Committee who had actively participated in the debate on the constitutional pi ace of religion did not reappear on the Preparatory Committee. Absent were, among others, Abdul Kahar Muzakkir, Agus Salim, Masjkur, Achmad Sanusi, Wongsonegoro, and, more strikingly, Abikusno Tjokrosujoso and Muhammad Yamin. So the Preparatory Committee met on the morning of August 18th as planned. But as a re sult of the sudden j apanese surrender and the subsequent proclamation of independence, it took the form of a kind of emergency meeting taking place in a very confused atmosphere without the necessary preparations. lts change in composition provided the "secular" leaders, who had actually suffered a defeat by the double inclusion of the jakarta Charter and by the stipulation th at the President should be a Muslim, with thc opportunity to redress the balance and push through a "secular" constitution. But first the remaining Islamic members of the Preparatory Committee had to be brought round. To this end the meeting was postponed for roughly two hours to provide Mohammad Hatta with the opportunity to === [PDF page 71] === I The Daml Islam, its Prelude 61 confer with the principal remaining representatives of the Islamic community. Accarding to Sajuti Melik (1968) these were Teuku Muhammad Hasan and Ki Bagus Hadikusomo. Basing himself on "first-hand aral information" - i.c. from Mohammad Hatta himself, according to my own first-hand information - Boland (1971:35-36) writes th at Wachid Hasjim was also present, however. After Mohammad Hatta had succeeded in convincing them th at only a "secular" constitution stood a chance of being accepted by the majority of the population, the Preparatory Committee meeting was then opened by Soekarno. In his opening address, he urged the members to take decisions quickly, to concentrate on essentials and to leave aside trivialities. With respect to the constitution, he pleaded that they should adopt the draft as composed by the Study Committee, and th at if they deemed changes necessary they should intro duce these only on major points. Soekarno disclosed that some members of the Preparatory Committee had suggested alterations to the draft constitution before the meeting and added that consultations had also already taken place - hereby hinting at Mohammad Hatta's endeavours to bring the Muslim members round - and that a number of agreements had been reached. He then invited Mohammad Hatta to explain these latter. Mohammad Hatta hereupon announced that it had been decided to return to the original text of the pre am bie, as drawn up befare the committee of nine had composed the preamble that was to become known as the Jakarta Charter. He explained that, "In view of the mood that has developed up till now, and also [of] the historie moment which occurred yesterday, it will obviously be better for us to return to the old" (Yamin 1959-1960 1:401). He thereupon read out the text of this preamble which had been decided upon before the Jakarta Charter. The sentence about the Islamic population having to observe Islamic law was not included in it. The pillar on religion, although remaining the first of the five pillars of the Pancasila, now spoke of "Belief in the One and Only God". Two other changes to the constitution proposed by Mohammad Hatta at this time were a logical outcome of the first. The stipulation that the President should be a Muslim was dropped, because, according to Mohammad Hatta, it "is rather offensive, and moreover superfluous, as with a percentage of Muslims in lndonesia of 95, probably automatically a Muslim will become President, while its omission will make the entire Constitutional === [PDF page 72] === 62 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Law acceptable to lndonesian regions that are not lslamic... " (Yamin 1959-1960 1:402). Besides, as indicated, the controversial Jakarta Charter dause stipulating that the Muslim population should observe lslamic law was dropped from the artide on religion. lts first sentence now read simply that "The State shall be based on Belief in the One and Only God". These changes had been made, Mohammad Hatta eXplained, to ensure the unity of the nation in the critical and difficult times that were ahead and to avoid having anything in the constÏtution th at was likely to sow discord. Mohammad Hatta also announced a number of other changes to the draft constitution. These did not concern the position of Islam, however. After Mohammad Hatta had finished his speech, a confident Soekarno chaired the rest of the meeting. The draft constÏtution was accepted with some minor changes, induding those explained by Mohammad Hatta. Furthermore Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta were elected as President and Vice-President of the lndonesian Republic respectively. The Preparatory Committee met again the next day, August 19th. The subject of discussion this time was the government structure of the new republic. For the purpose of compiling a list of the ministries to be established another sub-committee had been set up, composed of Subardjo, M. Sutardjo Kartohadikusumo (M. Sutarjo Kartohadikusumo) and M. Kasman Singodimedjo (M. Kasman Singodimejo). They subsequently proposed setting up twelve ministries, of \'Yhich one, mentioned last in the list, was to be a Ministry of Religion. The establishment of such a ministry was opposed by Latuharhary, who argued that the institution of a special Ministry of Religion might be offensive. If the minister were a Christian, for example, this would offend Muslims, and vice versa. There was no need to arouse feelings calculated to give rise to internal conflicts. Consequently Latuharhary proposed, instead of establishing a separate Ministry of Religion, placing religious affairs under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. This way conflicts could be avoided, and at the same time expense avoided (Yamin 1959-1960 1:457). Latuharhary's views were endorsed by Abdul Abbas, a Muslim representative from Sumatra, who stated that religious affairs, including the administration of the tax for the poor, which the sub-commÏttee of three had intended placing in the charge of the Ministry of Welfare, should come under the Ministry of Education. Raden lwa Kusumasumantri, a pre-war left wing nationalist, also spoke out against the establishment of a special Ministry of === [PDF page 73] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 63 Religion. He went further than Latuharhary and Abdul Abbas, attacking the special administrative facilities for the propagation of Islam created by the J apanese, and hinting that to his mind not even a special bureau for religious affairs was called for. He said that by and large he agreed with Latuharhary's proposal, but felt that for the time being not even a bureau for religious affairs should be established. "Up till now, during the past three years, Islamic matters have tended to be exaggerated, while in my view the govemment should possess simply and solely a national character". Vet another suggestion was made by Ki Hadjar Dewantara (Ki Hajar Dewantara), who proposed placing religious affairs not in the charge of the Ministry of Education, but in that of Intemal Affairs. If religious affairs were to come under the Ministry of Education, the management of these affairs, with all their wide ramifications, would according to him overburden the Ministry. The proposal for the establishment of a special Ministry of Religion was thus rejected, with only six of the twenty-seven members voting in favour of such a Ministry. Religious affairs thereupon came under the Ministry of Education. 47 The Preparatory Committee met once more on August 22nd to discuss the constitution of a Parliament, the position and structu re of the Armed Forces of the Republic, and the introduction of a single party system. The Parliament, named Komite Nasional lndonesia Pusat (KNIP), or Central Indonesian National Committee, was constituted on August 29th, on which same day the Preparatory Committee was dissolved. The Committee had completed its task, having given the Indonesian Republic a constitution and a blueprint for its govemmental structure. Unfortunately it had do ne no more than that. Dne of the basic weaknesses of the Preparatory Committee, as weIl as of the previous Study Committee, was that they had functioned too much in isolation and had been obliged to move too fast. It would be unfair and incorrect to accuse the two committees of being unrepresentative of the social, political and religious majority of the time. In fact they were representative, though in an as yet imperfect way. What made the decisions of the committees such weak ones was the lack of opportunity for their members to consult their followers, and the hurry in which all the decisions had to be taken. The Preparatory Committee did succeed in drafting a constitution, but, as would become evident during and af ter the struggle for independence, it failed to provide the anti- Dutch forces with a sufficiently strong ideological basis to ensure === [PDF page 74] === 64 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam unity, in spite of the fact that this was the very argument used by Mohammad Hatta to persuade the leading Muslim members of the Preparatory Committee to accept the "secular" constitution. All this was not the fault of the Indonesian members themselves, but to a large extent of the Japanese. Like the Duteh, they were initially very reluctant to train Indonesians in the art of governing or to provide them with opportunities to gain experience in that field. They only permitted direct contact between Indonesian leaders and the population when it suited them. And they failed to follow up the vague promises for Indonesia's independence, with the necessary steps to prepare the Indonesians for independence. Only when a Japanese defeat was imminent were the Indonesians allowed to discuss independenee and to deliberate on its content and the necessary institutions. The Indonesian leaders then had to be ready for independence within three months. Most of these three months were taken up in discussing the constitution. As a consequence of all this the Indonesian revolu tion took place on two different levels, to some extent interrelated but often without any real communication. The first of these was in the centre - first Batavia as it was called by the Dutch, or Jakarta as it was called by the revolu tionaries, and later Yogyakarta - were the Central Government of the Republic was located, with its constitution and government apparatus, complete with an army, ministries and regional governors, as weU as its rightfully claimed sovereignty over the whole of the territory of the former Dutch East Indies. Although this Government, whose civil and military administration at first existed only on paper, was represented in Jakarta with its central government offices and in some of the major towns, it hardly reached out into the countryside. The second was the local level, in the rural areas, where anticolonial outbursts and uprisings took place virtually independently of and without directions from the central Republican Govemment as soon as news of the J apanese surrender spread. In theory these local movements acknowledged the Republican Govemment's claim to sovereignty, at least at the beginning of the struggle for independence. In practice the situation was much more complicated. In some cases the Central Government's authority was accepted unconditionally, on others only as far as this had no implications for the local situation itself. As soon as the Central Govemment began extending its de facto authority over the countryside, conflicts arose between it and the leaders of the local rebellions. === [PDF page 75] === The Darul Islam, its Prelude 65 A situation thus arose in which the Republican Government, with its initially weak lines of contact into the countryside, together with the Republican Army, constituted only one of many other entities, be it the most viabie one. 48 It owed its favourable start to the fact that it was supported by the most popular and well-known national leaders, as weil as to the appeal of the proclarnation of independence and the idea of an independent national state. Even so, the Republican Government and Army still had to justify their position as sole representative and instrument of the State, also in the course of the revolution. The extension of their authority over the rural districts, and in particular the Republican Army's attempts to control and supervise the numerous other, irregular gueriIla units, met with a great many difficulties almost from the very beginning of the Republic. The violent clashes occurring in the process were not simply the consequence of the Republican Army's de sire to gain con trol and achieve the necessary coordination of the struggle against the Dutch. Nor were they exclusively a re sult of resistance to these attempts on the part of irregular local guerilla units and their leaders from fear of losing authority or being forced into a subordinate position. Regional, ethnic, reIigious and even educational differences contributed greatly to the rivalry and enmity bet ween irregular guerilla groups and between them and the Republican Army, as weU as to the differences on the tactics to be used in the struggle against the Dutch. But there was more to it than that. If the conflicts between the various guerilla groups had been inspired solely by social differences, violence might have been avoided for a time, perhaps even till the end of the struggle against the Dutch. In fact, the leaders of the various ideological groupings - not only the communists with their emphasis on the necessity for the nationalist revolution to develop into a socialist one, but also Islamic leaders like Kartosuwirjo - at first did their utmost not to aggravate by words a situation which might result in internal violence. They were careful in their speeches and publications to divide their own struggle towards their personal revolutionary goal - the attainment of a socialist and an Islamic society respectively - into two distinct phases. The first was th at on the struggle for independence, in which Indonesian revolutionaries of all persuasions should unite in the common cause. Only af ter completion of th is first phase, and after thc Dutch had been ousted, would the time come for them to fight for the achievement of their === [PDF page 76] === 66 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam individual ideals and to strive, preferably by peaceful Qleans, to achieve a socialist or Islamic state. There were no serious, large-scale intern al risings until 1948, when the Madiun affair took place and the Darullslam revolt in ] ava started in earnest. Troubles on a much smaller scale broke out as early as 1945, however. These minor clashes, which sparked off the later more important ones, might in some cases have been avoided if there had been ample resources, and especially an adequate supply of arms, for all rival groups from the beginning of the revolution. But this ideal situation was far removed from reality. Arms were in very short supply, which gave the Republican Army an extra stimulus to try and gain con trol of local guerilla units, thus in turn providing these local groups with a strong incentive to resist. Not only did arms constitute a prerequisite for a successful struggle against the Dutch, and thus for the increased prestige of the guerilla unit concerned, but failure to secure arms implied an immediate, irreversible loss of ground on which to negotiate a favourable position in the constellation of the Republic in the years to come. So there arose fierce competition for arms between the various guerilla groups almost at the beginning. In some areas, such as Aceh, the internal violence in the first year of the revolution probably could not have been avoidedj in other places, where social cleavages were less sharp and where there did not exist two distinct, well-organized camps each with a large following, however, it might have been. There we re two additional factors contributing to the fierce competition for arms. Firstly, there was no well-o-rganized Republican Army reaching into the countryside at the time of declaration of independence, as was mentioned above. Not only had the ]apanese disallowed the development of such an organization, but the Republican leaders themselves were hesistant at first, even immediately af ter August 1 7th, about calling one into being. Although they had discussed the formation of a Republican Army at the meetings of the Preparatory Committee, expressing the opinion that a National Army must soon be established, they had at the same time spoken out in favour of the dissolution of the Peta and other Indonesian armed organizations of the ]apanese period (Yamin 1959-1960 1:463). In order not to anger or compromise the ]apanese, whom the Allies had made responsible for the maÏntenance of law and order, they at first tried to avoid creating any impression that they were building up an army of their OWll. Fearing that the ]apanese authorities === [PDF page 77] === I The Darul Islam, its Prelude 67 would disapprove of the formation of an Republican Army, on August 22nd what was called a People's Security Body or Badan Keamanan Rakyat (BKR) was formed in place of an army. Eventually a Republican Army was to de vel op from this body. For the time being, however, its task was nominally confined to the protection of the population in the insecure times following the japanese surrender. Formally this BKR was part of the Badan Penolon/s Keluarga Korban Perang, arelief organization for war victims. 9 Only on October 5th was a national Republican Army officially constÏtuted. The absence until then of a well-organized army, coupled with the dissolution of the Peta and other japanese-sponsored armed organizations, thus created a favourable atmosphere for the spontaneous development of manifold irregular guerilla units. The second factor contributing to the competition for scarce arms between the various Indonesian military groups was the unwillingness of most of the japanese authorities to hand over arms to Indonesians, thereby making for a dire shortage of the same. They were strengthened in their reluctance by the Allied War Command's instructing them not to do so. japan, which had so poorly prepared Indonesia for the realities of independence, had, to overstate the situation, saddled Indonesia with yet another problem: an army without arms. Af ter its surrender, it had been made responsible by the Allies for the maintenance of law and order in the countries it had occupied until such time as Allied troops should land and take over from it. In Indonesia's case the additional unrealistic condition was imposed that the japanese should reverse the political process which had developed under their rule and nullify the proclamation of independence, which was believed to be a completely japanese-inspired and -sponsored affair. 50 This second condition it was impossible for the japanese to fulfil. Admittedly the japanese authorities in Indonesia had tolerated the Republic, often reluctantly, but sometimes assisting it in certain ways. In accordance with their obligation to preserve law and order, however, they had avoided doing anything that might be construed as offering active assistance to the Republic. It was a logical part of this policy not to hand out weapons to Indonesians voluntarily, and to dis arm and disband those Indonesian armed organizations which they had created and trained during their rule. Accordingly the Indonesian armed organizations established during the japanese occupation, such as the Peta in java and its counterpart the Gyu Gun in Sumatra, as weIl as the Indonesian === [PDF page 78] === 68 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam auxiliary troops of the J apanese armed forces, such as the Heiho and Keibodan, were for the greater part disarmed and sent home. The result of this was th at lndonesian guerilla groups - the official Republican Army as weIl as irregular units - were obliged to secure arms by force or intimidation from the J apanese or from fellow-units which has successfully looted Japanese or had escaped disarmament. === [PDF page 79] === CHAPTER TWO WEST JAVA, THE CRADLE 1. The Guerz'llas of West Java At first the attempts to secure arms were directed only at japanese barracks and arsenals. Whenever arms were not handed over voluntarily they were taken by force or threats of force. In the latter case large numbers of people armed with knives, bamboo spears and a few obsolete fire-arms would march against small concentrations of J apanese soldiers. Surrounded and outnumbered by such a large crowd the soldiers would have no alternative but to hand over their arms and retreat. To fight of ten meant almost certain defeat, even with the superiority of japanese arms. One such incident is described as follows by Smail: "He (a student who was eighteen at the time) said th at on one occasion his group came up to attack a few j apanese who were guarding some railway freight cars. The japanese surrendered and told the pemudas, who hadn't known, that there were several boxes packed with pistols in one of the freight cars. They said that the pemudas could have the pistols if only they would not kill them." (Smail 1964: 57.) Such tactics could only be used at small and isolated posts, against individual j apanese, or at places where the j apanese soldiers were still demoralized by the effect of the sudden j apanese defeat and had not yet recovered from the shock of seeing the massive popular support for the new Republic. 1 As soon as there was a large concentration of j apanese soldiers, and especially after the first few weeks, when the j apanese had regained control of the situation, such tactics were ineffectual. The refusal of the ]apanese to surrender their arms and their attempts to stem the revolutionary tide sparked off a number of greater and smaller armed conflicts between their own and Indonesian forces. Large-scale fighting occurred at Surabaya, for example, where on October Ist the headquarters of the japanese Military Police we re attacked, and at Semarang, where a five-day battle raged from October 15th to 20th. === [PDF page 80] === 70 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam As regards West Java, one of the best-known incidents surrounding the seizure of Japanese arms was the fighting that broke out between J apanese and Indonesian troops at Lengkong, near Tangerang, in January 1946. On the Indonesian side cadets and officers of the newly established Military Academy were involved. A group of cadets was directed towards Serpong, a village between Tangerang and Jakarta at the end of J anuary. It had two assignments, namely to disarm the Japanese soldiers stationed at Lengkong and to organize a line of defence against Dutch troops advancing from Jakarta. The Indonesian troops did actually establish contact with the Japanese, using the transfer of some Gurkha prisoners of war captured by them as a starting-point for negotiations. At first all went well. The Japanese were prepared to hand over their weapons to the Indonesians, who immediately began collecting these. The situation changed when a shot was fired. The sources differ on who was responsible. According to one one of the Gurkhas had fired it unintentionally (Sekilas 1971:87). According to another account it had been fired by a "Muslim soldier" who had joined the troops from Tangerang, whose weapon just went off by accident. 2 At the sound of the shot, the J apanese and probably also the Indonesian forces each thought that it was they who had been fired at. A fight broke out, in which the Indonesian troops were defeated and thirtythree Indonesians killed. When the Indonesian Army threatened to march in fresh troops, the J apanese forces at Lengkong surrendered and handed over their arms. 3 In general, compared with other are as in Indonesia, the guerillas in West Java seem to have been less successful in securing arms than for example those in the rest of Java and in Aceh. In a sense this proved to be to the advantage of the Republican Army, which, because of its superior equipment, was thus able to incorporate large portions of the irregular units. On the other hand, of course, it seriously hampered the armed struggle against the Dutch, who either directly or indirectly, through the puppet state of Pasundan founded in 1948, came to con trol large parts of West Java. The scarcity of arms, moreover, provided a constant source of conflict between the Republican Army and the irregular bands. Eventually these two factors created the necessary conditions facilitating the birth of the Darul Islam. This took place in early 1948, af ter the conclusion of thc Renville agreement between the Dutch and the Republican Government. As a consequence of the agreement, Indonesian troops had to be withdrawn to Central Java from the so-called "pockets of resist- === [PDF page 81] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 71 ance" occupied by them in the Dutch-controlled parts of West Java. The official Republican Army abided by the agreement and did retreat. Many irregular units, however, in particular those of the two major Muslim guerilla organizations Ht'zbu 'llah and Sabt1z"'llah, refused to do so. These units also resisted the order to hand over their arms to the retreating Republican forces, which needed the extra arms to continue the war in Central Java. The Republican Army subsequently tried to dis arm these units by force, but could not prevent armed Islamic guerilla units from remaining behind. Free from the active con trol of the Republican Army in Central Java, and mainly on the initiative of Kartosuwirjo, these units evolved their own military organization and administration, which within a year was to become the core of tbe Islamic State of Indonesia. The tension between the official Republican Army and the irregular guerilla bands, which ultimately led to a final rupture between "secular" and Islamic troops in West Java, began relatively early. This is testified by armed conflicts over weapons at the time the Republican Army had to retreat to Central Java. It is not possible to give a detailed account of all the conflicts with the official Republican Army, or even to list all the irregular guerilla units that sprang up in those days. Many of them were small and ill-equipped and were sooner or later absorbed by the Republican Army or by other bigger and better-armed irregular units. Some, in fact, were no more than bands of bandits continuing operations in the new revolutionary situation in the context of the old Javanese institution of groups of unsettled youths roving about the countryside. The Dutch, familiar with this institution, had difficulty in distinguishing between them and the larger nationalist guerilla groups fighting for independence. They tended to brand all irregular guerilla units as "gangs of bandits". Sometimes even the official Republican Army did not escape the stigma, preferring as it did guerilla warfare to regular war with open battles between two uniformed armies. A good example of the Dutch attitude is provided by P.M. van Wulfften Palthe in his brochure entitled Over het bendewezen op Java. Comparing the pre-war situation with the revolutionary period he writes: "Now the situation is essentially the same, except that the gangs have become more numerous and more dangerous, and are equipped with all kinds of weapons which formerly one did not find in their possession, such as handgrenades, landmines and aerial bombs. In mopping-up operations most victims fall not in open battle, but as a result of all kinds of === [PDF page 82] === 72 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam mechanical devices such as wires stretched across the road, booby-traps and pitfalls. The desa population knows all about this, but has no patriotic sympathy for the bands as is found elsewhere in the case of guerilla and underground resistance movements; it welcomes our intervention with feelings of great relief and keeps mum!" (Van Wulfften Palthe 1949:18).4 Other groups were definitely not mere "gangs of bandits" or "bands of religious fanatics", to mention another label frequently used by the Dutch to discredit their opponents. Some of them really achieved regional or even national importance. A few became so powerful that they were able to successfully resist the Republican Army even after the struggle for independence was over and the Republican Army was able to concentrate its efforts on bringing the many irregular guerilla units under contro!. In West java it was in particular the two big Muslim guerilla organizations Hizbu 'llah and Sabili'llah which belonged to the latter category. The Hizbu "llah, or Allah's Army, had been founded at the end of the japanese occupation to give javanese Muslims their own defence force. Muslim leaders had pleaded for the establishment of such a force as early as September 1943. In that month they had asked the japanese war authorities to "set up a Muslim volunteer corps" that might "become the trailblazer in the efforts to destroy America and England" (Benda 1958:139, citing Djawa Baroe I, 19: 1). They made this request immediately following a similar request for the foundation of a general volunteer corps from "secular" quarters. In 1943 the j apanese still preferred the foundation of a general javanese volunteer corps over a Muslim one. Hence in October 1943 they gave permis sion for the establishment of the Peta, a general corps which many Muslims also entered (cf. Notosusanto 1979). The javanese Muslims had to wait till the end of 1944 before their request was granted and they were permitted to form their own military organization in java and Madura. The japanese permission was given a few months after j apanese Prime Minister Koiso's promise of independence to Indonesia on September 7th, a promise which was greeted on the Muslim side with militant statements about the defence of the fatherland against the advancing Allies. The public learned of the j apanese approval on December 8th, the anniversary of the japanese air raid on Pearl Harbor which had initiated the "Great East Asia War". On that day the name of the Islamic volunteer corps, Barisan Hizbu '/lah or Ht'zbu 'llah, was mentioned in public for the first time by the === [PDF page 83] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 73 then commander of the J apanese forces in Java, General Kumakichi Harada. The latter, in a brief commemorative address, stressed the obligation for the people of East Asia, and in particular of Java, to defend their own country. In this context he then spoke of "Muslim youths, numbering over 400 thousand, [who] rose together to form the Barisan Hz'zbullah and who will plunge into the fight to the very end" (SMI 15-12-1944). As soon as the J apanese consen t had been given, Hiz bu 'llah was formally founded by Masyumz·. According to its constitution, Ht'zbu 'llah had both a military and a religious task (SMI 15-12-1944:24-26). Military it had to act as aPeta reserve corps in the war against the Allies. In the religious field it was supposed to propagate and defend Islam and to ensure th at the Muslim community fulfilled its religious obligations. lts members should be model Muslims and should kindie the rest of the Islamic community's fighting spirit. Membership of Hizbu'llah was open to "Islamic youth, in particular madrasah and pesantren students between 17 and 25 years of age, who: a) were physically fit; b) were single; and c) had the permis sion of their parents (or wali)". s In January the composition of the Ht'zbu '!lah central board was announced. Zainul Arifin, associated with the Nahdatul Ulama faction of Masyumi, was its chairman, and Mohamad Roem, later one of the prominent politicians of the post-war Masyumi, its vice-chairman. The board included ten ordinary members, viz.: S. Surowijono (S. Surowiyono) and Sudjono (Sujono), charged with general affairs; Anwar Tjokroaminoto (Anwar Cokroaminoto), K.J. Zarkasji (K.Y. Zarkasyi) and Masjhudi (Masyhudi), in charge of propaganda; Sunarjo Mangunpuspito (Sunaryo Mangunpuspito), Jusuf Wibisono (Yusuf Wibisono) and Muhammad Djunadi (Muhammad Junadi), responsible for planning; and R.H.O. Djunadi (R.H.O. Junadi) and Prawoto Mangkusasmito, charged with financial affairs (SMI 15-1-1945: 13). Although designed as a Peta reserve corps, there was not much cooperation or contact between the two organizations. Peta and Hizbu '!lah operated almost independently of each other from the beginning, except for the participation of Peta members in Hizbu 'llah training in the remaining months of the J apanese occupation. Ht'zbu 'llah was and remained the armed branch of Masyumi, and thus of the Islamic community represented by it. Through Masyumz~ Hizbu '!lak after independence became subordinate, at least in theory, to the Republican Government and Armed Forces. In practice this indirect link was extremely weak, === [PDF page 84] === 74 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam if not non-existent. It became even more tenuous in the first years of the Indonesian revolution, when govemment diplomacy collided with revolutionary zeal, and when the PSU reappeared as a splinter party of Masyumz'. As it tumed out, the PSU leaders who broke away from Masyumz' had astrong hold on many Hz'zbu 'llah units. The manner of the japanese war authorities' eventual compliance with the Muslim leaders' request for their own voluntary defence force did not contain any implication that the Hizbu '/lah would be allowed to develop into a powerful riyal to Peta, Hizbu- '!lah, accordingly, did not emerge from the japanese occupation as well-equiped and well-trained as Peta. Militarily speaking Hzzbu 'l/ah was no match for Peta on the point of training, equipment and personnel. For one thing, Peta recruits had real arms at their disposal. Hzzbu 'l/ah had to do without. Htzbu '!lah was, as it is put by Muhammad Abdul Aziz, "trained politically and physically for a 'freedom' struggle which should be fought with bamboo spears and wooden rifles" (Aziz 1955:208). Moreover, as a result of its relatively late establishment alone, far fewer Hzzbu '!lah volunteers were trained than Peta men. The first Hizbu '/lah volunteers were trained at a training centre situated at Cibarusa, near Bekasi, about 28 kilometres from Bogor. The training was provided by j apanese soldiers assisted by a number of Peta ins truc tors, and was supervised by the japanese general Yanagawa. It did not constitute an ordinary course of military training as such, but was intended to build up a cadre of militant Muslim youths who on completion of their three-month course were to be sent back to their region of origin to set up local Hzzbu '!lah branches and to train the local Muslim youth. The training centre was opened by Abdul Kahar Muzakkir on February 28th, 1945. The first group of 500 trainees, among them the first chairman of Hizbu 'l/ah, Zainul Arifin, completed their courses and graduated at a brief ceremony held in the presence of the central Masyumz' board about three months later, on May 20th. They were to be the only fully trained cadremembers of Htzbu 'l/ah. Before the second course was completed japan had lost the war and Indonesia had proclaimed its independence. So Hzzbu '!lah could command only about 500 more or less properly trained members, scattered all over java and Madura, at the end of the j apanese occupation. 6 The number of Peta soldiers at th at time was far greater. Peta had one battalion in each kabupaten, over sixty in all in the whole of java and Madura. Peta strength varied between 35,000 === [PDF page 85] === 11 Westjava, the Cradle 75 men at the most moderate estimate and over 100.000 according to the highest estimate. 7 Peta units, moreover, were better trained. Not only we re they able to practise with real arms, but their training was much more protracted. Peta volunteers in fact had chosen the army as a career. They were professional soldiers with a fuIl military training of several years rather than only months. Of Hizbu 'llah, on the other hand, only cadre-members had received any military training, and then for only two months and of a much inferior quality to that of Peta. lts ordinary members, if there were many before August 1945, had enjoyed even Ie ss training, and were moreover unpaid (cf. Aziz 1955). Hizbu 'llah only developed into a genuine military organization after the proclamation of independence. Many new local branches were then set up and, with the influx of numerous Muslim youths, these and the small and insignificant Hizbu 'llah groups from the J apanese occupation expanded into a powerful guerilla organization. Ht"zbu 'llah units sprang up all over Java, and in early 1946 Hzibu 'llah claimed a membership of 300,000 (NIB IV:261). According to Kahin the organization"probably mustered between 20,000 and 25,000 armed men" (Kahin 1970: 163). The various Hizbu 'l/ah units were coordinated by the organization 's central board, but, as was also the case with the Republican Army, central control was stronger on paper than in practice. It should be borne in mind in this connection that the name Hizbu 'l/ah, Allah's Army, was an obvious name for any Muslim group wishing to start a guerilla war. Furthermore, irregular Ht"zbu 'llah units sprang up alongside official ones, thus complicating even further the intricate picture presented by the guerilla groups. Throughout the fight for freedom the central leadership of Hzibu 'l/ah remained in the hands of Zainul Arifin, at first independently of the Republican Army, later on, af ter 1947, as part of it. From the central board the line of command reached right down to the local-Ievel units. Highest in this chain of command were the provincial Hzibu 'llah commanders. In West Java there were two Hzibu 'llah divisions, commanded by Zainul Bachri (Zainul Bakhri) and Samsul Bachri (Samsul Bakhri). Other important Hizbu 'llah commanders were Huseinsjah (Huseinsyah), Zainul Abidin and Kamran (Kutoyo, Sutrisno and Surachman 1977:5), the pre-war associate of Kartosuwirjo in his conflict with the rest of the PSII board. In East Java Hzibu 'llah was commanded by Wahib Wahab, and in Yogyakarta by Kiyai Haji === [PDF page 86] === 76 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Badawi. Hzzbu 'llah was represented on the central Masyumz" board by H. Hasjim (H. Hasyim). Sabzïz·'/lah or (the fighters in) Sabzï Allah, the Way of God, was of a more recent date than Hzzbu '/lah. The initiative for its foundation was taken at the first Masyumi congress held after the proclamation of independence, in November 1945. Here it was decided that Masyumi needed, besides the genuinely military units of Hzzbu 'llah, an organization for the general mobilization of the Islamic population. Sabz"li'llah was thus meant by Masyumi to become a kind of citizen militia in the guerilla war against the Dutch. lts aim was to strengthen the Muslim population's preparedness for a jz"had JC sabtli 'llah, or "endeavour in the way of God" - hence its name. 8 Sabili'llah's function as an organiza· tional framework for a general mobilization dictated the conditions of its membership. It was open to all who for one reason or another could not enter Hzzbu 'llah, for example because they were too old. Sabzïi'llah had its headquarters at Malang, and like Hizbu 'llah, was divided into provincial branches (SMI 10-12-1946:6). The top command of Hizbu 'llah and Sabilz"'llah was vested in the same hands. Sabz·lz"'llah, ho wever, had its own representatives, Masjkur (Masykur) and W. Wondoamiseno, on the central Masyumz· board. lts banner was the red and white Indonesian national flag, with la ilaha illa 'llah written· in white Arabic script on the red bar, and Muhammad Rasulu 'llah in red on the white bar. La z"laha illa 'llah, "There is na God but Allah", and Muhammad Rasulu '/lah, "Muhammad is the Apostle of God", together farm the shahada or Islamic confession of faith. The distinction between Sabzïi'llah and Hz·zbu 'llah was never as sharp and clear-cut as intended. Sometimes Sabili'llah functioned as an ordinary fighting unit, sometimes the name Sabili'llah was mentioned just as an appendix to Hizbu 'llah. In the latter case the Islamic guerilla units were referred to indiscriminately as Hz"zbu 'llahjSabili'llah, without any differentiation between their distinct functions as a fighting unit and a militia respectively. Ta blur the distinction even more, Sabzïi'llah never really developed into a centrally controlled organization for the mobilization of the population as envisaged at its founding. As stated hy Kahin (1970:163), Sabili'/lah existed largely on paper, although in same areas its units were armed and of definite importance. In the struggle for independence in Java, which possessed many characteristics of a general guerilla war against the Dutch, Hzzbu 'llah units, moreover, disregarded the official agc-limits stipulated in === [PDF page 87] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 77 its articles of incorporation, and admitted members irrespective of age, thus rendering the existence of a separate SabiU'Uah corps with its specific function superfluous. The fading of the distinction between Sabzïi'llak and Hizbu- '/lah, and the sometimes indiscriminate use of the two names, have inspired Smail in his book Bandung z'n the early revolutz'on to draw amore theoretical distinction between the two. He does not distinguish between them according to their professed functions, but believes that "for a more detailed understanding of the organizations it is necessary, as always, when dealing with Indonesian Islam, to distinguish between urban and rural conditions" (Smail 1964:91). Hz'zbu'llah is accordingly associated by him with the urban section of the Indonesian Islamic armed organizations, SabiU'llah with the rural one, According to Smail, the terms Hizbu '/lak and Sabili'llah "are significant not so much in representing two different types of organizations within a single centrally-organized Masyumz' as in representing, roughly but conveniently, differences between urban and rural Islam" (Smail 1964:92). Convenient and tempting though this typology may be, it seems better not to adopt it for our purposes. In a way it adds to the confusion of an already complicated situation, because Hizbu '/lak was better known and more prevalent than Sabz'lz' 'llah also in the rural are as. 9 As has been pointed out above, Hizbu 'llah and Sabili'llah were just two of the many guerilla organizations fighting alongside the official Republican Army against the Dutch in West Java. They liked to regard themselves as the most important of these irregular units, and as subordinate only to the official Army. As it was put at a Hizbu 'llakjSabz'Zz"llah conference at Tasikmalaya in June 1946, they thought of themselves as the Indonesian Republic's "second army" (NIB IV: 565-566); the first army being the Sz'Zz'- wangz' Division of the official Republican Army in West Java. This Sz'liwangi Division, as the West Javanese Division of the Indonesian Army is still called to this day, was formally constituted in May 1946,10 lts foundation marked the conclusion for West Java of the first of a series of reorganizations of the Indonesian Army aimed at strengthening and streamlining its commando The Sz'Zz'wangz' replaced the three earlier divisions th at had made up the First (West Javanese) Command of the Republican army, As commander of the new Siliwangz' Division was appointed A,H. Nasution, hitherto head of one of the three prior West J avanese divisions, viz, the Third Division, which had had as its base of operation the Priangan region, in particular Bandung and surroundings, === [PDF page 88] === 78 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Nasution had actively sought to incorporate the irregular guerilla units already as commander of the Third Division. He had been relatively successful in this, or at least in establishing control over the irregular units, in and around Bandung. How he went about this was explained by him in an interview in December 1976, in which he said, "WeU, at a given moment, it was in Bandung, I recruited 50% of them [i.e. the irregular armed groups] to form one regiment with me first. The rest refused. Thereupon I secretly disarmed a fourth or third of the rest within the space of a few hours one night. Af ter th at the rest came of its own accord." (Brochure 1977:12.) Nasution 's task was facilitated by the fact that the irregular guerilla groups had already accomplished some form of coordination of their own. They had established their own headquarters, commonly referred to by the acronym MDPP,l1 at Bandung, one of the main centres of the anti-Dutch armed resistance movement in the first year of the revolution, in 1945. lts Board was made up of the leaders of the principal irregular guerilla organizations, among them Sutoko of Pesz'ndo and Kamran of Hzibu 'llah. 12 The latter two continued to play a key role in the MDPP after it changed its name and became the MPPP,13 Sutoko as an advocate of closer cooperation with the Silz'wangi Division, and Kamran as his principal opponent. Sutoko and Nasution were on good terms with one another, which may account in part for the relative ease with which many irregular units in and around Bandung were eventually incorporated into the Republican Army. It was much more difficult for Nasution to gain con trol of such forces outside Bandung, where his own influence and that of Su toko and the MDPP were still very weak. The further away from Bandung these irregular groups were, the more obstacles Nasution met in incorporating them. Some at times offered the Sz'liwangz' Division resistance. 14 Others were for the time being left alone, and could develop independen tly. Nevertheless, even taking into account the cases in which irregular units successfully resisted incorporation, the Sz'liwangi Division did fairly weIl at integrating the "wild troops" in the Priangan area, even outside the urban centres. One of the reasons for this was that the Sz'liwangz' Division and the MPPP themselves were pushed out of Bandung into the surrounding areas, under pressure from the British forces at the end of March 1946. The Silz'wangi Division thereupon established its new headquarters at Cicalengka, while the MPPP moved to Ciparay. Later on the two === [PDF page 89] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 79 were obliged to move still further southeast of Bandung, and established headquarters at Garut. At Garut the MPPP reformed the organizational structure of the troops under its command and founded the Resimen Tentara Perjuangan, or Partisan Regiment, in the middle of May. It consisted of five battalions, one of them made up of Hizbu '/lah and Sabili'llah units commanded by one of their own officers, Huseinsjah. 15 This Resz'men Tentara Perjuangan also worked in close cooperation with the Sz1iwangz' Division, but organizationally remained independent for another year, It was officially integrated into the Siliwangz' Division af ter the Republican Government's declaration of its intention on May 5th, 1947, to "uni te the Army of the RI and the irregular armed groups to become a single army organization" (Presidential Decree of May 5th, 1947). Subsequently, on May 17th, the Resz'men Tentara Perjuangan was transformed into the Ninth Regiment of the Second Guntur Brigade of the Silz'- wangz' Division at a ceremony at Garut. Compared with other areas, in Priangan the process whereby the irregular guerilla groups became part of the official Republican Army within two years af ter the proclamation of independence was a smooth one, But this does not mean to say that there was no opposition at all. So mention is made by historiographers of the Sz'lz'wangz' Division of the arrest of Kartosuwirjo by the military authorities, on the orders of Nasution, on account of alleged plans on Kartosuwirjo's part to attack the army barracks at Malangbong, Kartosuwirjo was released again a few days later (Siliwangi 1968:505-506). Furthermore, according to these historiographers, the fusion of the Resimen Tentara Perjuangan into the Siliwangi Division was obstructed by Kam ran, one of the principal military leaders of the later Darul Islam movement. Depicting Kamran, who was head of the MPPP at the time, as "very ambitious to become a generaI", they claim that he tried in vain to prevent the incorporation of the Hz'zbu 'llah and Sabz'H'llah units into the Siliwangi Division (Siliwangi 1968: 184), The Hz'zbu '/lah and Sabz'lz"llah unit of the Resz'men Tentara Perjuangan nevertheless merged with the Silz'wangi Division. Huseinsjah stayed on as commander of the battalion in the rank of major. It is even so doubtful whether, as the Silz"wangi historiographers claim, Kamran failed completely in his attempts to dissuade Hizbu 'llah and Sabz"lz"llah units from joining the Silz"- wangi Division, He was not entirely without infIuence, as his leading position in the MPPP testifies, and, as later developments === [PDF page 90] === 80 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam would prove, could command the loyalty of a large number of Hzibu 'llah and Sabili'llah fighters. Although Kamran may have failed partly in preventing the incorporation of the Hizbu 'llahjSabt1i'llah Battalion of the Resimen Tentara Perjuangan into the Sz'liwangi Division, the manner of incorporation of the irregular troops at the same time enhanced his prestige. The position assigned to the newly incorporated guerillas was such that it strengthened the feelings of many of them that the official Republican Army considered them as only second-rate soldiers. When at the time of the St1iwangz· Division 's retreat to Central Java in early 1948 hostility arose between it and the Hizbullah and Sabz·lt"'llah units, this was not exdusively due to the latter's disapproval of the Renville agreement, but partly also to resentment at what they felt to be scurvy treatment by the Republican Army. Owing in part to lack of proper general and military education, their members were often passed over for promotion. Seeing others advance to better positions in the Army, they felt sadly discriminated against (Pinardi 1964: 32). Moreover, their incorporation represented the first step towards the eventual discharge of some of the irregular guerillas. Although a so-called Depot Battalion was formed to accommodate those who could not get into one of the five battalions of the regiment, this battalion, instead of becoming a mustering centre for servicemen for future incorporation into new units, was in fact one where they merely awaited their discharge. Compared with Priangan, in the Karawang area east of Jakarta the integration of guerilla units into the Republican Army met with much greater difficulties. Most of the trouble here was caused by the Lasykar Rakyat (People's Army) of West Java, which resisted incorporation by force. Ultimately this led to a two-day battle, on April 24th and 25th, 1947, in which the Lasykar Rakyat was supported by most of the irregular units in the area. What stand Hzibu 'llah and Sabz"li'llah took in this matter is not dear. Some of their units were incorporated into the Republican Army and together with units of the Bart"san Pemberontak Republt"k lndonesz·a (BPRl or Revolutionary Corps of the lndonesian Republic), the Barisan Banteng Republt"k lndonesia (Buffalo Corps of the Indonesian Republic), the Pesz·ndo (short for Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia, or Indonesian Socialist Youth), and the Lasykar Buruh (Workers' Army), made up a Detasemen Gerak Cepat, consisting of about 150 men in all. The men enlisted in this shock troop detachment took no part in the fight- === [PDF page 91] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 81 ing. The core of the Hzzbu 'llah and Sabzü'llah groups probably joined the Lasykar Rakyat in its resistance to incorporation, which may have been a euphemism for disarmament (Siliwangi 1968: 183-185; 206-209). Serious clashes between Islamic forces and the Republican Army also occured in 1948, when, as a consequence of the Renville agreement, the Sz"lz"wangz" Division was forced to retreat to Central ] ava. Many of the irregular guerilla units refused to join it in its retreat, and forcibly resisted disarmament by the Sz"lz"wangz" Division, which claimed the weapons for the continuation of the war against the Dutch troops in Central ]ava. 16 Tbe Islamic armed guerilla units that stayed behind were in due course to become the core of the Islamic Army of Indonesia, the military arm of the Islamic State of Indonesia. 2. The Proclamatz"on of the lslamz"c State of lndonesz'a Kartosuwirjo reappeared on the political scene af ter the proclamation of Indonesia's independence by Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta on August 17th, 1945. He had remained in the background during the ]apanese occupation, but became active in national polities again as soon as independence was declared. He was one of the founders of the new Masyumz' in November 1945, in which organization, now a political party, he occupied the position of first secretary (Pinardi 1964: 31). In those first years of the Republic he was also an appointed member of the Indonesian Central National Committee, or Komz"te Nasz"onal lndonesz"a Pusat (KNIP), on which he represented Masyumz". At the KNIP's fifth session, held at Malang in February and March 1947, Kartosuwirjo was appointed one of the five Masyumz' members of its executive committee, which comprised 47 members in all. Kartosuwirjo had come to Malang to attend the KNIP meetings accompanied by Hizbu 'llah fighters from West Java, probably particularly local commanders who were to attend the Hzzbu 'llah conference later in March. According to Sutomo, these had joined with members of a number of other irregular units to protect the members of the KNIP, notably from the Masyumz" and the PNI, who were opposed to the Linggarjati agreement, which had been concluded by the Republican and the Dutch Governments in November 1946, and now had to be discussed by the KNIP, against possible attacks from irregular units supporting the leftist parties in favour of the agreement. Sutomo further === [PDF page 92] === 82 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam claims that when anti-Linggarjati members of the KNIP were, in fact, threatened by Pesindo guerillas, he had had to use all his power of persuasion to prevent Kartosuwirjo from orde ring his troops to open fire on the Pesindo units (Sutomo 1977:8-9)"7 The new Masyumi which Kartosuwirjo had helped to found replaced the Masyumi of the japanese period. Contrary to the old one, the new Masyumi professed itself to be a political party. In other respects it closely resembied the old Masyumi, Continuing in the tradition of the Masyumz' of the j apanese occupation, the new Masyumi was envisaged as the organizational vehicle for all Indonesian Islamie groups. It was intended to become a unitary political party for all Muslims, irrespective of their religious, social, educational or economie background. For a time, in fact, the post-war Masyumz' comprised members from a variety of pre-war Islamie political and religious groups. It united within itself individuals and organizations which before the war had been mutually incompatible and had become involved in sometimes bitter quarrels. The organizations that entered the new Masyumz' included, for example, not only the Muhammadz'yah, but also its counterpart, Nahdatul Ulama, which had been founded in 1926 precisely to counter the spread of the reformism of which Muhammadz'yah was an exponent. Masyumz' also brought together in the one fold the parties to the pre-war intemal PSU confliets. Looking at the Masyumi at the time of its refounding, we come across the leaders of the factions of the pre-war PSII and its offshoots again, this time working closely together. Leading positions in the new Masyumz' were occupied by Agus Salim and Mohamad Roem, who had been expelled from the PSU in 1937 for their opposition to Abikusno Tjokrosujoso's hzj'rah poliey, by Abikusno Tjokrosujoso himself, and by Kartosuwirjo, who had been expelled from the PSU in 1939 for wanting to continue the hijrah policy, this time against the wish of Abikusno Tjokrosujoso. The new Masyumi's heterogeneous character made it very difficult to keep the party together. Different factions with different political and religious outlooks had to operate alongside each other in it. One of the first signs of the difficulties con fronting it was a Masyumi split in 1947 along almost the same lines as the confliets which had tom the pre-war PSU. At the PSII's breaking away from Masyumi and refounding as an independent political party in the middle of that year, the same personages were involved as those who had played a key role in the pre-war PSU confliets. === [PDF page 93] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 83 Those responsible for refounding the PSU were W. Wondoamiseno and Arudji Kartawinata. Both had supported Abikusno Tjokrosujoso in the conflict over the hzjrah poliey in 1935 and 1936, which in the end had resulted in the ousting of the faction led by Agus Salim and Mohamad Roem. Although in refounding the PSU, Wondoamiseno and Arudji Kartawinata were at first acting against the express wishes of Abikusno Tjokrosujoso, they were soon joined by him. The refounding of the PSU is generally attributed to "political opportunism" on the part of Wondoamiseno and Arudji Kartawinata. By this act they made possible the formation of a new Cabinet headed by Amir Sjarifuddin, and were rewarded for their help with ministerial postS. 18 Amir Sjarifuddin would never have turned to them for Muslim support - support that was withheld by Masyumi - for his new Cabinet, however, had not the existence of different factions with different outlooks within Masyumz' permitted it. Around 1947 the members of the pre-war PSU, or what was left of that organization at the end of the Dutch colonial period, were steadily losing ground in Masyumt' to those elements that were to determine its face in later years: pragmatic, weU-educated Muslim politicians like Mohamad Roem and Natsir. The overtures by Amir Sjarifuddin thus provided them with a suitable opportunity to break away from Masyumi, which they felt was developing in an undesirable direction. By forming a new PSII they hoped to regain the leadership of the Islamic community and steer it onto the right course again. In the internal Masyumt' conflict provoked by Amir Sjarifuddin's action, Kartosuwirjo took an intermediate position. He gradually dissociated himself from Masyumi, but for the time being did not formally break with the party. He was one of its former PSU members who were approached by Amir Sjarifuddin to support his new Cabinet, being offered the post of Second Vice-Minister of Defence. He is, in fact, mentioned as Second Vice-Minister of Defence representing the PSII in the official announcement of the composition of the Amir Sjarifuddin Cabine!;· He rejected the offer at the last moment, however. As explained by him in a letter to Soekarno and Amir Sjarifuddin, he had refused the ministerial post because he "had not yet become involved with the PSII and still felt committed to Masyumi". That Kartosuwirjo was indeed not actively involved in the refounding of the PSII, or, as the initiators of this move liked to caU it, the revocation of the PSII's decision of the beginning of the japanese occupation to temporarily suspend all party activi- === [PDF page 94] === 84 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam ties, can be inferred from the composition of the various party boards just after its formation. Kartosuwirjo and his associates were conspicuous by their absence on these boards. 19 Kartosuwirjo declined Amir Sjarifuddin's offer not only out of loyalty to Masyumi. His refusal to become a minister was also inspired by his intention to withdraw from the central political scene. Disenchanted with Masyumi's current policies he returned to Malangbong. He remained first secretary of the party, but was now appointed its representative for West Java as weIl. In the later capacity he began reorganizing the Islamic guerilla forces in the area. In November 1947 he founded the Dewan Pertakanan Ummat Islam, or Defence Council of the Islamic Community, in Garut and the Maje/is Ummat Islam Indonesia, or Council of the Indonesian Islamic Community, in Tasikmalaya on behalf of Masyumi (cf. Van Nieuwenhuijze 1958:168-169; Horikoshi 1975:69). Both organizations were designed to intensify and coordinate the struggle of the local Islamic community against the Dutch. Reorganization of the guerilla struggle had become necessary in view of the circumstance that within three weeks after their launching a major military action, the first so-called polz"tionele actie, the Dutch had occupied the major towns in Priangan, such as Garut, Tasikmalaya and Ciamis. It is striking that in founding the two councils, Kartosuwirjo made explicit reference to the Islamic community. He hereby by-passed the more national and secular kind of organization which had been formed on the initiative of Sanusi Hardjadinata (Sanusi Harjadinata), vice-resident of Priangan, at the end of June. This latter organization, the Perjuangan Pembelaart Nasz'onal, or National Defence Struggle, was designed as a federation of all political parties and guerilla organizations operating in Priangan. The organizations which had joined it included not only Masyumi and its subsidiaries, such as Hizbu '!lak and Sabz1i- '!lak and Gerakan Pemuda Islam Indonesz'a (GPII) or Indonesian Muslim Youth Movement, but also organizations like PKl, PNI, Parkz'ndo, Sobsi and BTI. It is not impossible that Kartosuwirjo was seriously considering proclaiming an Islamic state at that time. As we have seen above, according to some sources he had actually already done so in August 1945, but had retracted the proclamation af ter the declaration of independence by Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta. For a time he had remained loyal to the Republic and accepted its "secular" base. He had still made a call for unity in July 1946, when in a speech at Garut he had warned his audience that === [PDF page 95] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 85 conflicts between fellow-Indonesians would only benefit the Dutch, and urged for a suspension of ideological differences. As soon as complete independence was achieved, then these differences could be solved in a democratic way, according to the principle of sovereignty of the people. If the majority of the people at that time wanted communism, the ideology of the state should be communist. If the majority of the people wanted socialism or nationalism, then socialist or nationalist it would have to be. But if Islam were victorious, the state, he stressed, should be organized in conformity with the principles of Islam (Kartosuwirjo 1946). It is claimed by Kiyai Jusuf Tauziri that at the beginning of 1948 Kartosuwirjo asked him for a second time to proclaim an Islamic state, but that, as in 1945, he refused (Djawa Barat 1953:216). By that time the implications of the Renville agreement were already making themselves feIt. One of these implications was the withdrawal of Indonesian troops from parts of West and East Java to Central Java. Being an agreement between the Dutch and the Republican Government, the official Republican Army - in the case of West Java the Siliwangi Division - complied with its stipulations. This was different with the other guerilla troops not incorporated into the official Republican Army. So a considerable proportion of the two Islamic guerilla organizations in West Java, the Hzzbu '!lah and Sabzïi'llah, refused to comply. According to Kahin, "Within two months some 35,000 Republican troops were withdrawn..., about 4,000 irregular troops - for the most part Hizbullah battalions of the Masjumi - remaind behind)" (Kahin 1970:234). Among the Hizbu- 'llah units staying behind were those headed by Zainal Abidin in the Baluburlimbangan area and by Kurnia operating around Cicalengka. The Sabz'lz"llah units that remained behind were under the command of Enoch (Enokh) in the Wanaraja and Garut areas and by Oni in the area around Mount Cupu, north of Tasikmalaya As a consequence of the Renville agreement, the rupture between Kartosuwirjo and Masyumi became definitive and irrevocable. Masyumi, although opposing the agreement itself, shortly after its signing became a government party, and so came to share the responsibility for the observance of the agreement and was obliged itself to comply with it. Hence it could not follow Kartosuwirjo in his rejection of it. After ·the Renville agreement, the Republican Army Command tried hard to remain in con trol of the guerilla units which refused === [PDF page 96] === 86 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam to be withdrawn to Central Java. The Republican Commander-in- Chief, General Sudirman, proceeded to appoint Sutoko as coordinator of the guerilla bands in West Java. The latter was not very successful in his mission, especially with regard to those of the Hizbu 'llah and Sabilz"llah units that showed hostility not only by resisting disarmament, but also by trying to seize the arms of the retreating Republican troops. Sutoko was captured by the Dutch in August, within half a year of the end of the Silz"wangz· Division's hijrah. He thereupon unsuccessfully tried coordinating the guerilla groups in WestJavafromjail (Siliwangi 1968:346). The first steps towards the formation of an Islamic Army of Indonesia were taken just before the Republican Army's retreat to Cent ral Java. Shortly af ter the Renville agreement Oni, the then commander of Sabz'lz"'llah in the mountainous area around Tasikmalaya, had a meeting with Kartosuwirjo to discuss the current political and military situation. The two agreed that the Islamic forces should stay on in West Java, and that those "members of the Sabz1i'llah and Hizbu 'llah who joined in the retreat should be disarmed, either peacefully or by force" (Pinardi 1964:57).20 Both felt that it was desirabie to hold a larger meeting to evaluate the changed situation. This meeting took place on February 10th and 11 th in the village of Pangwedusan, in the district of Cisayong, within the triangle formed by Malangbong, Tasikmalaya and Garut. It was attended by leaders of the Islamic youth organization, Gerakan Pemuda Islam Indonesz·a (GPII), and of the Hizbu 'llah and Sabz1z·'llah. The most important decisions taken at the Cisayong conference were to freeze the Masyumz· in West Java, to constitute a rudimentary regional government in West Java, and to form an Islamic Army of Indonesia. In this proposed rudimentary West Javanese Government - the Islamic Council, or Majelis Islam, sometimes also called Majelis Ummat Islam - the existing Islamic organizations were to merge. I t was to supersede the two already existing lslamic Councils founded in Garut and Tasikmalaya the year before, being designed on more or Ie ss the same lines, although on a bigger scale. Chairman of this new Islamic Council was Kartosuwirjo, who was also responsible for defence. As secretary was appointed Supradja (Supraja), and as treasurer Sanusi Partawidjaja (Sanusi Pratawijaya), while the information and justice sections were headed by Toha Arsjad (Toha Arsyad) and Abdul Kudus Gozali Tusi respectively. 21 The members of the Islamic Council did not yet style themselves ministers, in order to avoid creating the impression that they had formed a real government. === [PDF page 97] === 11 West Java, tbe Cradle 87 They were simply referred to by the name of the department headed by them. The Council's principal task was to continue and direct the guerilla war against the Dutch in the areas that had been abandoned to Dutch control by the Republican Army and Govemment. In this capacity it also had to direct the future Islamic Army of Indonesia, which was to be subordinated to it. The Cisayong conference assigned Oni the task of designing a concrete structure for the Islamic Army of Indonesia which was to be founded in the near future. In the next few weeks a number of conferences took place, and the principles agreed upon at Pangwedusan were elaborated. A few days after the Cisayong conference another meeting was held with the aim of giving concrete shape to the Islamic Army of Indonesia. Not only was an Islamic Army proper formed, but also a number of special corps such as the BARIS and PADI were created (Pinardi 1964:57).22 The headquarters were established at Mount Cupu, the base of the Sabz'lz"llah troops commanded by Oni. Oni himself was appointed area commander of the Islamic Army of Indonesia for Priangan. He also became commander of the PADI, as weIl as of a secret police force, the Mahdiyin or Rightly Guided. A regular police corps was also founded. This was initially called Badan Keamanan Negara, or State Security Force, but changed its name to Polis,' Islam Indonesia in October 1949, after the official proclamation of the Islamic State of Indonesia (Siliwangi 1968:507; Pinardi 1964:94). Early in March a second important conference took place, this time at Cipeundeuy, a village south of Malangbong. Here the decisions reached at Pangwedusan were confirmed, while further the need to prepare for a creation of an Islamic state was stressed. This was deemed necessary so as to be ready in case the Dutch should go ahead with their scheme to create an independent State of Pasundan in West Java, or if the Republican Govemment should resign (Van Nieuwenhuijze 1958:170). An Islamic state itself was not yet formed. It was only stressed that some day, for example if the Republican Govemment was defeated by the Dutch and ceased to exist or lost its legitimacy, such a state might become a reality. Hiroko Horikoshi points out that an Islamic state was not as yet created because of opposition from the guerilla leaders present, saying: "The idea of establishing a Negara Islam, abandoning the unitary Republic, was beyond what most of the Islamic groups under Kiai Yusuf [Tauziri)'s influence were seeking. This ideological disagreement was partially resolved by the regional Hizbullah and Sabilillah and such === [PDF page 98] === 88 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam non-Islamic irregulars as the Pesindo from Cirebon returning to their respective areas to concentrate on local efforts against the Dutch, while maintaining loose ties to the DI as a sort of coordinating body of resistance. By the time the TIl was formed only one Hizbullah group, that of Tasikmalaya led by Oni (later to become Prime Minister of the DI), remained with Kartosuwirjo" (Horikoshi 1975:71).23 But Kartosuwirjo and his feIIow-proponents of'an Islamic state had not yet made up their minds, either. They were strongly in favour of an Islamic government structure. Despite their opposition to the Republican Government, they were still hesitant about proclaiming a state of this kind embracing the whole of the territory of the former Dutch East Indies, however. They proceeded to form a provisional Government for West Java, which in fact possessed many characteristics of an independent state. Nevertheless, they did not formally turn against the Republic for about another year. In theory their actions were designed exclusively to counter the formation of the State of Pasundan. Accordingly only the Dutch and the State of Pasundan, and not the Republic, were pronounced enernies of the Tentara Islam Indonesz'a (Pinardi 1964:58-59). Although not openly expressed, the ideal of an lndonesian Islamic state was never absent from their minds. The military and governmental structure evolved by Kartosuwirjo and Oni, which was formally restricted to West Java, was clearly intended as a shadow government, to come into power in the event of the Republican Government losing the war against the Dutch (cf. Pinardi 1964: 58-59, 63-66). Indicative of their designs in this direction was the Cipeundeuy decision to divide the Darul Islam movement's area of operation into three regions, to be D.I., D.II and D.IlI. Different interpretations have been given of the meanings of these abbrevations, especially that of D.l. One of them is of course that D.I. stands for Darul Islam, or territory of Islam, but this meaning may only have been attached to it later. Alers believes D.I. to have originally stood for Daerah Satu, which he interprets as "unitary state", saying: "Its true meaning, viz. dar al-Islam, was not generally known... Only later did Kartosuwirjo change it almost unnoticed into (D )arul (I)slam... " (Alers 1956: 243). Pinardi denies that Daerah Satu should be interpreted as "unitary state", saying that it means "first area", "the mother area of Islam, which shall be the area in which Islamic law and authority will be exercised fuIly". By second and third === [PDF page 99] === II West Java, the Cradle 89 area is meant "those are as in Western Java that are only partly dominated by the lslamic communi ty" and "those areas that are not yet controlled by the lslamic community" respecti..ely (Pinardi 1964:59). Be that as it may, one should not reject the possibility that the division of the territory of the Islamic state into three different regions had a wider meaning. The conceivers of the Islamic state, in instituting a first, second and third region, may have had in mind some future division of the entire Indonesian territory into kinds of military command areas. They may have envisaged a territorial division like th at of the lndonesian Army, whereby lndonesia is divided into command are as likewise designated by Roman numerals. When the Acehnese rebels joined the Darut Islam movement - at least in name - their commander, Daud Beureu'eh, for instance, styled himself commander of the Fifth (V) Territorial Division of the Islamic Army of Indonesia. Kartosuwirjo refrained for more than a year from openly defying the authority of the Republic by officially proclaiming an lslamic State of Indonesia. He waited with this till August 1949. Between February 1948 and August 1949 he came to see himself more and more as the overlord of West Java, considering himself the leader of the anti-Dutch guerilla war here now that the Republican Government had handed over the area to the Dutch and the Republican troops had for the greater part left it. From this circumstance he claimed the right to demand that all guerilla troops operating in West Java accepted his authority. If they refused he would subdue them by force. So he attacked a company of the Republican Army that had remained in West Java and had established its headquarters at Banjuresmi by surprise and drove it away after its refusing three times in a row to submit to him (Suherly 1965 1:29). Kartosuwirjo furthermore perfected the political structure of his organization. At a conference held at Cijoho on May Ist a draft constitution was prepared, to be completed around August, and a Cabinet Council, or Dewan Imamah, and Advisory Council, or Dewan Fatwa, were formed. Of this Dewan Imamah Kartosuwirjo himself became President, or Imam, with z'nter alia Kamran and Oni as Minister and vice-Minister of Defence respectively. 24 He is even alleged to have "appointed a representative of the Islamic State in Yogyakarta, the Republican capital, and instructed him to make clear that responsibility for operations in the Dutch-controlled territory of West Java rested exclusively with the Imam" (Van Nieuwenhuijze 1958: 172). All these steps === [PDF page 100] === 90 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam for all practical purposes amounted to the establishment of an independent state that was not subordinate to the Republic. The fin al decision to formalize this independence by prodaiming an lslamic state was not yet taken, however. The impression that Kartosuwirjo had broken with the Republic was further strengthened by a number of announcements made in the name of the Negara Islam Indonesz·a. To cite an example, af ter the launching of the second Dutch militaryaction Kartosuwirjo, on December 20th 1948, called for a holy war against the Dutch as Imam of the Government of the Islam ic State of lndonesia (Pinardi 1964:61). This was made af ter the capture of the Indonesian Republican Government by Dutch troops and the arrest of its members, in which Kartosuwirjo saw the realization of the situation he had been hoping for when forming his Dewan Imamah. The fall of the Republican Government, whether as a result of internal political strife or through arrests by the Dutch, greatly enhanced the chances of putting forward the Government of the Islamic State as the rightful government of Indonesia. In fact, he went as far as construing the arrests of the most important Republican leaders as "the fall of the Republic as a State" (Pinardi 1964:63-64). Consequently, in his call for a holy war, he urged the Indonesian Islamic Army - which this time he called Angkatan Perang Islam Indonesia - to "guide and assist the people with a view to completing the lslamic Revolution and to see to it th at the Islamic State of lndonesia is founded throughout the whole of Indonesia" (Pinardi 1964: 61). He further called a meeting of his dosest friends and associates to discuss the changed situation since the capture of the Republican Government and the prospects of the Islamic state. Here he tried to win his comrades over by stating that his plan to proclaim an Islamic state in the event of the Republican Government 's ceasing to exist was known to and approved by that government. The second Dutch military action, launched on December 19th, 1948, had yet other implications. The Republican Army regarded it as a violation of the RenviIIe agreement. Consequently, the Army Command na langer feit itself committed to RenviIIe, and gave orders for the evacuated SiHwangi Division to return to its home base, West Java. 25 When after their so-called Long March the Szïiwangi troops finally returned to West Java, they were given a rousing welcome, though different from the one they had expected. For they were greeted with pamphlets urging them to join the Tentara Islam === [PDF page 101] === II West Java, the Cradle 91 Indonesia, and when they refused, were viewed as intruders and members of an illegal "rebel army" (Siliwangi 1968:522-526). The first major incident between the Siliwangi Division and the TIl occurred on January 25th, 1949, at Antralina near Malangbongo Officially the blame for the incident and the violent course it took was put on the Darul Islam. The entire way in which the incident took place, however, testifies th at the Darul Islam leaders still believed it possible to induce the Republican troops to join their cause by gende persuasion at the time. For some reason or other the staH of the Fourteenth Brigade, on its return to West Java, had become separated from the troops that had guarded it during the Long March upon reaching the Antralina area. They were subsequently captured by troops of the Tentara Islam Indonesza and disarmed. The Republican troops - in this particular case Battalion III - on hearing of this, turned back and succeeded in freeing the prisoners. Thereupon one of the TIl commanders, Kamran, proposed a meeting with Mohammad Rivai, the commander of the Third Battalion, with whom he had fought together against the Dutch in the early days of the struggle for independence. Mohammad Rivai rejected the proposal, however, because, as he said, he questioned the motives of the Darul Islam leaders, and sent two of his subordiantes, lieutenants Sueb and Aang Kanaefi, instead. They were given instructions to reclaim the weapons the TIl had taken oH the prisoners. As it became clear that Kartosuwirjo and Kamran had no intention whatever of returning the weapons, an ultimatum was set. When the deadline lapsed and nothing happened, the TIl positions were attacked. Both sides re gard January 25th as the day on which the treacherous intentions of the other became apparent. Kartosuwirjo saw in the Third Battalion's attack the beginning of the "first triangular war in Indonesia", namely between his troops, the Republican Army and the Dutch Occupational Forces. According to him the incident was triggered off by the Sz'lz'wangz' Division, after crossing the border between Central and West Java and entering the "de-facto Islamic Council territory", "arrogandy and haughtily defying the laws and violating the legal rights of their 'hosts', the Islamic Council" (Pinardi 1964:65-66). In consequence of the Antralina incident, Darul Islam issued its first military proclamation, dated January 25th, on "Rebel Army Bands and Groups in West Java" (Siliwangi 1968:280). The 25th, moreover, was declared a special day, to be commemorated annually in the area under i ts con trol. 26 === [PDF page 102] === 92 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam The situation in West Java became rather complicated, with three, or even four, parties - the Islamic State of Indonesia, the Republic of Indonesia, the Dutch and, cooperating with the latter, the State of Pasundan - fighting each other. The Dutch soon dropped out of the fray, after first a cease-fire between the Dutch and the Government of the Indonesian Republic was agreed upon, and then the Round Table Conference took place, eventually leading to the recognition of Indonesia's independence and the withdrawal of Dutch troops from Indonesia. The first steps towards the final agreement between the Republican Government and the Dutch were taken in May 1949, with the conclusion of the so-called "Van Royen-Roem agreement". This agreement came under violent attack from Kartosuwirjo, who used it as an excuse to proclaim the Negara Islam Indonesza. In this "tragic event", as he called the Van Royen- Roem agreement, which he further qualified as a total seIl-out, he saw "one of the reasons prompting the descent of that great divine favour, the declaration of the establishment of the Islamic State of Indonesia" (Pinardi 1964:72). Apparently from the end of 1948 onwards the Darul Islam made the Indonesian Republic and not the Dutch its principal target. Accusing the Republican leaders of hesitancy in the struggle for complete independence and of submission to the colonialists, it was mostly Republican rather than Dutch troops which came to be attacked. Incidents with Dutch troops did occur - the Dutch blaming the Republican Army for this - but compared with the attacks on Republican troops and civilians they were few and far between. Alers even states that "Simultaneously with the proclamation of the Islamic State of Indonesia the struggle against the Dutch was officially terminated" (Alers 1956:244). The Republican Army for its part tried in some cases to cooperate with the Dutch in the struggle against the Darul Islam. In March 1949, for example, Dodong Hamidjaja (Dodong Hamijaya), a Republican Army captain, proposed a cease-fire along with a joint anti-Darul Islam action to the Dutch troops stationed at Bandung (Siliwangi 1968:319). Other proposals to cease hostilities and jointly resist Darul Islam came from the State of Pasundan. The Islamic State of Indonesia, or Negara Islam Indonesz"a (NII), was finally proclaimed by Kartosuwirjo on August 7th, 1949. The proclamation was made at the village of Cisampang - referred to in the context of the hijrah metaphor as "Medinah" - in Cisayong. Cisampang had been renamed Medinah === [PDF page 103] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 93 by Kartosuwirjo because Republican troops had driven him away from his headquarters at Mount Sawal, his Mecca, whereupon his hzjrah had taken him to Mount Galunggung. He even went so far as to equate a visit of his men to Mount Sawal with the haj}, or pilgrimage to Mecca (PR 7-5-1956). In the preamble to the prodamation no mention is made of the Van Royen-Roem agreement which had been so violently attacked by Kartosuwirjo. Instead, the Renville agreement of 1948 with the subsequent rising of "the Islamic community", as it is called, is fixed upon as the point at which the struggle for liberation changed from a "national revolution" into an "Islam ic revolution" (Pinardi 1964:74-76). The political structure of the Islamic State of Indonesia is outlined in its constitution, the Kanun Azasy, drafted one year previously, in August 1948 (Boland 1971:256-264). According to th at constitution, the Islamic State of Indonesia was a "Divine favour" being a "Negara Kurnz'a Allah Subhanahu wa Ta 'ala ", bestowed on the Indonesian people (art. 1, dause 1). The state guaranteed the operation of Islamic law within the Islamic community and granted the adherents of other religions freedom to worship in accordance with their own rites (art. 1, dauses 3-4). Islam was the foundation and legal basis of the Islamic State of Indonesia, the Koran and Tradition constituting the highest authorities (art. 2, dauses 1-2). The form of its government was republican, designated by the Arabic loanword Jumhuriyah. The head of state was the Imam, who must be a native Indonesian, of the Muslim faith, and faithful to God and His Prophet (art. 12, clause 1). The Imam was to preside over the Cabinet, or Dewan Imamah, and appoint and discharge its members (art. 22). Besides this Dewan Imamah, there were to be three other constitutional bodies: the Majlz's Syuro, the Dewan Syuro and the Dewan Fatwa. The Majlz's Syuro, also referred to as "Parliament" in the constitution, was to have sovereign authority, except, as it is put, where a situation required th at this be delegated on to the Imam and the Dewan Imamah (art. 3, dauses 1-2). This Majlis Syuro was to meet at least once a year, and its decisions to be taken by a majority of votes. It was to draw up the constitution and lay down the broad principles of Government policy (art. 4, dause 3, and art. 5). It was also to elect the Imam, for whose election at least a twothird majority was required. If such a majority proved impossible to reach, also at a second vote, the Imam would be chosen by a simple majority at the third vote (art. 12, dauses 2-3). === [PDF page 104] === 94 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam The Dewan Syuro is described in the constitution as the Executive of the Majlis Syuro. It lacked some of the powers of this latter - the members of the Dewan Imamah being accountable to the Imam and the Majlis Syuro, but not to the Dewan Syuro, for instance - but on the whole was designed to function as an ordinary parliament. It was to meet at least once every three months to put the decisions of the Majlis Syuro into effect, and, except in the most important matters, to represent the Majlis Syuro vis-a-vis the Govemment (art. 6). The constitution invested the Dewan Syuro with far-reaching legislative powers. Each Act required its consent, and its members had the right to introduce Bills (art. 7; art. 8, dause 1). In emergencies, the Imam would be entitled to promulgate decrees instead of statutes, but would have to revoke these if rejected by the Dewan Syuro in its next session. Conversely, if the Dewan Syuro passed a Bill which did not receive the assent of the Imam, it was not to reintroduce that Bill during the same session (art. 9; art. 8, dause 3).27 The Imam himself, apart from being chairman of the Dewan Imamah, had the supreme command of the Armed Forces, the Angkatan Perang Negara Islam Indonesz"a. He possessed the power of govemment in accordance with the constitution and Islamic law. Other powers with which the constitution invested him - subject to the consent of the Majlis Syuro - were those of dedaring war, making peace and conduding treaties with other nations; dedaring a state of emergency, for which the conditions were as yet to be laid down by statute; and, in consultation with the Dewan Imamah, promulgating decrees. The Imam would furthermore have the right to appoint ambassadors and grant amnesties and the like (art. 10; art. ll, dause 2; art. 13-20). The Dewan Fatwa mentioned in the constitution was to be an advisory council, advising the Imam and his Govemment, either at its own discretion or at the Imam's request. It was to comprise maximally seven members, and to be chaired by a great Mufti. lts members were to be appointed and discharged by the Imam (art. 21 ). The formal state structure as outlined above takes up the major and most detailed part of the constitution. Other sections, dealing with the territorial division of the state, finanee and the juridical system, are brief, and refer to statutes which were still to be drawn up to make more detailed provisions on the relevant subjects. Citizenship and basic human rights are dealt with at some length, but the relevant articles do not differ substantially from those in the constitution of the Indonesian Republic. === [PDF page 105] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 95 As is pointed out by Wendelin Wawer, in his treatise on the relation between Indonesian Muslims and Christians, the Muslims in their strugglc for the achievement of an Islamic state in Indonesia approached the matter in only general terms. They did not specify the concrete structure of this state, nor the implications of the enforcement of Islamic law. Discussing the arguments put forward by spokesmen of the Islam ic parties in favour of the Islamic state, this author writes that these arguments cIearly testify that the objective of realizing such a state was always present. What was lacking, however, were concrete suggestions as to what such a state was to look like in practice and how it was to be realized. In this connection it is significant, according to him, that there is only one Indonesian book dealing with the subject of the Islamic state at length (Wawer 1974:75,91).28 In view of the absence of a cIear and detailed blueprint for the structure and form of the Islamic state, as has been noted by Wendelin Wawer, who made a thorough analysis of the speeches and writings of Muslim political and religious leaders, it is worth investigating to what extent the Islamic State of Indonesia as proclaimed by Kartosuwirjo was actually defined as a state on Islamic lines. The first question to be considered is to what extent the legal systems of the two states, the Republic and the Islamic State of Indonesia, differed from one another. It is impossible to compare the two legal systems in detail, as legal records of the Islamic State of Indonesia are conspicuous by their absence. This latter circumstance in itself is an indication, however, that the founders of the Islamic State of Indonesia concentrated on its formal structure, its Governmcnt and Army. Either the legal system was considered self·evident and not in need of immcdiate specification and codification, or it was deemed secondary in importance to the need to conclude the struggle against the Republic first. Some insight may nevertheless be gained by comparing the constitutions of the two states - for both the primary, and for the legal system the most important document. The most obvious difference between the 1945 Constitution of the Indonesian Republic and thc Kanun Azasy of thc Islamic State of Indonesia is thc use of Arabic and Islamic tcrminology in thc latter. Thc name Kanun Azasy itself is dcrived from the Arabic exprcssion al-qänïin al-asasï, whilc thc Republic is referred to by the term Jumhuriyah, which is eXplained betwecn brackets as meaning republic. The President is referred to as Imam, and the === [PDF page 106] === 96 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam council he presided over as Dewan Imamah. The Kanun Azasy further provided for a Majlis Syuro, a term usually used to designate a council of ulamas deciding or advising on questions of rel igi on, and a Dewan Fatwa, whose normal task it is to give fatwas, or legal advice, and which is made up of muftis, or those giving fatwas. Apart from the difference in terminology and the acknowledgement of the syari'ah, or Islamic law, as the dominant legal system, the Kanun Azasy closely resembled the 1945 Constitution, which in fact was taken as its model, with some modifications. The status of the Majlis Syuro is almost the same as that of the Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat,29 and the functions of the Dewan Fatwa the same as those of the Dewan Pertimbangan Agung. The only difference here is th at the Kanun Azasy specifies the membership, while the 1945 ConstÏtution stipulates that the composition of these bodies shall be prescribed by statute. Moreover, though again with some slight differences, the position of the Imam closely resem bles that of the President of the Republic. The differences in their titles aside, both have the same constitutional rights and duties. In the Islamic State of Indonesia the Imam had to be a Muslim and to be sworn in according to the rites of Islam. There are no such provisions in the 1945 Constitution, which states no religious requirements, and even leaves room for an agnostic to become president by stipulating that the President must either be sworn in ot take a solemn oath. In general, however, the positions of the President of the Indonesian Republic as defined in the 1945 Constitution and of the Imam of the Islamic State of Indonesia as defined in the Kanun Azasy are the same. Both have the power of government and the supreme command of the Armed Forces, and both possess the right, though checked by and subject to consultation with the representative bodies, to draft statutes. Even more important than the fact that the two constitutions differ little as regards the state structure is the circumstance that the provisions on basic human rights and citizenship are mostly the same. The Kanun Azasy contains no special regulations on the rights and duties of the Muslim population, or of members of other religions, and no stipulations on the enforccment of Islamic law, or on the attitude towards followers of heterodox mystical schools. There is one exception, however, which even th en testifies more to the superficiality of the Kanun Azasy than to === [PDF page 107] === II West Java, the Cradle 97 any thorough attempt to draw up a truly Islamic constitution. While the Kanun Azasy copies the articles on citizenship of the 1945 Constitution, which include the stipulation th at "all citizens without exception shall be equal before the law and the govemment, and shall be obliged to uphold that law and govemment", it adds a clause that is in direct contradiction with this and virtually negates it, namely, "Important and responsible offices and functions in the govemment, both civil and military, are to be given only to Muslims". The Kanun Azasy also differentiates between Muslims and non- Muslims in the field of defence, and stresses the importance of an Islamic educational system. It furthermore does away with taxes, substituting these with what it calls infaq.30 With re gard to all these matters it states that they are to be regulated in more detail by statute. The provisions of the Kanun Azasy were never put into effect. At the time of its drafting the Majlis Syuro had not yet come into existence. While the appendix to the Kanun Azasy states that in the absence of a Parliament, laws were to be passed by the Dewan Imamah in the form of decrees signed by the Imam, this Dewan Imamah did not come into operation for a long time, either. It was thereupon abolished again within a few weeks of the proclamation of the Islamic State of Indonesia, to be replaced on October 3rd, 1949, by the High Command of the Armed Forces of the Islamic State of Indonesia, or Komandemen Tertinggi Angkatan Perang N.I.!. The reason given for this at the time was the need to coordinate civil and military affairs (Pinardi 1964:81-82). 3. Darul Islam Actz'vities in West Java In the course of 1949 Darul Islam activities posed an increasingly serious threat to the Republic and to the Dutch-backed State of Pasundan. In particular the latter found itself in an awkward position. It had no army of its own and had to rely on the Dutch forces' and the Republican Siliwangi Division to protect its citizens. The situation became especially precarious for Pasundan when the Dutch Army prepared to withdraw in view of the forthcoming recognition of independence. The Dutch positions were taken over by Republican troops, which were to become the core of the Army of the independent Indonesian federation. Contacts had been established between Pasundan and units of the Siliwangi Division even before the Van Royen-Roem negotia- === [PDF page 108] === 98 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam tions that were to pave the way for formal independence. So in March 1949 the Govemment of Pasundan, with the consent of the Dutch military authorities, had approached two battalion commanders of the Division, Achmad Wiranatakusumah (Akhmad Wiranatakusumah; a son of the Head of State of Pasundan) and Nasuhi, with the request to cease hostilities, to assist in restoring peace and order, and to help with the peaceful development of the State of Pasundan. These contacts of Pasundan with the Siliwangi Division were quite ambivalent. Pasundan saw itself obliged to seek cooperation from groups which at most grudgingly recognized its sovereignty, but more of ten were opposed to this. It required the support of Republican units which regarded the State of Pasundan as a Dutch construction - an idea which would only be strengthened by acknowledgement of the fact that the State of Pasundan had made the relevant move with the approval of the Dutch Army. Thus the State of Pasundan had to be careful to prevent that whatever agreement was reached should prejudice its existence and territorial integrity. Ta solicit the cooperation of the Siliwangi units in resisting Darul Islam was to admit bath its own weakness and the Dutch troops' failure in defeating either Darul Islam or the Republican Army. It would have meant an especially great blow to its prestige if the State of Pasundan had had to admit the autonomy of the Republican troops in sa many words. The prestige of the Republican troops, conversely, was enhanced by the request to contribute to the maintenance of peace and order in the areas under their contro!. Their enthusiasm was not over-great, however, as they were asked to do so within the framework of the State of Pasundan. That the Republican Govemment was prepared to recognize this State as one of the member states of the future United States of Indonesia in its negotiations with the Dutch may later have been a mitigating factor. But it was certainly no more than that. The Republican troops were already involved in confrontations with Darul Islam, and in the process were trying to restore peace and order in are as under their contra!. In these circumstances a cease-fire was more than welcome. Unfortunately the Dutch Army made it look as though the SiHwangi units which accepted the State of Pasundan's proposals were coming over to them. So a communique issued by the Dutch area-commander of West Java, General E. Engles, at the end of March stated that initially only one battalion of the Siliwangi Division had ceased hostilities to help res tore peace and securi ty, bu t tha teven tually there had === [PDF page 109] === 11 West Java. the Cradle 99 been "five battalions siding with the Dutch" (M 1-4-1949). Partly owing to this kind of publicity, the first contacts were far from successful or effective. At the first public announcement that the State of Pasundan had opened negotiations with battalions of the Sz1iwangi Division, the relations were broken off again, whereupon the Govemment of the State of Pasundan issued a statement th at because of false reports it would refrain from stepping up its efforts to establish contact with units of the Siliwangi Division. It further denied that it had made any agreement with Republican troops or th at units of the Siliwangz" Division which were prepared to cooperate with it had surrendered. The only thing the Govemment had done, it stated, was to contact units of the Sz"liwangi Division and give material and moral aid to whatever units were found prepared to help the State of Pasundan alleviate the hardship of the population (M 2-4-1949, 4-4-1949,5-4-1949). Engles, who at the end of March had issued a statement to the effect that the said contacts had the approval of the Dutch military authorities, almost a fortnight later showed himself extremely disappointed at the outcome. According to him, the Govemment of the State of Pasundan was weB aware that the Republican Army was virtually unable to hold its own, particularly against rebel forces like the Darul Islam. He daimed that the Head of the State of Pasundan had been misinformed by his Govemment. Neither Achmad Wiranatakusumah's nor Nasuhi's battalion had been able even to subdue one area. Moreover, as from April 12th, Nasuhi's Battalion had repudiated every form of cooperation with the Dutch Army, after he, Engles, had given it the opportunity for this when it had become dear to him at a discussion with Nasuhi that the latter could not meet the conditions for cooperation. Nasuhi, who failed to understand the situation, refused to place himself under Dutch commando Engles conduded on the basis of these experiences with the Indonesian troops th at they obviously did not come up to standard either organizationaBy or on the point of equipment. Much still needed to be improved before they were able to assist in maintaining order and security (M 20-5-1949). However, as it became more and more apparent after the commencement of the Round Table Conference that the Dutch Army was to leave Indonesia and that in future the Government of the State of Pasundan would have to rely on Republican troops to resist the Darul Islam forces, there was growing anxiety, especially in the areas where the TIl troops were === [PDF page 110] === 100 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam strongest. No one knew what would happen after the Dutch troops retreated, and people doubted if the Republican troops that were to replace them would be strong enough to repulse a Darul Islam attack. In the course of 1949 Darul Islam activities were reported from almost every corner of West Java - not.only in Darul Islam 's main areas of operation, the northeastern and southeastern part of West Java, and in particular the kabutapens of Bandung, Garut, Tasikmalaya and Ciamis, but also in purely Republican areas such as Banten. 31 But it was particularly the Darul Islam strongholds th at inspired apprehension of the expansion of Darul Islam. One place where the situation was felt to be especially critical was in the town of Tasikmalaya, around which tens of thousands of Darul Islam members were reported to be concentrated, poised for an attack on the town as soon as Dutch troops left. In November 1949 questions were raised in the Pasundan Parliament with the Pasundan Government being asked for guarantees that the Republican troops to be stationed at Tasikmalaya could repulse an attack, and urged to see to it that these troops were fully equiped (M 26-11-1949, 28-11-1949). Thus the collaboration between the State of Pasundan and the Siliwangi Division was born out of necessity. The State of Pasundan was obliged to resign itself to the fact that its former opponent, the Republican Army, was to form the core of the United States of Indonesia Army. The latter's superior authority placed Pasundan in a very week position, as it was dependent on the Indonesian Republican Army, while its subjects did not wholly recognize its own authority, with a proportion being loyal to the Republic with its ideal of a unitary state, and a proportion to the Islamic State of Indonesia. These weaknesses eventually rendered the State of Pasundan incapable of withstanding the pressure to transform the United States of Indonesia into a unitary state, involving the incorporation of the member-states into the Indonesian Republic. The more so after its becoming associated with the abortive attempt of the Dutch commando officer Westerling to seize Bandung and Jakarta with his own private army, the Army of the Just King or Angkatan Perang Ratu Adz"l (APRA). 32 The Government of the State of Pasundan adopted an irresolute stand with regard to the recognition of this army, commanded by Westerling and other former officers of the Dutch Special Forces and the KNIL. Westerling did not request such recognition before the end of 1949. Upon his doing so in January 1950, he stressed the ability === [PDF page 111] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 101 of his troops to deal with any army, claiming that these troops comprised about 20,000 well-armed men, and further appealed to his good relations with similar bands operating in other parts of Java, in Sumatra and in the southern part of Sulawesi (Alers 1956: 216). When it became clear to him that recognition was not forthcoming, he attacked Bandung, occupying the city on January 22nd. The entire operation miscarried when the scheme to take Jakarta failed, however. Af ter the APRA coup the Cabinet of the United States of Indonesia introduced an emergency law placing the State of Pasundan under its virtual tutelage. This paved the way for the dissolution of that State. lts definitive end came in March, when the State of Pasundan made a formal request for incorporation into the Indonesian Republic. There were alleged relátions not only between the APRA and the State of Pasundan, but also between the APRA and Darul Islam, and between the latter and the State of Pasundan. 33 Darul Islam and the APRA were connected in two ways. The first was through an alleged meeting between Kartosuwirjo and Westerling just before the attack on Bandung. The second through a number of APRA soldiers joining the Darul Islam forces after the APRA's defeat. Most of the information on Darul Islam 's external contacts in the early fifties is provided by records of the trials of Jungschläger and Schmidt, two Dutchmen accused of smuggling weapons to Darul Islam. 34 One of the principal witnesses for the prosecution here was Haris bin Suhaemi,.a former courier to Kartosuwirjo. He disclosed at the Jungschläger trial th at plans had been laid for a coordinated military action of the APRA and the TIl at a secret meeting between Westerling and Kartosuwirjo in the Preanger hotel in Bandung. Hereby the APRA would attack several major towns in West Java, and the TIl a number of Republican Army positions in the outer areas. Other informants to the Republican Government revealed that, had the coordinated action been successful, the occupied areas would have become part of -the "de facto territory of the NII". There was, in fact, same intensification of Darul Islam activities around the time of the attack on Bandung, but no mass attack by Darul Islam troops took place. Alers concludes from all this that the supposed close contacts between Kartosuwirjo and Westerling will "probably always remain a myth" (Alers 1956:218). === [PDF page 112] === 102 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam 4. Java 's Wild West The Islamic State of Indonesia proved such more viabie than the State of Pasundan. Kartosuwirjo succeeded in consolidating his position and even expanding his movement in the years following its foundation until the end of the 1950's. According to estimates by the Siliwangz' Division, the Darul Islam troops of West Java attained their greatest strength in 1957, when they comprised 13,129 men armed with 3000 fire-arms, including brens and mortars (Pinardi 1964:99). Between 1950 and 1957 Darul Islam activities were reported from all over Priangan. Darul Islam troops were operating from the mountain spur in the west, with occasional incursions into the Banten region, to Sidareja, across the border with Central Java, in the east. The Islamic State of Indonesia and its army made their influence especially strongly felt in southeastern Priangan, in the kabupatens of Garut, Tasikmalaya and Ciamis. They controlled vast areas here for many years. Into these socalled "de facto territories of the Islamic State of Indonesia" no Republican Army soldier dared venture. At the loss of the Republican Army's support the Republican civil servants and village heads and their assistents had fled, leaving their territories under the absolute con trol of the Civil Administration of the Islamic State ofIndonesia. In the adjacent are as Republican village heads made an appearance in their villages only during the daytime, and retreated to the safety of the towns and cities at night. As late as 1956 the Islamic State of Indonesia was master of one fifth of the kabupaten of Tasikmalaya, of which 75 of the total of 201 villages were wholly or partially controlled by Darul Islam. These villages were located in four different main parts of Tasikmalaya - the area surrounding the mountains of Cakrabuwana, Telaga Bodas and Galunggung in the north; the kewedanaans!of Cikatomas and Karangnunggal, in the rectangle formed by Cikatomas, Salopo, Cibalong and Karangnunggal, to the south of this; the area around Manonjaya bordering on Ciamis in the eastern part of Tasikmalaya; and between Taraju and Warungpeuteuy in the west. In the fertile region of Cikatomas the Darul Islam troops of the 441st battalion were commanded by Godjim (Gojim), while this region was also the seat of the NI! bupatz' of Tasikmalaya, Iljas (Ilyas). Of the kabupatan of Ciamis Darul Islam had about one seventh under its control, being strongest in the southern part, in the kewedanaan of Cijulang, roughly from Cigugur to the coast. The === [PDF page 113] === II West Java, the Cradle 103 village of Cigugur was the birth-place of the Darul Islam bupati of Ciamis, Affandi, while this area and neighbouring Cikatomas in Tasikmalaya came under the jurisdiction of the Darul Islam Resident of East Priangan, Dede Kartamihardja (Dede Kartamiharja). Darul Islam was also strong in the north, around Mount Sawal and between Ciamis and Banjar (cf. Jacoby 1956). In the kabupaten of Garut, the Darul Islam forces were concentrated in the higher regions, such as the area around Mount Guntur, threateningLeles, Baluburlimbangan, Cibatu and Malangbong, and around Mount Cikuray. The Darul Islam guerillas called this area the Suffah region, indicating that it was a sacred area th at had been purged of enemies. Both areas also served as a base for attacks on the town of Garut. Darul Islam had another strong base in West Priangan, in the kabupatens of Sukabumi, Cianjur, Bandung and Bogor, and was making certain parts of it very unsafe. It controlled the areas around Mount Salak, south of Bogor, and the region south of Cianjur and between Gununghalu and Cililin near Bandung. In the latter area one of the best-known and most powerful Darul Islam leaders, Achmad Sungkawa (Akhmad Sungkawa), operated. In the first years following the transfer of sovereignty his troops, assisted by other bands such as the Bambu Runcing and some Dutch soldiers, engaged in full-scale battles with Republican troops. East of Bandung it caused a lot of trouble around Cicalengka and Ciparay. In February 1951 alone, Darul Islam troops in this region, estimated at about 600 men, launched seventeen attacks, setting fire to 200 houses. For many years it took a great deal of courage to travel by road from Jakarta via Bogor to Bandung. Motor-cars and buses were frequently stopped, and their passengers robbed or sometimes killed. The only safe way to travel by road was under armed escort, but even then one had to be prepared for hold-ups. Almost as much courage was needed to stay in a bungalow on the Puncak pass, the holiday resort of West Java, where sometimes the country-houses of the Jakarta rich situated here were raided by Darul Islam bands. No exceptions were made for bungalows belonging to the Govemment or its officials. At the end of March 1955, for instance, a Central Govemment bungalow at Tugu was attacked by a group of between 40 and 60 men, and in June 1956 a villa belonging to the Department of Education was raided, while in October of that same year both bungalows were attacked again by about 300 men. The villa of Vice-President Mohammad Hatta was also raided and badly damaged once. === [PDF page 114] === 104 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Hence in the first decade of formal independence West Java in general and the Priangan in particular was a very unsafe and troubles ome region. Smaller and larger bands of former guerillas, Darul Islam troops, and outright bandits roved about the countryside, plundering and raiding; the strongest and widestranging of these groups was the Darul Islam one, operating in the area indicated above. lts members frequently moved about in groups of over a hundred, sometimes even six or seven hunderd, raiding villages and towns and looting the houses of their inhabitants from their mountain bases. In the towns they also robbed banks, stole medicines and medical equipment from hospitals, and set free comrades who had been taken prisoner by Republican forces. Tasikmalaya and Garut suHered particularly heavily. Up to mid-1951 there were shots to be heard in Tasikmalaya almost every night. These were fired not only from outside but also inside the town (IM 23-9-1951). On February 18th, 1951, Tasikmalaya was attacked by a band reported to be 500 strong commanded by Toha Arsjad. On the same day Darul Islam troops entered the nearby towns of Singapama and Manonjaya. Two months later rebels again occupied Tasikmalaya and remained in the town for several hours. Garut, for years overflowing with refugees sleeping everywhere, was attacked many times, in the first quarter of 1953 even three times. Ciamis and Sumedang, and smaller towns like Pamanukan in the north and Parigi in the south, were also attacked. As a rule the Darul Islam troops stayed only a few hours, robbing and sometimes setting alight the houses of the inhabitants. An exception was formed by the occupation of Cisewu, a small town in southern Garut. It was entered on February 17th, 1953, by about 250 rebels, who held the town for almost a month, leaving it at the approach of units of the Mobile Brigade. Even so, the people in the towns were relatively weIl oH. Things were much worse in the countryside, where villages were raided, in some regions quite frequently, goods and crops seized, and houses, bridges, mosques and rice-barns set afire or destroyed. The impact of the raids by Darul Islam troops was devastating. Official figures for the last quarter of 1951 and the first quarter of 1952 mention respectivily 414 and 428 persons kiIled, 4,046 and 3,052 houses burnt, and 3,244 and 6,192Iootings. In the last quarter of 1951 the number of people who fled their homes or were evacuated was 52,672, and the total damage inflicted by === [PDF page 115] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 105 Darul Islam troops came to Rp. 7,339,580,-. In the first quarter of 1952 Darul Islam inflicted damages to the tune of Rp. 9,981,366,-, and 11,016 persons were evacuated or fled their homes. From 1955 to 1962 the annual number of evacuees fluctuated between 209,355 in 1962 and 303,764 in 1958, with an average of about 250,000 a year. In 1957 Darul Islam troops killed 2,447 persons, burned 17,673 houses, and engaged in 102,984 lootings. Until1961 more than 1,500 people were killed annually. In 1961 this figure dropped sharply to just over 500, however. From 1958 to 1960 the number of houses burnt was between 10,000 and 14,000 yearly, rising to 18,336 in 1961 and dropping tot 414 in 1962 (Pinardi 1964:179). Sometimes villages were attacked by way of reprisal by Darul Islam troops for suspected support to the Republican Army. At other times the aim was to collect tax or loot from plundering enemy property, in accordance with the Muslim law on ghanz"ma, or war booty (Muslim 1953:9). Many times villagers were caught between two fires, with both sides suspecting them of supporting the other and punishing them accordingly. So Republican troops might come marching into a village demanding food and information about Darul Islam activities in the vicinity in the daytime, and if the food and information was given, even under duress, retaliation by the Islamic Army of Indonesia or its Police might followat night. Or Republican Army troops might seize all the food in a given village on the pretext of preventing the population from giving it to Darul Islam troops later, or vice versa. Then if Islamic troops came into the village asking for food and shelter, in the evening or night, and news of this reached the authorities, the Republican Army would again launch a punitive expedition in return. To characterize the situation of the rural population, which had to live with both the Republican Army and the Darul Islam troops and to protect itself against both, a new acronym was invented, namely kongres. This denoted th at people would teIl Darul Islam members they chanced to meet th at they would support (menyokong) them, while telling the Republican troops that all was in order (be-res) Oacoby 1956 n. 3). Villagers might moreover be kidnapped by Darul Islam troops by way of reprisal for crimes which they had committed in the eyes of the Islamic State of Indonesia, or for compulsory recruitment into the Islamic Army. They might furthermore be forced to join in the posses and battues organized by the Republican Army or village guards. === [PDF page 116] === 106 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam At other times the villages and rice-fields would become the scene of battle, foreing the population to flee to the towns and eities. Or Republican troops might evacuate whole villages, on account of their support for the Darul Islam and its guerilla tactics to faeilitate their own manoeuvres. Notably in the first half of the 1950's the number of evacuees was enormous. In January 1951, for example, 50,000 people were evacuated in seven sub-districts of Ciamis, to clear an area of circa 800 km 2 (N 13-1-1951). The conditions under which the evacuees and refugees lived were poor. Relief for them was badly organized or totally lacking. There were shortages of food, clothing and housing, and people had to sleep out in the streets, were of ten underfed, and suffered from numerous diseases, such as dropsy and malaria, to mention only two. There was a noticeable difference between villages supporting the Darul Islam and those supporting the Republic. Each had to be prepared for reprisals by the other side. In Republican villages Iocated within the range of operation of Darul Islam troops, peopie were afraid to stay inside their homes at night, and slept out in the fields or in the mountains, or went to the towns, sometimes many hours' walk away. In Darul Islam areas the reverse was true. People here were afraid to remain in their villages in the daytime, when Republican patrols might visit them, and stayed in the fields and mountains during the day to return at night. Any Republican troops entering these villages wouid onIy find frightened children, womenand oid men here. As indicated above, the Darul Islam forces were not the only rebel group. In West Java itself the Republican Army had to deal with actions by APRA and other non-Darul Islam bands. The St'liwangi Division was obliged to continue its efforts to subdue these "irregular bands" in West Java and secure recognition as the Republic's soIe, supreme military force throughout the 1950's. These efforts, aiready in evidence in 1946, had been discontinued for a short while at the time of the Sz"/z"wangz" Division's retreat to Central Java. In th is interval the Sz"liwangz" Division had had to content itself with establishing control over the guerilla units remaining behind from a distance. This it tried to do by appointing a co-ordinator of the struggle against the Dutch in West Java and by keeping in touch with the guerillas by courier, though without much success. Soon after its return on its "Long March" from Central Java other clashes with irregular guerilla bands - not only Darul Islam groups but alSO others - occurred. Af ter the recognition of Indonesian independence by the === [PDF page 117] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 107 Dutch, the Silz"wangi Division saw itself obliged to continue its campaign against the irregular bands. The latter represented such groups as the Barzsan Sakz·t Hatz', the followers of Haji Item, the Bambu Runcing, and the Citarum Brigade. The Barisan Sakit Ha ti (BSH), or Aggrieved Troops, which operated in the kabupaten of Cirebon, were composed of former strongly anti-Government guerillas who refused to be integrated into the Republican Army, or, what often amounted to the same, to be demobilized. The Republican Army concluded an agreement with them wereby 1,260 of them were to be incorporated in it in November 1951. By the end of four months, however, many of their leaders, such as Leman, and their men had defected again (IM 24-11-1951, 21-5-1952; KB 24-11-1951). They continued fighting for years. The troops of Haji Item, or the Black Haji, operated on the rubber estates around Tangerang and Serpong. The Haji, and after his arrest his lieutenants, later extended the band 's activities right into Jakarta. It much more possessed the character of a group of bandits than of a guerilla force with a definite ideology which continued fighting af ter 1949. The principal non-Darul Islam rebels were the Bambu Runcing and the related Cz"tarum Brigade, which were active in the heart of West Java. The Bambu Runcz'ng, deriving its name from the bamboo spe ars used as weapons during the Indonesian revolution, was a leftish organization originally commanded by Chaerul Saleh (Khaerul Saleh). Along with the Cz"tarum Brigade, with which it established close links, it continued to fight the Republic after the struggle for independence had been won. It was one of the many guerilla groups which were dissatisfied with the results of the Round Table Conference of 1949. In its eyes the independence granted by the Dutch was no complete independence of the kind envisaged in the proclamation of independence of August 1945. It had the character of a gift from the Dutch, whose economic presence was still strongly felt. The Bambu Runcz'ng operated in the north, in Jakarta and the kabupatens of Bekasi, Karawang, Purwakarta and Subang. In the Jakarta region, where its troops numbered over 500 men, it was much stronger than the Darul Islam (Muslim 1953: 11). The same was true of the kabupatens to the east, in particular the troublesome Karawang region. In part the origins of the Bambu Runcz'ng lay in the Lasykar Rakyat, which had resisted the Republican Army as early as April 1947. Alip, the vice-commander of the Macan Cz"tarum Regiment, formed just before the battle with the Republican Army in 1947, became one of the Bambu Runcing's === [PDF page 118] === 108 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam foremost leaders after 1949. Together with Moh. Noor he headed the Bambu Runcing in the northern kabupatens. Here, in the areas surrounding the Citarum river, they operated mostly independently, without the cooperation of other guerilla groups. In the south, in the kabupatens of Sukabumi, Cianjur and Bandung, the best-known leader was Tjetje Subrata (Cece Subrata), the commander of the Citarum Brigade. 3s The latter, as weIl as the Bambu Runcing, sometimes fought against, and sometimes cooperated with the lslamic State of Indonesia in this area. On some occasions they would engage in combat with or lay ambushed for the Republican troops together with Achmad Sungkawa's Darul Islam troops. At other times the two groups would find it impossible to forget their conflicting backgrounds and would vigorously oppose each other. Leaders were kidnapped on either side, and in 1951 the Bambu Runcing group of Sukabumi even threatened to massacre all Islamic ulamas during the Fast (IB 18-6-1951). The Bambu Runct'ng had astrong leftish leaning, influenced as its leaders were by Tan Malaka. It presented an image of itself as a people's army, using the hammer and sickle as its emblem. In the areas under its control it established cooperative societies and communal village rice-barns and worked in tbe fields together with the people, asking no money but only food in return for their services. Sometimes les ser leaders, using such colourful names as Pak Ribut (Mister Rowdy) and Pak Kabur (Mister Hazy), would forget about these noble ideals and rob and extort the population, so that they would have to be disciplined by their superiors. Tbe guerillas of the Bambu Runcing and the Citarum Brigade were only subdued by the Republican Army as late as 1958. 5. Internal War Tbe acknowledgment of independence made it all the more urgent to work out a solution to the problem of the numerous irregular guerilla bands, which in most cases the Republican Army controlled only nominally. Some even showed themselves to be outright hostile to it. The bands had also caused difficulties in the earlier days, but then it had always been possible to prevent a final show-down until after the fight for freedom should have been won. Now that this goal had been achieved and the Republican Government was in a position where it had to enforce its authority over the whole of the territory, it had to act. === [PDF page 119] === II West Java, the Cradle 109 The Republican Govemment and Army felt caught in a dilemma. The latter was ill-suited for a forcible suppression of the guerillas, consisting as it did in part of unreliable units incorporated into it in the previous years. The loyal units that were suitable for the enormous task of purging the guerilla areas were too few in number and lacked the necessary arms and equipment. Moreover, their opponent, although looked down upon by the professional soldiers of the Army, commanded much popular goodwill. Af ter all, the guerillas had participated in the armed struggle for independence, and had gained considerable credit in the process. That is why, from 1950 onwards, the relevant policies of the successive govemments oscillated between a desire for militaryaction and the inclination to grant an amnesty. The skirmishes between Republican soldiers and guerillas of before 1950 not only in Java but also in the Outer Islands, continued in early 1950. Except in West Java and the area around Brebes and Tegal on the north coast of Centraljava, where govemment troops were engaged in a full-scale campaign against Darul Islam forces, these actions were mostly of a minor kind, usually involving only small groups reluctant to give up their independenee at the prospect of redistribution of functions and spoils. The arrival on the scene of Republican military and civilian personnel implied that not only would they have to give up the position they had attained during the revolution, but also to relinquish the lucrative right of levying taxes and other contributions from the local population. Unless the Republican Army and Govemment acted with tact, there would be an escalation of hostilities. Even so, the general feeling was that a peaceful compromise should be sought and that the Republican Army should use force only in the last resort. Ironically, the Govemment and Army at the same time set out on a course which rendered such a solution almost impossible. Finding itself with a standing Army on its hand which was too big for peace-time purposes, an army reorganization and demobilization ranked topmost among the Govemment's priorities. Thus one of the avenues by which irregular guerilla units might be persuaded to lay down their arms was blocked, although the possibility was occasionally reopend. Many might have given themselves up had there been a likelihood of their integration into the Republican Army as soldiers on an equal footing. The guerilIas were urged at intervals to come out of the woods and mountains and hand over their arms, and promised an === [PDF page 120] === 110 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam amnesty. But no cIear prospect of their being somehow integrated into the Army or channelled back into society was held out to them. The first and only Cabinet of the United States of Indonesia, the Hatta Cabinet, and its successor the Natsir Cabinet - formed in September 1950 af ter the collapse of the federal state stmcture - were both confronted with the problem from the outset. It was to the latter that the conflict with the unmly guerillas manifested itself in its full magnitude. The Cabinet's seven-point government programme accordingly included as fifth point the streamlining of the Armed Forces and the reintegration into society of redundant members of the Armed Forces and guerilla troops. The Natsir Cabinet at first tried persuading the guerilIas who continued thcir opposition to the Republic to surrender. On November 14th the Governmcnt announced that it was giving the guerillas an opportunity to report to the authorities from the 28th of th at month until December 14th, during which period they could surrender themselves and their arms at the Government's district offices. They were promised admission into the Armed Forces or the Police Force in accordance with the existing mIes if they wished. If they did not, the Government would assist them in finding a new livelihood. At the same time detailed directions were issued concerning the surrender procedure. Fearing lest the guerillas should take advantage of the opportunity to lay ambushes or secretly move their troops, the Republican Government decreed that they should openly carry what arms thcy had. Troops marching to the district offices to surrendcr should furthermore carry young coconut-palm leaf ribs as a sign of their sincerity. These mIes were not in force for South Sulawesi and South Kalimantan, two regions with their own guerilla problems for which separate solutions were bcing worked out. On thc face of it the amnesty offer looked fair enough. Thc condition that the guerillas were to be drafted into the Republican Army in accordance with thc existing mIes, however, left the Government every latitude. In spite of the likely suddcn in flux of large numbers of new soldicrs, the Republican Government felt free to go ahead with its scheme for reduction of the size of its Army. If the appeal had been successful, it would in most cases probably at most have provided a transit station for guerillas who did not meet the military, physical and intellectual standards the Army had set for its soldiers. According to the Government's === [PDF page 121] === IJ West Java, the Cradle 111 plans at the beginning of 1951, the Army was to have a maximum strength of 200,000. As Natsir revealed at the end of September 1950, this implied the discharge of about 80,000 soldiers in the last three months of th at year (N 27-9-1950). An announcement like this was not exactly calculated to increase the faith of guerillas being asked to surrender. Moreover, as became dear in the subsequent months, the Republican Army and Government were less interested in the guerillas than in their arms. The amnesty provided an opportunity of seizing the many firearms still in circulation among the people after the struggle for independence. Guerillas surrendering without arms, in fact, counted for nothing. In the event, the amnesty offer turned out a big failure, as regard both the number of people and that of arms. At Cimahi and Lembang, both in the vicinity of Bandung, for instanee, three and two guerillas respectively had had themselves registered at the end of one day. In nearby Ciparay a small group of about fifteen was reported to be on the mareh, presumably on its way to the district office (130-11-1950). More successful was the appeal for surrender in Purwakarta. Here about one hundred members of an organization called the Guerilla Police, and about two hundred of a group styling itself the Barisan Berani Matz', or "dare-devil troops", surrendered (I 2-12-1950, 29-12-1950). In West Java as a whoie, 1,180 people had reported by December 18th. Only 46 firearms had been handed over, however. The highest single number of guerillas turning themselves over - 418 - was recorded at Subang, while the largest number of weapons - 13 - were handed in at Cianjur. 36 Of these men, about 10% were stated to have expressed the wish to enter the Army and another 10% the Police Force. The remainder wanted to return to normal civilian life (I 7-12-1950). The area commander of the Siliwangi Division on December 8th, while the amnesty was still in force, dassified sixteen organizations as illegal (Peraturan Panglima TT 111, 25).37 This number is somewhat exaggerated, however, as some of the rebel groups were entl!:red under different nam es in the list. For instanee, it recorded the Darul Islam as well as the Negara Islam Indonesia and the Tentara Islam Indonesia, It furthermore induded the name of the Pasukan Surya Kencana, or Golden Sun Troops, a group that was dosely affiliated with the Darul Islam operating in Cianjur. Also separately listed were the Cz'tarum Brigade and the Bambu Runcing Division. Furthermore, the APRA, which had been suppressed long ago, was mentioned on it, as weIl as === [PDF page 122] === 112 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam another band of former KNIL soldiers, the Batalyon Arends, sometimes also referred to as the White Eagle Battalion. 311 The other groups listed on the list of banned organizations were: the Angkatan Umat Islam, or AUI, the Pasukan Semiaji, the Pasukan Angling Darma (the name of a ruler of Malawar), the Tentara Rakyat Indonesza, or Indonesian People's Army, the Pasukan Banteng Wulung, or Black Buffalos, the Ratu Adt"l Persatuan Indonesz·a, or Just King of Indonesian Unity, the Republt"k Maluku Selatan, or Republic of the South Moluccas, and the S.P. 88, the Kesatuan Pemberontakan (Rebellion Unit) operating in Karawang. A few days earlier the area commander of West Java, that is, the commander of the Silt"wangz· Division, had also issued two decrees forbidding the use of military terms and the wearing of uniforms by people other than members of the Armed Forces or government employees. Hereby the use of words like "staff", "headquarters", or "division " in social or poli tic al organizations was proscribed to civilians, as was the wearing of uniforms resembling those of the Armed Forces or the Government (Peraturan Panglima TT 111,20-21). At the failure of the appeal for surrender, harsher measures were again restored to by the Republican Army troops. Once again mass arrests took place. Where from January to November 10,000 people had been taken prisoner in West Java, about 7,000 of whom had been released again shortly afterwards, now, 3,400 new arrests were made in one month (N 19-1-1951). Among those detained were many members of Masyumi, a party th at was distrusted for its alleged Darul Islam sympathies. In a few instances local MasyumzO cadre members sustained bullet wounds while being arrested. In some areas of West Java local authorities, moreover, forbade Koran recitals and Muslim public sermons. According to the West Java branch of MasyumzO, 973 of its members in all were arrested in the area in December 1950, most of them in the kabupatens of Sukabumi and Bandung. In Sukabumi 300 Masyumi members were reportedly taken prisoner. When one compares this figure with the total number of arrests in Sukabumi - 400 - Masyumi in this kabupaten at least seems to have borne the brunt of the purge instituted by the Republican Army and Government (N 19-1-1951, 12-1-1951, 5-1-1951, 12-1-1951). Besides the call to surrender, attempts to establish contact with Darul Islam leaders and negotiate some sort of an agreement also failed. In time a number of committees were formed for the === [PDF page 123] === II West Java, the Cradle 113 purpose of finding a political, th at is to say, peaceful, solution. None of them achieved anything much, ho wever. The Republican Government had set up such a committee, chaired by Natsir, still during the struggle for independence, namely in September 1949. It had been commissioned to study the Darul Islam problem and advice the Government on the proper steps to be taken with regard to it. This committee was generally considered a failure, with the Minister of Information, Wiwoho Purbohadidjojo, even publicly calling it worthless. This committee had unsuccessfully attempted to establish contact with Kartosuwirjo through Ijet Hidajat (Iyet Hidayat), a former Darul Islam bupatz' and chairman of the Majelzs Islam of Bandung (Van Nieuwenhuijze 1958:173). Failing to achieve any clear results, the Natsir committee simply faded out of existence. At the time of recognition of independence and the imposed reality of a federal United States of Indonesia instead of the ideal of a unitary Republic, new attempts at finding a solution had been made. The Federal Government had formed an interdepartmental committee, made up of Zainul Arifin, representing the Department of Religion, Mr. Makmun Sumadipradja (Makmun Sumadipraja), of the Department of Internal Affairs, and Colonel Sadikin of Defence, within weeks of its installation. 39 Besides it, two other committees had come into being. One, investigating mainly the treatment of the numerous people arrested on suspicion of Darul Islam symphaties or collaboration, was headed by Wachid Hasjim. The other was chaired by Raden Wali al-Fatah. The latter was an old acquaintance of Kartosuwirjo's, and, according to Boland (1971:60), had even been a close friend of his. Both had been prominent in the pre-war PSU, and both had left it, be it for different reasons. Bath, moreover, came from East Java. Kartosuwirjo and Raden Wali al-Fatah may have known each other weIl from the pre-war lslamic political movement, but their religious and political outlooks differed. Wali al-Fatah, for example, felt much more at home in modernist Islamic circles, and was to be for years a leading Muhammadz'yah figure. In the power struggles in the pre-war PSU his stance had differed sharply from that of Kartosuwirjo and his associates, and although, as was said above, both had left the PSU, Wali al-Fatah even twice, they had done so in different years and for different reasons. The second occasion on which Wali al-Fatah had left the PSU, in December 1938, to become one of the co-founders of a small new Islamic party, the Partaz' Islam Indonesia or PIl, the hijrah policy had been the dividing issue. In contrast to Kartosu- === [PDF page 124] === 114 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam wirjo, who was to be ousted from the PSU about a year later for his refusal to moderate his views on hl)'rah, Wali al-Fatah and his friends had left the PSU precisely because they felt that the party still placed too much emphasis on the ht)'rah principle at th at time (Pluvier 1953: 74, 116-117). Be that as it may, Wali al-Fatah in 1950 was confident th at he could talk Kartosuwirjo into surrender. He set out to meet Kartosuwirjo probably on his own initiative, but with the tacit consent of the Government. like most Masyumi members, including the later Prime Minister Natsir, he was convinced that the utmost should be done to put an end to the Darul Islam rebellion through negotiations. In fact, Wali al-Fatah had been one of the initiators at the end of 1949 of a big Muslim conference at Yogyakarta at which the Masyumi view th at a peaceful solution to the problem of the Darul Islam insurrection should be found if possible had been endorsed. 40 The preference of Masyumi and its members for negotiations over militaryaction repeatedly brought them into conflict with leftist and nationalist parties like the PKI and PNI, as weIl as with the military authorities. The latter's criticism th at the committees formed to study the problem or establish contact with the Darul Islam functioned badly or were useless stemmed in part from this difference of view on the way in which to tackle the problem. Wali al-Fatah, who during the revolution had been bupati of the troublesome area of Pekalongan and after the transfer of sovereignty had received an appointment with the political department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs also as bupatt', set out with a view to meeting the principal Darul Islam leaders on May 14th, 1950. He and the three assistants accompanying him - Tasik Wira, Muslich (Muslikh) and Zainuddin - succeeded in establishing their first contact with the rebels a week later, when they were taken to Cipamuruyan, on Mount Cakrabuana, north of Ciawi, one of the Darul Islam strongholds. Here they were welcomed with every respect and treated as important guests. The envoys were guarded by TIl troops, with the understanding that their safety could not be guaranteed if government troops should attack the base. It was subsequently reported from Cipamuruyan that from here the party would travel on to Selaawi, near Antralina, where Kartosuwirjo had agreed to meet them. After that nothing was heard of Wali al-Fatah for a while. It had been pre-arranged beforehand that whatever happened, he would return by May 27th. When that date came round there was still no news of him, however. There was finally word of him two === [PDF page 125] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 115 weeks later, and on July 14th the Darul Islam Red Cross delivered a letter from him to the authorities, in which Wali al- Fatah wrote th at he was suffering from a malaria attack and asked to be picked up. He was rescued by government troops after an attack on Darul Islam positions on July 19th (M 26-5-1950, 20-6-1950, 24-6-1930; Sz'asat 11-6-1950). Wali al-Fatah's mission had failed. In his disappointment he at first stated th at the only alternative left now as far as he could see was military action. He furthermore alleged that Kartosuwirjo had been prepared to meet him in view of the defeats the Darul Islam troops were suffering, but th at Oni, the TIl commander, had upset the plans accordingly by having his troops take him to a different place from that where he was supposed to meet Kartosuwirjo. He had been missing for some time as a result of this (M 24-6-1958,1-7-1950). Others believed that Kartosuwirjo himself had refused to talk to the envoys. According to their version, he had been prepared to negotiate, but only with senior government officials and not with comparatively unimportant people like Wali al-Fatah (The 1968: 10). This is more in line with the stance adopted for years by the Darul Islam leaders th at negotiations could only take place on a Government-to-Government level and hence af ter the Republic's recognition of the Islamic State of Indonesia. At the end of 1950 Kartosuwirjo in fact informed Wali al-Fatah that he was prepared to negotiate only subject to prior recognition of his Islamic State (N 13-12-1950). The failure of Wali al-Fatah 's mission and the hard stance of Kartosuwirjo may weIl have been conditioned partly by the conduct of the Army of the United States of Indonesia. At the time of Wali al-Fatah's attempt to establish contact with the Darul Islam leaders the Army continued its attacks on Kartosuwirjo and his men. According to one prominent Islamic leader, Affandi Ridhwan, chairman of the West J avanese branch of the GPII, the Army had even attacked Darul Islam troops two hours before Kartosuwirjo and his then chief advisor, Sanusi Partawidjaja, were due to go to the rendezvous with Wali al-Fatah. In the subsequent exchange of fire several people had been killed, among them Toha Arsjad, the Minister of Information of the Islamic State of Indonesia (PR 26- 2-19 53). The relevant information was disclosed by Affandi Ridhwan during his trial in 1953, after his arrest on suspicion of supporting Darul Islam. Like Wal i al-Fatah, he was convinced of the necessity of a solution through negotiations. As a member of the === [PDF page 126] === 116 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Provincial Parliament of West Java he had been onl;l of the supporters of the "security memorandum" drawn up by that Parliament in December 1951, urging that military action should not be considered alone. He had also been spokesman of the Komite Nasib Rakyat, or Committee of the Fate of the People, which pleaded in meetings with civilian and military authorities for a cautious approach to the entire Darul Islam problem. Affandi Ridhwan's contacts with Darul Islam which led to his arrest dated from the first half of 1952, when at the invitation of Sanusi Partawidjaja, whom he had known from the early days of the GPII, he visited the latter's headquarters at Cikadu, about 10 kilometers from Cianjur. During their meeting, at which Achmad Sungkawa was also present, Affandi Ridhwan and Sanusi Partawidjaja had discussed the appointment of Kawilarang as military commander of West Java, exchanging views on the repercussions the appointment of a Christian commander in a predominantly Islamic area was likely to have within and outside the Army. The two also discussed the possibility of negotiations with the Republican Government at length, concluding that such negotiations might still be opened. Sanusi Partawidjaja, however, imposed the two conditions that the Republican Government should give proof of its sincerity by getting its Army to refrain from attacks while talks were underway, and, more importantly that it should recognize the Islamic State of Indonesia first. Affandi Ridhwan had tried already here to persuade Sanusi Partawidjaja to drop the second condition, and continued his efforts in subsequent correspondence. He pOlnted out in his letters that recognition of the Islamic State of Indonesia. would imply the concurrent existence of two Indonesian states, both claiming to be the one and only legitimate state - a rather strange situation, in his view. He further indicated that a request for recognition was illogical because the lslamic State of Indonesia itself did not recognize the Indonesian Republic. Such a request would more over lower the standing of the Islamic State of Indonesia. Affandi Ridhwan added the advice th at the Islamic State of Indonesia should ask Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan for recognition. At his trial he stated in his defence that he had meant this latter as a joke. Both the Republic and the Islamic State, however, had taken the suggestion seriously. For the Republican Government it constituted conclusive proof that Affandi Ridhwan had actively supported Darul Islam. The leaders of the Islamic State, on the other hand, had been induced by it to assign Ijet Hidajat, Natsir's former envoy in 1949, the task of === [PDF page 127] === II West Java, the Cradle 117 contacting foreign embassies for the purpose of explaining to them the ideals and aims of the Islamic State of Indonesia. Ijet Hidajat, also known as Suparman Amawidjaja (Suparman Amawijaya), proved most ill-fitted for the task. He had no idea of how to start and had seen himself obliged to ask the PSII leader and Minister. of Social Affairs, Anwar Tjokroaminoto, how to approach the personnel of a foreign embassy. He does not seem to have established any contacts at all. 41 His appointment as such nevertheless constituted an aggravating circumstance for Affandi Ridhwan, who was sentenced to 30. years' gaol. There are indications that, had the Republican Government adopted a more lenient attitude, a rapprochement with at least a section of the Darul Islam movement in West Java might have been achieved. Affandi Ri dh wan, in his correspondence with Sanusi Partawidjaja, was' successful in persuading the latter to drop recognition of the Islamic State of Indonesia as a condition for negotiation. The Govemment beyond any doubt knew of these developments, since Affandi Ridhwan definitely informed Vice-Premier Prawoto Mangkusasmito of his earlier contacts with Sanusi Partawidjaja, and later on also of the progress he had made. Affandi Ridhwan had accordingly believed himself to be acting in the capacity of a government representative, or at least to have had the Government's support. His arrest consequently came as a big surprise to him (PR March 1953). A ffan di Ridhwan's mission took place at a time when the voices demanding action and decrying any form of reconciliation in both the Republican camp and Darul Islam circles were becoming increasingly louder. At the failure of the Natsir caU for surrender, subsequently, the Republican Army launched its Operasi Merdeka or Operation Freedom, a military operation against former guerillas and rebels all over the archipelago. Moreover, upon the fall of the Natsir Cabinet in April 1951, the Govemment feIl into the hands of people who were much less inclined to seek a solution through negotiations_ Natsir's successor, Sukiman, though also a Masyumz' politician, adopted a much harder line in this matter. To accommodate the PNI ministers in his Cabinet, he decided to step up the military efforts to suppress the various rebellions (Feith 1962:211). Calls for military action were raised not only by the military, but also by secular parties like the PNI and PKI, which, Sukiman 's firm promises notwithstanding, began attacking Masyumi for alleged links with and support of Darul Islam. In addition they urged Soekarno to make an official declaration branding the Darul === [PDF page 128] === 118 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Islam insurgents rebels against the state, or pengacau negara. In the course of 1953 in particular delegations from the West javanese branches of, among others, Sobsz·, PKI, PNI, Murba, and Partai Buruh, approached both central and local authorities with requests for the issuing of such a decree. Mass meetings to press these demands were also organized. The campaign received the support of the acting Army Chief of Staff, Lieutenant-Colonel Suprapto, and organizations of civil servants who suffered especially severely under Darul Islam attacks. The Indonesian Government reacted by introducing a Bill proposing that 13 movements should be declared illegal, among them Kartosuwirjo's Darul Islam in West java and related rebel movements elsewhere in the country, such as those of Daud Beureu'eh in Aceh, Kahar Muzakkar in South Sulawesi, and Ibnu Hadjar in Sou th Kalimantan. 42 For the time being, however, the proposal was shelved. The Islamic State for its part also intensified its actions, partly to remove any impression that the Republican Army operations were effective and that the Islamic Army was being forced onto the defensive. In this connection the Islamic Army of Indonesia launched a so-called "moment instant action" in july 1953, within the framework of which Darul Islam units increased their raids. The Darul Islam commander of South Ciamis, Uchjan Effendi (Ukhyan Effendi), for example, instructed his troops to step up their retaliatory actions against the enemy, and to cut telephone wires, to disrupt traffic, and so on - in fact, to carry out any acts calculated to upset the enemy. The Police Force of the Islamic State, which had as main task the punishment of enemy subjects and of disloyal Darul Islam citizens, and in theory was supposed to leave all militaryactions against regular Republican troops to the Islamic Army of Indonesia, had the lion's share in all this assigned to it. Uchjan Effendi gave the individual units of this Police Force operating at the kecamatan level the orders for killing at least one enemy subject and setting fire to at least five buildings erected by the Republican Government or owned by the enemy within a fortnight, threatening their members with legal prosecution in case of failure (PR 20-7-1953). The decision for this offensive was inspired partly also by an assessment of the national and international situation. Kartosuwirjo was convinced th at a third World War was imminent and that such a war would involve a struggle between the communist and non-communist blocks. He had evolved his theory according- === [PDF page 129] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 119 ly in the light of the Korean crisis in the early 1950's. Upon a truce being reached in Korea in J uly 1953, the subsequen t cold war seemed to confirm him in his opinion. So he argued that it was inevitabIe that the Republican Government should be forced into the anti-communist camp in the long run. Not only on a world scale, but also in Indonesia itself, a confrontation with the communists was unavoidable. If things came to this Islam would be the only sound basis on which to withstand the communist onslaught, according to him. The nationalist ideology by itself was not strong enough, he felt, and predicted that the nationalist forces in Indonesia would meet with the same fate as those in China, and would be crushed. 43 On the basis of this analysis Kartosuwirjo hoped that some kind of an understanding might be reached. At the end of 1950 and the beginning of 1951 he sent two letters to Soekarno offering him his support in the coming confrontation which he thought was imminent. In return the Republic would have to recognize the Islamic State of Indonesia (Boland 1971: 244-255). Kartosuwirjo's views in this respect may account in part for his mildly positive reaction to the conciliatory efforts of Raden Wali al-Fatah and Affandi Ridhwan. Af ter a while, however, it began to dawn on him that the Republican leaders did not share his conviction th at their days were numbered. Except for a short interval in August 1951, the Communist Party and its supporters were not suppressed by the Government, as recommended by Kartosuwirjo, but on the contrary, were given scope for further development. Recognition of the Islamic State of Indonesia by the Republican Government was out of the question, moreover, and the opposite, a strong official denunciation, more likely. Not getting the response he had been hoping for, Kartosuwirjo for the time being remained in the belief that in the end the Republican Government would fall under communist attacks any way. The offensive subsequently planned by him was aimed at weakening the Republic's position and thus accelerating the process. To achieve this end, he even contemplated working together with the Dutch in Indonesia, of whom some still had not recovered from the shock of the official recognition of independence, and finally even with the Dutch Government. 44 The Republican Government did not collapse as a result of the increased Darul Islam activities, however. Nor did the communists take over. Nevertheless, they put the Republican troops in a difficult position. Thus the chroniclers of the Siliwangz· === [PDF page 130] === 120 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Division came to the conclusion that, af ter the initiative being regularly taken at first by the Army, in the years between 1952 and 1957 the Darul Islam gradually went into the offensive again, in the year 1957 reaching its peak (Siliwangi 1968:520). There is nothing, however, to justify the suggestion that the Republican Army at first -from 1950 to 1952- had the initiative in the struggle with Darul Islam. It might be better to speak of astalemate situation here. Although Republican Army actions did have some success - in January 1950, for example, Malangbong was occupied -, this did not stop the Darul Islam forces from raiding villages and towns. In a large part of West Java the Republican Govemment now found itself in the same position as the Dutch had been in during the Indonesian struggle for independence. It controlled the towns and larger villages, whereas the rural areas remained unsafe, and one had to be constantly on the alert against Darul Islam ambushes when travelling through them. The Republican Army's early anti-Darul Islam actions soon decreased as other rebellious movements claimed its attention. So troops had to be sent to Sulawesi to suppress the Andi Abdul Azis rebellion at Ujungpandang, and to the Moluccas, where in April 1950 the Free Republic of the Moluccas was proclaimed. Then, shortly af ter Andi Abdul Azis' surrender, another uprising took place in Sulawesi, deriving its greatest strength not from former KNIL soldiers, as in Andi Abdul Azis' case, but from former Indonesian guerilla fighters commanded by Kahar Muzakkar. In Kalimantan and in Central and East Java as weIl discontented ex-guerillas, led in Kalimantan by Ibnu Hadjar and in East Java by Abdul Malik 45, took to the forests and started a guerilla war against the Republican Govemment. The situation became even graver for the Republican Govemment when some of these other rebellious movements, such as those of Kahar Muzakkar in Sulawesi and Ibnu Hadjar in Kalimantan, joined the Islamic State of Indonesia, and Aceh broke away from the Republic to join the Islamic State of Indonesia, at least in name. So in 1955 the Govemment of Indonesia was confronted by a riyal Govemment of the Islamic State of Indonesia with Kartosuwirjo as President, Daud Beureu'eh as vice- President, Kahar Muzakkar as first vice-Minister of Defence, and Ibnu Hadjar as minister without a portfolio (Amin 1956:99). At that time the territory of the Islamic State of Indonesia encompassed large parts of West Java, Aceh, Sou th Sulawesi and South Kalimantan. === [PDF page 131] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 121 In West Java itself, the civil war was fought largely in the rural are as in the first half of the 1950's. Attacks by Darul Islam troops on towns and eities gradually diminished, and as time went by became a rare phenomenon. Raids on villages and plantations, on the other hand, became more and more frequent, espeeially after both sides had deeided to step up their military activities. The strategy pursued by the Darul Islam bands in the regions not firmly under their con trol was one of hit and run. Villages would be occupied for a few hours and isolated Army posts attacked with great speed, with the rebels retreating into the forests and mountains before the Republican Army had time to react. There were conspicuous peaks in Darul Islam activities at particular times of the year. As a rule the Darul Islam Army and Police Force operations reached their greatest peak in August, with August 7th and 17th as two important historical dates. Attacks would be staged first in commemoration of the birth of the Islamic State of Indonesia. Rumours th at the Islamic State planned to celebrate its proclamation of August 7th in the towns and eities of West Java were especially frequent, but more of ten than not proved false, and no attacks on the urban centres eventuated. In the rural areas, however, August was usually greeted rather nervously, as there the Darul Islam units invariably used the 7th to show that they were still present. A second wave of attacks then followed around August 17th. These were calculated either to disrupt the festivities organized to celebrate the proclamation of independence of the Indonesian Republic, or to punish those who partieipated in them. Vet another date that provoked the Darul Islam to intensify its activities was Lebaran, the end of the Fast. 46 Aside from the occasional concurrence in the increase in activities there does not appear to have been much co-ordination between the various Darul Islam units. Sometimes conferences of their military and civilian leaders were held, but mostly the local commanders acted independen tly. There existed an elaborate governmental structure on paper, reaching down from Kartosuwirjo as Imam and head of the Central Government through the residens or residents, bupatz's or regents, wedanas or district chiefs, camats or subdistrict chiefs, and lurahs or village heads, to the villagers. Though at first this was a strictly West J avanese affair, later on representatives from other regions were also included. In spite of the existence of a full Cabinet of tbe Islamic State of Indonesia, the system did not === [PDF page 132] === 122 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam function weU, and the actual power was exercised by Kartosuwirjo and his military advisors and commanders. The same was true for the local level, where the military commanders were much more influential than their civilian counterparts, if they did not already combine military and civilian functions. The Civil Administration, more over, was subordinate to the military, while its officials, notably the lower-ranking ones, were frequently harassed by Republican troops. Arrests or death in action was the fate of many civil servants of the Islamic State of Indonesia. The result was discontinuity. Military commanders of course also were kiUed. But they had a better chance of escape to military strongholds after a raid, and if they were killed there were many subordinates eager to take over. Kartosuwirjo was also the commander of the Islamic Army of Indonesia. In this capacity he was assisted in the first years of the Darul Islam State by Kamran and Oni. After the former moved to Central Java to organize Darul Islam activities there even before 1950, and the latter was killed by Republican troops in 1951, Sanusi Partawidjaja became his chief militaryaid, in the function of general chairman of the Supreme Command, or Komandemen Tertinggi, the second highest function in the Islamic State. The latter lost much of his influence in 1954, when he was made to share his responsibility with Haji Achmad Djamaluddin (Akhmad Jamaluddin) (one of the pseudonyms used by Kartosuwirjo). Kartosuwirjo thereupon assigned him the task of coordinating the struggle in the Outer Islands. In this capacity he was to command the 4th, or Hasanuddin, Division, in South Sulawesi, the 5th, or Rencong, Division in Aceh, and the 6th Division in South Kalimantan. These functions existed largely only on paper, however, as communications with the Darul Islam rebels in the Outer Islands were extremely di fficult, while these rebels did not exactly fancy direct control from Java. Achmad Djamaluddin had the overall command of the divisions in Java, namely the Ist, or Sunan Rakhmat, Division of West Java, the 2nd, or Syarif Hidayat, Division of Central Java, and the 3rd, or Maulana Ishak, Division of East Java (PR 4-9-1954). The first two were really existing and active, and actually caused the Republican Army much trouble, but the third, despite all efforts to get it properly oH the ground, never had any importance. In addition there was a 7th, or Heru Cokro, Division operating in West Java, which was formed at a later date, in contradiction with the principle that there was to be only one division in each province. === [PDF page 133] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 123 As in the case of the Civil Administration, there existed a complete blueprint for the military organization. Hereby a division of the Islamic Army of Indonesia was made up - on paper - of four regiments, which in turn were divided into four battalions. Each battalion comprised four companies, and each company consisted of units of about fifteen men. In the first half of the 1950's two regimental commanders were especially frequently involved in engagements with Republican troops and attacks on villages. The first was Achmad Sungkawa, who had his base of operation around Cililin, but whose troops, sometimes comprising several hundred soldiers - there are reports of concentrations of 400 and even 800 men - ranged as far afield as Cianjur and Sukabumi in the west and Garut in the east. He was kiUed at Cisaat, near Sukabumi, in the course of 1954. The second was Haji Engkar, operating with between 400 and 500 guerillas in the area around Bogor and Cianjur. Operating partly in the same area, these two came into conflict with one another. In the course of this Achmad Sungkawa tried to merge Haji Engkar's troops with his, taking advantage of the ambition of one of Haji Engkar's sub-commanders, Vtji (Vci), to replace him. In May 1954 the mutual rivalry culminated in an armed clash between the troops of the two commanders, in which the victor was Achmad Sungkawa, who subsequently replaced Haji Engkar with Vtji. Haji Engkar, who was forced to flee, formed his own guerilla organization, called the Sunnah wal Jama'ah, with those of his foUowers who had remained loyal to him. It fought against the Republican Army as weU as the Darul Islam forces. 47 The Sunnah wal Jama'ah met its end a year later, when Haji Engkar was taken prisoner by Republican troops. Further to the east, in Garut, Tasikmalaya and Ciamis, it was people like Kadar Solihat, a regimental vice-commander, Vchjan Effendi, who succeeded the latter af ter his death in July 1953, Machfud (Makhfud) and Godjim (Gojim) who made the area unsafe. The Republican Army had great difficulty in resisting the attacks of the troops of these men and the many smaller bands. It experienced even greater problems in protecting the citizens in the areas nominally under its con trol against them. This nevertheless does not mean th at the Republican Army did not score any successes. Some Darul Islam bands were pursued. by Army units and defeated and some Darul Islam leaders, major and minor, arrested or killed. Sometimes internal conflicts within the rebel camp, like that between Achmad Sungkawa and Haji Engkar, contributed to the Republican Army's success. Such === [PDF page 134] === 124 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam intemal disputes usually were connected with the struggle for power among the higher functionaries of the Islamic State, the ulul amri and the representatives of the Imam, or naib al-Imam. In other cases they sprang from discontent over the division of booty or of the tax levied in the name of the Islamic State of Indonesia. The Republican Army scored its biggest success in June 1951, however, when several top leaders of the Darul Islam were caught or killed at the same time. The latter, being pursued by Army units, had taken refuge in a cave hidden from view by a waterfall on Mount Galunggung, in the vicinity of Cisayong. In the shootout following their discovery, ani, the TIl commander, was killed and two ministers of Kartosuwirjo's Cabinet, Abdul Kudus Gozali Tusi and Kusumah, taken prisoner. It was years before the Republican Army was to score another success of the same magnitude. The Republican troops - poorly fed and clothed as they were - were extremely hard pressed. The tuming-point came in 1957. General A.H. Nasution, the chief commander in charge of the campaign against the Darul Islam and other rebeIlious movements, in retrospect believed the main reason for the Silz'wangi Division's ineffectualness to have been lack of coordination of its anti-Darul Islam operations. 48 On the basis of this assessment, he became the prime mover of "Basic Plan 2.1". The idea behind this plan was simpie. The enemy was to be contained in specific areas, and the Republican actions to be concentrated on one of these areas at a time, thus wiping out the enemy bases one by one. It soon became apparent that the Siliwangi Division lacked the necessary manpower to bring this basic plan to a successful conclusion, however. Thus it was unable to isolate Tentara Islam Indonesia units in selected areas, in which to deal these local Darul Islam troops the final blow, on its own. Even with the assistance of units from the other two J avanese divisions, the Dz'ponegoro and Brawzjaya Divisions, it was unable to vanquish the TIl. Some modifications had to be made in the plan if the Darul Islam was to be finished oH, therefore. Hence in 1960 the civilian population of West Java was drawn into the operations, and battues were organized under the name of "Human Fence" (Pagar Betz's).49 In these battues, lasting sometimes for days, the civilian population would form a slowly advancing line, with at certain int~r vals, not too distant from each other, small units of three to four soldiers. In theory the human fence was supported by military === [PDF page 135] === 11 West Java, the Cradle 125 units in the van as weIl as the re ar. The van was supposed to ensure the advancing fence of a free zone. The soldiers at the rear acted as a kind of reserve th at could be directed to threatened points in the fence. In ill-accessible places another tactic was adopted, however. Instead of entering these, they would be put under siege. By cutting off all supplies, it was endeavoured to starve the bands in these places and thus force them to surrender. In practice the Republican Army sometimes used the "human fence" as a "human shield". "After the mountain was entirely surrounded by civilians the TNI would march them up the mountain, forcing the 0.1. to fire upon the civilians. Once having drawn enemy fire with the civilians, the TNI military forces would reconcentrate to close in upon the 0.1. detachments. According to former Dar'ul Islam officers, the effectiveness of the pagar betis varied according to the religious beliefs of the civilians used to bait the trap. The 0.1. commanders said it was difficult to shoot non-combattants in cold blood if they were 'good Moslims'." Oackson 1971:46). Another technique used to force the rebels to surrender was to occupy the rice-fields owned or worked by their relatives in order to prevent the harvest being used to feed the Darul Islam troops. Kartosuwirjo reacted to the increased pressure by the Republican Armed Forces by orde ring an all-out war against his enemies in early 1961. In the villages that actively or passively supported the Republic nobody should be spared, according to his Perz"ntah Perang Semesta, not even the young and old (DM 7-3-1962, 16-5-1962). Although the successive military operations after 1957 we re successful in pushing back and isolating the Darul Islam bands in certain areas, such as the mountain strongholds of Guntur and Galunggung in the Garut area, and Gunung Gede between Bogor and Bandung, Darul Islam actions continued to pose a serious threat. This became especially evident on the occasion when Darul Islam members dressed up as Republican Army soldiers almost succeeded in kidnapping Khrushchev on his way from Bogor to Bandung in February 1960. To wind up the anti-Darul Islam campaign in West Java once and for all, in April 1962 the Republican military actions were stepped up. In the resultant so-called "Brata Yudha Operation", units of the Brawtjaya and Diponegoro Divisions once again took part. Kartosuwirjo was captured, together with his wife and the commander of his bodyguard, Kurnia, at a hide-out on the summit of === [PDF page 136] === 126 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Mount Geber, near Cipaku in South Cicalengka, on June 4th, 1962. He had been pursued for more than a month and had th ree times escaped capture by the skin of his teeth. At the time of his arrest Kartosuwirjo was seriously ill, suffering from haemorrhoids and tuberculosis and lameness as a result of a bullet-wound in his right thigh sustained at an encounter with Republican troops, at the end of April (Siliwangi 1968:550-553; DM 1-6-1962, 5-6-1962, 6-6-1962, 8-6-1962). Kartosuwirjo and Kumia were among the last prominent Darul Islam leaders to be arrested in West Java. Most of the early Darul Islam leaders, such as Oni and Kamran, had died in the course of the fighting. Their successors had for the most part been arrested or killed, or had surrendered in 1961 - when a general amnesty was declared and the guerillas were given the chance to report until October - and the first half of 1962. These included his principal military commanders Haji Zainal Abidin, Djaelani Setiawan Oaelani Setiawan), Danu Mohammad Hasan and Adah Djaelani Tirtapradja (Adah Jaelani Tirtapraja), and the "Head of his Household", Halinis Sospati (DM 6-3-1962, 12-3-1962, 14-3-1962, 22-5-1962, 1-6-1962; Siliwangi 1968: 548). After Kartosuwirjo's arrest one of his sons, Dede Mohammad Darda, also called Dodo, who had been his father's secretary for years, issued an instruction in the name of the Imam and President of the Islamic State of Indonesia orde ring all Darul Islam members who were still figh ting to surrender (DM 7-6-1962). The majority, including the only important Darul Islam commander still at large - Agus Abdullah, commander of the First Division and of Java and Madura - complied, and swore allegiance to the Indonesian Republic on August lst, 1962. Kartosuwirjo himself was sentenced to death after a three-day trial on August 16th, 1962. He was executed a month later together with four other Darul Islam members, who had been involved in a plot to assassinate President Soekamo on Idul Adha, the Day of the Sacrifice, i.e. May lst, 1962 (DM 18-8-1962, 13-9-1962). With the arrest and execution of Kartosuwirjo the organized Islamic revolt in West Java, which had gone on for more than ten years, soon came to an end. Things remained quiet in West Java until 1976, when new large-scale Darul Islam activities were reported in the area for the first time in nearly fifteen years. 50 === [PDF page 137] === CHAPTER THREE CENTRALJAVA, THE OFFSHOOT In Cent ral java the Darul Islam rebels came from three different groups. One had its origins on the north coast, in the kabupatens east of the border with West java, which kabupatens, in particular that of Brebes and Tegal, formed the Darul Islam core for Central java, being the territory of operation of Darul Islam leader Amir Fatah. This group was inspired and partly controlled from West java. The other two had their roots in the Angkatan Umat Islam in Kebumen, which had defied the Indonesian Government, and in a group formed by mutineers from the Republican Dzponegoro Division. These two joined the first group after being defeated by the Indonesian Army. 1. The Sodal Revolutz"on on Java 's North Coast Immediately after the proclamation of independence the kabupatens of Brebes and Tegal, together with that of Pemalang, had become the scene of one of the more violent popular risings against the traditional ruling class. In the power vacuum following the japanese surrender, before the Republican Army and Government or the returning Dutch succeeded in asserting their authority, mass actions were staged against this traditional ruling elite, or priyayi. Latent conflicts, which had been kept dormant by the Dutch Colonial Administration and later by the j apanese, now erupted in all their violence. By some this sudden outburst of violenee in Indonesian society in the first months following the proclamation of independence is attributed to the native Civil Administration 's complicity in the brutal exploitation of the peasantry during the Japanese occupation (cf. Djoko 1974; Lucas 1977). In Java native officials, from the bupatis, or regents, down to the village heads, had played a key role in the recruitment of corvée labourers, or romushas, and in the organization of the compulsory rice deliveries. The recruitment of romushas, who were taken from their villages to be put to work elsewhere in Java or to be sent abroad === [PDF page 138] === 128 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam in large numbers, coupled with the burden imposed by the compulsory food deliveries, had led to detoriating living conditions and uprooted rural society.! Widjojo Nitisastro, for instance, summarizing the effects of these J apanese measures, writes: "Under the occupation the harsh and arbitrary mobilization of available manpower and foodcrops for the J apanese war effort brought about a rapid decline in the people's living conditions. Village sodeties were shaken by the exorbitant compulsory deliveries of crops, by the conscription of hundreds of thousands of men and women for forced labor in other regions of lndonesia and on the Asian mainland, by the virtual disappearance of such essential commodities as textiles and agricultural tools, and by the total disregard by the J apanese administration of any measures to cope with famine and other calamities. Tremendous sodal dislocations and population displacements resulted, which in turn had significant repercussions on the course of fertility and The repression and exploitation of the Javanese population had already helped provoke the mutiny of a Peta Battalion as weIl as minor Muslim-led local uprisings during the Japanese occupation. 2 Af ter August 1945, in the turmoil of the new revolutionary situation, in which all kinds of armed groups and bands were being formed and the surviving romushas returnedhome, the bitter experiences of the J apanese occupation provided a direct stimulus for mass actions against the native administrators and their families. But that is not all. The conduct of the indigenous civil servants in the J apanese period and their lukewarm support of the independence movement may have made for an explosive situation at the end of the war, but resentments had been smouldering under the surface for a long time before. The penetration of Dutch colonial rule, and in particular of the Western economy, in the rural areas had exacerbated the existing antagonism between the peasants and their rulers. The Pax Neerlandz"ca, with its emphasis on law and order and economic gain for the Europeans, had given rise to many frustrations. The history of Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia is full of examples of sudden violent outbursts, mostlyon a small scale, and often but not always led by Islamic leaders. 3 It is against this historical background th at we must place the social revolution of 1945. On the one hand Western influence had drastically changed the social and economie structure of the villages, for example through the establishment of sugar estates and other kinds of plantation; on === [PDF page 139] === 111 Centra! Java, the Offshoot 129 the other hand it had left the native administrative structure on the whole intact. At the collapse of the ]apanese power in August 1945 there was nothing to stem the tide of local popular risings. The native bureaucracy, which in the past had had to lean on the Dutch and Japanese, had no power of its OWll. The rudimentary Republican Military and Civil Administration was still too under-developed to be able to deal with the various risings. This provided the necessary conditions for the so-called daulat actions, defined by Anderson (1972: 334) as "the deposition, humilation, kidnapping, or murder of hated officials or other representatives of authority, usually carried out by groups of armed pemuda youth". As elsewhere, the unrest at Pekalongan started with the hoisting of the Indonesian flag and attempts to disarm Japanese units. 4 In Tegal the initiative in these first actions was taken by railway labourers, whose jobs placed them in an excellent position to take the lead. As railway employees they were one of the best-informed groups as a result of easy access to information on what was happening outside their own area. Moreover, the railway unions had always been among the most militant groups in the labour movement. A railway station employee at Tegal, Rahmat, was the first to hoist the Indonesian flag in that tOWll. His comrades, headed by Muh. Junus, formed an independent revolutionary group called the Angkatan Muda Kereta Api (AMKA), or Railway Youth, which was the first organized youth group in the area and soon developed into one of the armed guerilla groups at Pekalongan. Af ter establishing contact with Jakarta, AMKA members in early September kidnapped a number of local leaders. The idea of abducting these leaders in order to force them to change their wait-and-see attitude and to actively support the cause of the revoluti~n arose af ter the arrival in TegaI of a representative of the revolutionary Jakartan youth, united in the Angkatan Pemuda lndonesia (API). This young man, Mansjur (Mansyur), had given an account of the latest events in Jakarta and of how impatient youths there on August 16th had kidnapped Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta and brought them to the Peta barracks at Rengasdengklok with a view to forcing them to prodaim independence (Pranata 1976, n. 3). Inspired by this story, Muh. Junus and his friends set out to take three people prisoner: the superintendent of Police at Tegal, === [PDF page 140] === 130 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Kadarman, the mayor of the town, Raden Sungeb Reksoatmodjo (Sungeb Reksoatmojo), 5 and a factory director. The latter, who seems to have been notorious for his treatment of his employees, was soon released again after being made to promise that he would treat his workers better in future. The two others were released three days later, upon making a promise to join in the struggle for independence. In these kidnappings the example of Jakarta was carefully imitated. Their sole aim was to secure, be it by force, the support of the heads of the Municipal Administration and Police and urge them into action. There was no intention of ousting them, nor were the actions directed against the native Civil Administration or the prz'yayi class as such. So there was no attempt, though there was every opportunity, to abduct the resident of Pekalongan, Besar. It was a minor affair compared with what was to happen a few weeks later. The actions were confined to the town of Tegal, and were aimed at only a very limited number of officials. These features set it apart from the turmoil that was to follow in later weeks. Only af ter the action shifted from the urban to the rural areas did a mass movement arise which would be worthy of the name of social revolution, and in which the anger would be directed at the local elite as such. In the months following the proclamation of independence, Pekalongan displayed the familiar pattern of all kinds of youth and guerilla groups springing up alongside the Republican Army. The Pekalongan unit of the Republican Army was made up for the greater part, if not exclusively, of men who had received some military training as members of the Peta or Het'ho auxiliary forces during the Japanese occupation. lts commander was Kiyai Haji Iskandar Idris. 6 Another organization from the J apanese period, the Pioneer Corps or Barz'san Pelopor, had transformed itself into a revolutionary group af ter August 1945. Moreover, a variety of local youth groups were founded, commanded by what can only be described as petty war lords. It was these latter groups, which had arisen spontaneously and had no connections with any larger organization, th at constituted the motor of the social revolution. They were joined in their actions by members of the Barisan Pelopor, who provided them with a limited number of firearms and some form of coordination. The members and leaders of these local groups were far from gentle, and the acts of cruelty they committed, but also their responsibility for the massive scale of the actions, earned these groups the name of gangs and their leaders that of assassins. === [PDF page 141] === 111 Central Java, the Offshoot 131 The movement's centre lay in Talang, a district seven kilome tres south of Tegal. It was the home of ex-barber Sachjani (Sakhyani), popularly known as Kutil, or The Wart, who was the most notorious leader of the entire movement. From Talang, where at the end of September he had firmly entrenched himself as the most powerful person in the area, he tried to extend the area of his influence further afield. He launched an attack on the town of Tegal in early November, when thousands of his followers, shouting Allahu akbar (Allah is Great), and La ilaha illallah (There is no God but Allah), marched northward from Talang. They occupied the major part of the town, including the strategic railway station, and forced the loc al Republican Army onto the defensive. The barracks of the Republican Navy, which had Tegal as one of its bases, were also threatened. The situation became so precarious for the Republican forces th at they decided, in view of the impending mass attack on Tegal, to abandon the town and retreat to Pekalongan. This plan could only be partly implemented. As Kutil was in control of the railways, the troops had to be withdrawn by se a, but the boat used for their withdrawal broke down, so that part of the troops were forced to remain behind. They took up their position in the northern port area of Tegal. Here they succeeded, because of the superiority of their arms, in repulsing an attack by Kutil's rebels, who were mostly only armed with sharp implements such as bamboo spears and swords. The Republican forces were not strong enough, however, to launch a counter-attack. Kutil's authority was unchallenged in the rest of the town and in its environs. Elsewhere in the residency of Pekalongan similar groups were operating. Uprisings occurred in the kabupatens of Brebes, Tegal and Pemalang, from which circumstance the social revolution on Java's north coast derived the name Peristiwa Ega Daerah, or Three Regions Affair. Local Republican senior civil servants, who had mostly inherited their functions from the J apanese era, were sacked everywhere. Some managed to escape before the arrival of the angry mobs, others were captured, and some of them were maltreated or killed. Members of ruling class families, such as the wife of the bupati of Tegal' were paraded around wearing gunny sacks. In other cases a form of public trial was held, at which the shortcomings of the official concemed were expounded at length and the verdict was passed by the spectators th at he should be At Tegal the bupati, R.M. Slamet Sunarjo (Slamet Sunaryo), === [PDF page 142] === 132 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam and the wedana, R. Basirun, managed to escape from the town just before Kutil came marching in. The new bupatz" appointed by the rebels was Kiyai Abu Sudjai (Abu Sujai), an Islamic scholar from Talang. 8 Kutil himself became superintendent of Police. At Brebes and Pemalang as weIl the bupatz's were sacked and replaced by Kiyai Haji Sjatori (Syatori) and R. Supangat respectively. How confused the situation was at the time can be deduced from the events surrounding the appointment of a new wedana at Tegal. The candidate for the position, Tjitrosatmoko (Citrosatmoko), who was chairman of the Indonesian National Committee of Tegal, happened to have been arrested by Kutil's own men at Talang. The actions at Brebes, Tegal and Pemalang were coordinated to a certain ex tent by the Gabungan Badan Perjuangan Tz"ga Daerah, or Federation of Combat Organizations of the Three Regions. 9 This Federation, made up of the leaders of local guerilla bands, a number of outside advisors, and representatives of the Ban'san Pelopor, functioned as a provisional Government. It confirmed, sometimes retrospectively, all appointments of new officials, and sought the Republican Government's approval of these. The Republican Government for its part, too, tried to come to some sort of an accommodation with the rebels. It duly gave its approval for the new appointments, while the provinciaLRepublican Government of Central Java delegated Sajuti Melik and Lieutenant-Colonel Kiyai Haji Iskandar Idris, commander of the army units at Pekalongan, to negotiate with the Federation. Their miss ion failed as Ku til, acting on his own au thori ty, proceeded to arrest the two. 10 These arrests further strained the relations between the rebels and the Government, and in particular with the Republican Army. For the Army this was not the first time it collided with Indonesian guerillas, but it was the first time that its position was really challenged by an internalopponent and that it was obliged to admit defeat. Before the Republican Army might react by launching a counter-attack, the rebels tried to advance further. Their troops, among them Kutil's forces, entered Pekalongan early in December. 11 One of their aims here was to effect the replacement of the resident of Pekalongan and his assistants by their own candidate, Sardjio (Sarjio), and his men. 12 Sardjio himself with his troops attacked and occupied the resident's offices. By that time, mid-December 1945, the Republican Army was striking back, however. Without awaiting orders from headquarters, and probably acting contrary to the decision taken by === [PDF page 143] === 111 Centra! Java, the Offshoot 133 the Central Government, local Republican troops reoccupied Pekalongan. 13 Thus before the year was out the residency of Pekalongan was under Republican control again. The Republican Government dealt quite mildly with the rebels, only seven of whom were to be tried although more were arrested. Kutil was sentenced to death in October 1946, and executed in 1951. The other six were tried by the Pekalongan court in 1947 and released in July of th at year. A proportion of the officials appointed in the course of the Three Regions Affair, among them the bupatis of Tegal and Brebes, were continued in office. The rebeIIion in the residency of Pekalongan was compounded by various elements, linking Islam with primitive socialism as weIl as with more advanced revolutionary ideas. In its context also a conflict between a number of different armed groups, of which the Republican Army units and KutiI's band were the most prominent ones, was fought out. This mixture of various factors Iying at the root of the revolution here makes the latter of interest for the study of the Darul Islam rebeIIions, which, in varying degrees, display the same characteristics. Like many uprisings in Indonesia, before and af ter 1945, the Three Regions Affair had astrong Islam ic component. Islam was a powerful force in mobilizing the population, as is apparent from the slogans used in the attack on TegaI. Islamic leaders more over provided a resevoir on which to draw for the replacement of members of the old Administration. The ideas of primitive socialism are of ten difficult to distinguish from Islamic notions of social justice, as is exemplified by the confiscation and redistribution of rice supplies during the uprising at Pekalongan, occasioned as this was by the poor living standard of the times. The influence of members of the pre-war nationalist and leftish parties, which was especially strong in the Barisan Pelopor and the Federation of Co mb at Organizations of the Three Regions, gave the ideas involved a more modern cast. Even so, these moderneideas were as yet filtering down in quite a distorted way, witness the refusal of KutiI's followers to pay railway fares because they considered the railways common property (Pranata 1976, n. 10; Lucas 1974:168-170). It would be too gross a generalization to describe the Three Regions Affair in terms of a confrontation between Islam and secular powers, or between the Republican Army and irregular guerilla units. These oppositions did play a role, but there were ot hers cutting across them, perhaps the most important of which was that between urban and rural groups. As was indicated === [PDF page 144] === 134 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam above, only after the initiative was taken by certain rural groups did the unrest in the residency of Pekalongan develop into a general violent uprising against the Republican Govemment. The urban youth who had initiated the anti-]apanese ac ti ons had been contended with the verbal declaration of the traditional elite th at they supported the Republican cause, and hence made no move to replace the administrators concerned. Although Islam figured prominently in rallying the rural population to the movement's support, this did not prevent opposition from other Muslim groups. So the Pekalongan Hizbu 'llah unit, commanded by Haji Ismail Idris, a younger brother of the arrested Army commander Iskandar Idris, joined the Republican Army in its operations against the rebels. Other local irregular guerilla units as weIl, among them the Pesindo, BPRI and AMKA, sided with the Republican Army in its suppression of the insurrection (Diponegoro 1971: 60-61; Djoko 1974: 161 ).14 2. Amz'r Fatah 's Darul Islam Movement Af ter Kutil and his associates were defeated, dragging the local units of the Barisan Pelopor with them in their downfall, things remained quiet for a time. Af ter a brief period of mass arrests and brutal retaliations in which the Republican Army "taught the people a lesson", a more lenien t approach was adopted. 1 S Moreover, to ease the situation, Soekarno, accompanied by vice- President Mohammad Hatta, Prime Minister Sutan Sjahrir (Sutan Syahrir), and the Commander of the Republican Army, Sudirman, visited the area. At a mass rally held at Tegal he urged the people to remain loyal to the Indonesian Republic, saying: "People of Tegal-Brebes-Pekalongan do not form your own republie. People of Tegal-Brebes-Pekalongan, do not form miniature republics, a Republic of Talang, a Republic of Slawi, aRepublic of Te gal " (Pranata 1976, n. 11). In ] anuary 1946 the Republican Army twice changed its name. On ]anuary 7th the Tentara Keamanan Rakyat (TKR), or People's Security Army, became the Tentara Keselamatan Rakyat (TKR), or People's Welfare Army. On]anuary 25th again it changed its name to Tentara Republz"k Indonesia (TRI), or Army of the Indonesian Republic. Soon after that the Army was reorganized, and in May and ]une the ten ]avanese divisions were reduced to seven new ones. This organization also affected the Army unit in Pekalongan. A scruting of the changes in the divisional and regimental structure === [PDF page 145] === 111 Centra! Java, the Offshoot 135 of the Indonesian Army in Java over the years reveals the rather ambiguous position of the residency of Pekalongan and its kabupatens. Initially, immediately af ter the proclamation of independence, the residency had its own military unit, functioning on an equal footing wi th the others, which was commanded by Kiyai Haji Iskandar Idris. In October 1945, after the official constitution of the Republican Army, th is unit was transformed into the 17th Regiment, with Iskandar Idris still in commando The Republican forces at Tegal hereupon came to form the 3rd Battalion of this Regiment, under the command of Djuweni Ouweni), a former Peta company commander. The 17th Regiment formed part of the 4th, later the 5th, Division, which at that time came under the Central Java Commando After the Three Regions Affair the troops in the residency of Pekalongan were split up. A special Brebes-Tegal Regiment was formed, headed first by Rachim Gondosuwito (Rakhim Gondosuwito), and later by Muh. Susman, a former Peta Battalion commander. Together with the Pekalongan Regiment, it constituted part of the above-said 5th Division. In the June 1946 reorganization the Brebes-Tegal Regiment was transferred to the 2nd Sunan Gunung Jati Division, operating on both sides of the border between West and Central Java. The Pekalongan Regiment was incorporated into the 3rd or Pangeran Diponegoro Division, and Iskandar Idris promoted to commander of the Nusantara Brigade, of which the Pekalongan Regiment formed part (Pranata 1976, n. 4-5; Nasution 1956: 141,207; Cuplikan 1972:43-54). More importantly, steps were taken at the same time to integrate the irregular guerillas into the Republican Army. The relevant legislation came into operation on J une 3rd, 1947, on which date the Republican Army changed its name for the fourth time, to become the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) or Indonesian National Army. The irregular units operating in the Tegal area we re also obliged to comply with the said regulation and enter the Republican Army. The oldest of these units were the Barisan Pelopor, which af ter the Tiga Daerah Affair had lost most of its strength, and the AMKA, or Angkatan Muda Kereta Api, which had already, in March 1946, merged with another group, the Angkatan Pemuda Indonesia (API) or Indonesian Youth, to form the Pusponegoro Regiment of the BPRI. Other irregular bands in the region were the Angkatan Muda Republik Indonesia (AMRI), or Youth of the Indonesian Republic, the Pesindo, and the Lasykar Rakyat. In addition there were two Islamic groups operating in the area, the Gerakan Pemuda Islam === [PDF page 146] === 136 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam lndonesia (GPII), or Movement of the Indonesian Islamic Youth, and the Hizbu 'l/ah. The Hizbu 'l/ah unit of Tegal comprised five battalions and was commanded by Kosim Nachrowi (Kosim Nakhrowi), who doubled as chairman of the Tegal CPII. To accommodate these irregular units a special brigade was formed, the joko Untung Brigade, in which the guerilla units operating in the territory of the Sunan Gunung jati and the Pangeran Diponegoro Divisions were supposed to be joined together (Pranata, n. 11, 13; Diponegoro 1971:272). Forces by the circumstances of war, however, the irregular units in practice continued operating in their home areas. To coordinate the guerilla operations on the local level new command structures were evolved. In the kabupatens of Brebes and Tegal a special command was established, af ter August 1947 styled the Territorial Command of Brebes and Tegal, or the 13th Territorial Commando A little later the kabupaten of Pemalang was also placed under this. It was headed by the commander of the local Republican troops, Lieutenant-General Muh. Susman. He coordinated the various war efforts against the Dutch with the assistance of leaders of irregular units such as Muh. Junus of the Pusponegoro Regiment of the BPRI and Kosim Nachrowi of the Hizbu 'IZah, and of officers of the naval base of Tegal and of the Police and the Civil Administration. Such coordination had become increasingly pressing, and at the same time increasingly difficult, in view of the Dutch attacks. The Dutch launched their first "military action" on July 21st, 1947, by the end of which their troops had occupied the towns of Tegal, Brebes, and Slawi and driven the Indonesian troops into the rural areas. Muh. Susman was thus obliged to move his headquarters from the town of Tegal to Bumijawa, just south of Tegal. He thereupon lost virtually all contact with the headquarters of the Sunan Gunung ja ti Division (cf. Pranata 1976-1977, n. 1-9). To the Indonesian Republic the first "military action " posed a serious threat. As a re sult of it, the urban centres in a large part of West Java and west Central Java were occupied by the Dutch, who, in spite of continuing Indonesian resistance in the outer districts, laid claim also to the areas surrounding these centres. The residency of Pekalongan formed part of the Dutch-controlled area, and under the terms of the Renville agreement of January 1948, like the greater part of West Java, had to be evacuated by the Indonesian troops. Both the regular and irregular lndonesian forces operating in the residency of Pekalong- === [PDF page 147] === III Centra! Java, the Offshoot 137 an were ordered to leave here by the end of J anuary. The Republican Army units subsequently withdrew to the village of Karangkobar in Banjarnegara, and the irregular units, such as the BPRI and Hizbu 'llak, to Wonosobo (Pranata 1976-1977, n. 11). As in West Java, in Brebes and Tegal, this evacuation provided the immediate stimulus for the rise of Darul Islam. The latter's genesis in many ways resem bles th at of the Darul Islam in West Java. There were a number of military units, most of them irregular ones, which refused to retreat and remained behind. There moreover existed discontent at the way the Republican Army treated the irregular forces. In Brebes the guerillas remaining behind operated in two groups, calIed Gerakan An(an)tareja Republik lndonesz"a (GARI), or An(an)tareja Movement of the Indonesian Republic, 16 and Gerz1ya Republik lndonesz"a (GRI) respectively. The resistance movement was joined a few months later by dissatisfied Hzzbu 'llak units, which at first had joined the Republican Army in its withdrawal, but now returned to their home base. Their secession had been inspired by a new wave of reorganizations within the Indonesian Army (Pranata 1976-1977, n. 12). These new attempts of streamlining the Army in part were a corolIary of earlier ones, and in part were provoked by new and difficult circumstances. They provided the Republican Army and Government with yet another opportunity to cut back and contain the many irregular units. The influx of troops from the Dutch-occupied areas af ter the Renville agreement had made the situation in Central Java an extremely difficult one, as all kinds of guerilla groups were crowded into the area. All these men had to be fed, clothed and housed in a relatively small area th at simply was not equal to the situation. Reorganization, but in particular demobilization, had therefore become a must. As vice- President Mohammad Hatta, who at that time was also Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, said in February 1948, Army rationalization had become a matter of life and death (M 21-2-1948). The Republican territory had shrunk considerably, while what was left of it had to sustain many more people than before, having to accommodate all the soldiers from West and East Java and their families. Particularly the members of the irregular guerilla groups feIl victim to the new policy. Certain standards were imposed, and whoever did not meet these was demobilized. Those of the irregular guerilla fighters from Brebes and Tegal who were admitted to the Army were accommodated in two new bat- === [PDF page 148] === 138 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam talions, the BPRI and Lasykar Rakyat in the 5Ist Battalion, and the Hizbu 'llah unit of the Pekalongan residency in a battalion of its own, the 52nd. Both battalions were incorporated into a new 3rd or Pangeran Diponegoro Division, in which the old Pangeran Diponegoro and Sunan Gunung jati Divisions had merged. As is noted by Pranata, the newly formed battalions were quite strong, being made up of ordinary soldiers and non-commissioned and commissioned officers who had all been medically examined and had their previous military record taken into account. Moreover, all the soldiers now bore firearms whereas in the past only a proportion of them had been armed (Pranata 1976-1977, n. 11). Although as a consequence of the changes and rationalization the Army's combat capacity may have improved, at the same time the frustration and anger of the members of the irregular units, whether or not demobilized, mounted. This was probably one of the main reasons for Hz"zbu '/lah units reinfiltrating the Brebes and Tegal areas. The first group to return here was headed by Abas Ab dullah, who on his return set up a Majelis Islam or Islamic Council, and renamed his troops Pasukan Mujaht"din (Fighters in the way of Allah). He regarded the Islamic Council as the legitimate provisional regional government, and tried to subdue the GARI and GRI by force (Pranata 1976-1977, n.12).17 An independent Islamic movement, however, gained momenturn only a few months later, af ter Amir Fatah appeared on the scene. Amir Fatah, whose full name was Amir Fatah Widjajakusuma (Amir Fatah Wijayakusuma), was a native of Kroya in Banyumas. He claimed to be the chairman of the Dewan Pembelaan Masyumz' Pusat, or Central Masyumi Defence Council. 18 He was a close associate of Kartosuwirjo's, and had commanded the Hizbu '/lah troops escorting the latter to Malang to attend the fifth plenary session of the Central Indonesian National Committee as a kind of bodyguard in February 1947. At Malang he had become Chief of Staff of the August 17th Division, a conglomeration of troops opposing the Linggarjati agreement - the subject which constituted the main item on the agenda (Sutomo 1977:8-9). Thus Amir Fatah came to Tegal from West Java. Wh at exactIy the status and role of his Hz"zbu '/lah units in West Java had been is not clear. They may have formed part of the troops from Brebes and Tegal stationed near Bandung to fight the Dutch in that area; or possibly he had retreated to West Java af ter the defeat of Three Regions Affair. Nor are his reasons for moving to Central Java in 1948 clear. There are rumours that he had been === [PDF page 149] === 111 Central Java, the Offshoot 139 requested by Masyumi to try and prevent the establishment of an Islamic state by Kartosuwirjo, and th at he had been forced to retreat to Brebes af ter unsuccessful negotiations with Kamran (Djawa Tengah 1953:202). It is also alleged that Republican commander Sudirman had ordered Amir Fatah to try and foil Kartosuwirjo's plans. Sudirman supposedly ordered Amir Fatah at the same time to continue the guerilla activities against the Dutch in West Java, thus filling in the gap left by the retreat of the Siliwangi Division (Basri n.d.: 3). Neither version seems very plausible. In the period in which Amir Fatah is said to have been assigned the task of checking Kartosuwirjo, neither the Masyumi nor the Republican Army and Government were inclined to even consider the possibility of a break-away state in West Java. Moreover, as we have seen above, the Republican Army had already appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Sutoko as coordinator of the guerilla operations in West Java. It is furthermore unlikely th at either Sudirman or the Masyumi should have assigned an important task to a commander whom they could not wholly trust. It is more likely that Amir Fatah's Hizbu 'llak units formed part of those troops that had refused to withdraw from West Java af ter the Renville agreement. For some reason or other Amir Fatah then feIl out with Kamran, and was thereupon obliged to retreat to the Brebes-Tegal area, whence most of his men came. As turned out later, this latter circumstance was one of the factors influencing the success of Amir Fatah's guerilla activities against the Republic in 1949. In its attempts to suppress these activities, the Republican Army came up against serious obstacles because of the support given the rebels by the people of Brebes and Tegal, many of whom had kinship relations with them Amir Fatah probably entered Brebes and Tegal via Wonosobo, where the Hizbu 'llak 52nd Battalion was stationed, around October 1948. He succeeded in persuading the latter Battalion to return to Brebes and Tegal with him, in spite of the opposition of its commander, Muh. Bachrin (Muh. Bakhrin). When the Battalion, now under Amir Fatah 's own command, reached the demarcation line, it was blocked by Republican troops. Pretending to turn back, it crossed the border elsewhere (Pranata 1976- 1977, n. 12, 13). Af ter entering the Dutch-controlled zone, Amir Fatah, following the example of Abas AbduIlah, created "celIs of an Islamic Government" and instituted a Majelis Islam, or Islamic CounciLHe renamed his troops Mujakidin (Basri n.d.:2). === [PDF page 150] === 140 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Despite these steps towards the creation of an Islamic state, Amir Fatah did not at first oppose the Republican Government. At the return of the Republican troops after the launching of the second military action by the Dutch, no immediate open conflict broke out between Republican troops and Hizbu '!lah units as in West Java. On the contrary, the Islamic Council and the Republican Government agreed to cooperate. The highest military and administrative functions were relinquished to the Republican Government. Major Wongsoatmodjo (Wongsoatmojo) was appointed commander of the Indonesian troops in the area, including the Hizbu 'llah units. Wongs,oatmodjo was the commander of the Republican troops from Brebes and Tegal which after their retreat had been incorporated into the 3rd Division as the 3rd Battalion. At the return of his troops to the area they had been joined by the greater part of the 51st Battalion, which had been formed out of BPRI and Lasykar Rakyat guerilla units. The latter's motive in joining the 3rd Battalion on its march to Brebes and Tegal, whence its men originated, had been that it preferred this to moving on the Pemalang as ordered by the Army Commando On arrival in Brebes and Tegal, Wongsoatmodjo had formed the Sub Wekrkreise Slamet lIl, SWKS 111 for short. This Sub Wehrkreise (as it was called in Indonesian), as a division of the current Military Government of Java, had combined military and civil administrative functions. Although it did not appoint military personnel to the Civil Administration, civilian personnel were subordinate to the military.19 The Sub Wehrkreise, as part of the Republican Army command structure, also united the regular and irregular forces within itself. At its constitution it had not only banned the future use of the names 3rd, 51st or 52nd Battalion, which were to be replaced by the abbreviated name TNI-SWKS- 111, but also prohibited all reference to Hz'zbu 'llak, Mujahidin, and so on. The irregular troops referred to by these names had now been merged with the Republican Army, and could hen ce only be referred to as part of the National Army of Indonesia (Pranata 1976-1977, n. 14). Amir Fatah had been appointed chief security coordinator of the Sub Wehrkreise. One of his tasks in this capacity had been to supervise the incorporation of the irregular guerilla units into the Republican Army. The cooperative relationship between Amir Fatah and the Republican Army and Government continued for some time. It was not a smooth one, with each partner looking up on the other as a rival. This was especially so with respect to === [PDF page 151] === III Central Java, the Offshoot 141 the regional government, for which the Republic and the Islamic Council each had their own personnel. The Republic, furthermore, did all it could to persuade people to accept the civil servants appointed by it, feeling that the functionaries backed by the Islamic Council should resign. These efforts to thwart the Islamic Council's participation in the administration and thus to counteract its influence did not exactly contribute to a friendly atmosphere. Soon the situation grew extremely tense. Things eventually came to such a pass th at the Republican Army was forced to send in a company of the Mobile Brigade and Police Force to reinforce its own troops (Basri n.d.: 2-3). At the end of April, just a little over two months after the constitution of Sub Wehrkreise Slamet IIl, Amir Fatah resigned from it. According to Jusmar Basri he did so upon receiving an appointment, after talks with an envoy of Kartosuwirjo's, as commander for Central Java of the Islamic Army of Indonesia in the rank of major-general. As the name of this envoy Jusmar Basri (n.d.:3) mentions Kamran. The talks between them took place in the village of Pengarasan, west of Bumiayu, near the southern border of the kabupaten of Brebes. Pranata, in his description of the events in Pengarasan on the eve of the proclamation of the Islamic State of Indonesia in Centraljava, does not mention Kamran. He does note the presence of Sjarif Hidajat (Syarif Hidayat), a West Javanese Hizbu 'llah commander, however. Amir Fatah had also secretly withdrawn the guerillas of the former Hizbu 'llah Battalion of Brebes and Tegal to the village of Pengarasan. When this became known, the military commander of Brebes, Captain Prawoto, dispatched about 50 men to find out wh at Amir Fatah was up to. From the account of the experience of these men given by Pranata it seems that the prospect of successful negotiations on the formation of a federal United States of Indonesia between the Republican and Dutch Governments was a contributing factor in Amir Fatah's breach with the Republic. It should be noted, however, that the events described by Pranata took place on April 22nd and 23rd, 1949, two weeks before the Van Royen-Roem agreement was made public. Amir Fatah differentiated between three kinds of struggle: the Islamic, communist and federal ones. The Islamic struggle was the superior of the three, in part because the Republic had betrayed its own ideals. The federal struggle was the one carried on by the Republican Govemment, which, by signing the Renville and Linggarjati agreements, Amir Fatah claimed had === [PDF page 152] === 142 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam given in to the demands of the Dutch for a United States of Indonesia (Pranata 1976-1977, n. 16, 17).20 The Islamic State of Central Java was proclaimed in the village of Pengarasan at the end of April 1949. So, in fact, Centraljava officially proclaimed an Islamic State before West Java. Amir Fatah became its Commander-in-Chief as weU as commander of the SHWK Battalion, these letters being the initials of Sjarif Hidajat, who was appointed advisor, and Widjajakusuma, the last part of Amir Fatah's name (Pranata 1976-1977, n. 17, 18,20; Tentara Pe1ajar 1979: 164-1 75).21 The first militaryactions carried out by Amir Fatah and his Darul Islam troops were successful. They proceeded to attack Republican positions immediately following the proclamation, with the Darul Islam soldiers succeeding in seizing the Sub Wekrkreise's command post at Bentarsari, which had been abandoned by the Republican troops for fear of encirclement by the numerically stronger Islamic Army. The latter here captured the commander of the Military District (KDM) of Brebes, Abduldjalil (Abduljalil), who for some reason had refrained from joining the retreating Army. They further attacked and disarmed the Mobile Brigade unit sent here some months previously for the purpose of reinforcing the Republican troops in view of the problems with the Islamic Council, and took its commander, R.M. Bambang Suprapto, prisoner. He and Abduldjalil were executed by the Darul Islam a few days later. Amir Fatah's first actions might have been even more successful had the Republican troops at Tegal joined with him. Such a move was, in fact, contemplated by the military commander of the kabupaten of Tegal, Captain Imam Sudjadi (Imam Sujadi), and some of his officers, such as Captain Irfan Mustopa, a former Brebes member of Hizbu 'llak, and Major Djohan Oohan), commander of the troops from Sulawesi in Tegal. Their plans had been thwarted by their subordinates, however (cf. Suputro 1959:67; Pranata 1976-1977, n. 18-20). Amir Fatah nevertheless graduaUy extended his influence in the following months. With the surroundings of Bumiayu as his stronghold, he moved north into Pekalongan, where his troops attacked army posts in various places, such as at Margasari, Prupuk, Larangan and Tonjong. Then, at the end of 1949, he tried several times in vain to enter and occupy Brebes. On November 11 th Darul Islam troops entered Wonosari and Siasem, two villages on the outskirt of Brebes, setting fire to 45 houses. This attack was led by Amir Fatah personally, directing his troops from achair carried by his === [PDF page 153] === IU Central Java, the Offshoot 143 soldiers, as he had been wounded in the head in an earlier skirmish with Republican troops (BI 17-11-1949, 10-1-1950). The next step contemplated by the rebels was the attack of Brebes itself. To show how they felt about the "transfer of sovereignty", the date set for this was December 27th. Because they made their plans in this respect too widely known, however, the attack was easily beaten off. Amir Fatah was more successful a few days later, on New Year's Day, when his troops finally did enter Brebes and occupied part of the town. The rebels, who entrenched themselves in the city's main mosque, could only be driven out after a four-hour battle. Two days later the city was again attacked, but this time in vain. Recalling the region's turbulent past and realizing th at there must still be many weapons in the population's possession, the Republican Government was quick to react. To pacify Brebes and Tegal, both towns were declared a prohibited area and sealed off, so th at no-one could move in or out. A count was made of the population and the fire-arms in its possession (BI 6-1-1950, 10-1-1950). This completed, a counter-offensive was launched by the Republican troops. Af ter some minor operations in the coastal villages and in Bumiayu, the National Buffalo Operation, or Gerakan Banteng Nasional, was launched in Tegal, Brebes, Bumiayu, Purwakarta, Majenang and Cilacap. In this operation, better known as the GBN, infantry units of the three javanese Army divisions - the Diponegoro, Brawtjaya and Silt"wangi Divisions - participated. lts objective was to isolate Amir Fatah in Tegal and Bumiayu and to prevent him and his soldiers from establishing contact with West java (cf. Cuplikan 1972:250-252). In one sense the operation was a success, in another sense a failure. Partly by persuasion, backed by military force, a number of important Central javanese Darul Islam leaders were made to surrender. The objective of closure of the provincial border, on the other hand, was not achieved. So there were frequent raids by Darul Islam units from Brebes and Tegal into the West javanese kabupaten of Cirebon. These raids, in fact, accounted for a large proportion of the Darul Islam activity in the area. Within the Central javanese Darul Islam there was a comparatively greater readiness to surrender than in West java. As early as February 1950 Wachid (Wakhid), a Darul Islam commander operating in Bumiayu, surrendered together with 120 of his men near Tonjong (BI 21-2·1950, 24-2-1950; M 21-2-1950, 24-2-1950). Moreover, Amir Fatah was reported to be contem- === [PDF page 154] === 144 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam plating surrender on the condition that the military govemor of Central Java, Colonel Gatot Subroto, guarantee th at no harm would be done to his men. Talks ab out this began in eamest after Natsir's amnesty offer of November 1950. As in West Java, the offer itself ended in failure. In the whole of Central Java only 6,962 people reported themselves, more than one third of them in Surakarta, and 578 firearms were handed in, almost none in Brebes and Tegal. The response in Banjumas was a litde better, but the overall result was disappointing (17-12-1950).22 Nevertheless, Natsir's offer did set serious negotiations in motion. These were held in Karangsari at the end of November. On the Republican side Muslich (Muslikh), the head of the Department of Religion of Central Java, took part. Muslich knew some of the gueriIlas quite weIl, having commanded a battalion in which they had fought during the revolution. He was received cordially by Amir Fatah and his men. As it was formulated, agreement and an understanding were soon reached on the content of the amnesty offer, with which Amir Fatah and 2,000 of his men pledged themselves to comply. Kamran was also rumoured to be thinking of surrendering. It was furthermore alleged that Amir Fatah, before giving himself up, would go to West Java to see Kartosuwirjo and try to persuade him to capitulate as weIl. Amir Fatah did, in fact, go to West Java, but it is doubtful whether he did so indeed to confer with Kartosuwirjo on the cessation of hostilities. His march was more in the nature of a flight on which he was being constandy pursued and attacked by Republican troops. In the course of this he entered Ciamis accompanied by about one hundred and fifty of his soldiers. On further pursuit by Republican troops he finally surrendered at Cisayong on December 22nd, after losing one third of his men. The Republican Govemment claimed that one of the factors which had induced him to surrender was lack of support from the loc al population. According to the account of his surrender put out by it, Kartosuwirjo had somehow persuaded Amir Fatah that Ciamis was one of the de facto Darul Islam territories that enjoyed the full backing of the population. When on arrival in Gamis Amir Fatah introduced himself as commander of the TIl, the population remained apathetic, however. Upon his stating that he was a member of the Republican Army, on the other hand, he was enthusiastically hailed (18-12-1950, 23-12-1950, After his surrender, Amir Fatah ordered his sub-commanders to === [PDF page 155] === III Central Java, the Offshoot 145 stay where they were, to refrain from action, and to contact the local Republican commanders to discuss the terms of their surrender. Some of his followers did indeed report themselves. Others went on fighting. Operations against remnants of Amir Fatah's Army had to be continued until farinto the 1950's. Amir Fatah's function as commander of the Islamic Army of Central Java was taken over by Mughny, who was killed near Bumiayu in October 1954 (IB 6-10-1954). In 1956 there were some reports circulating of internal strife in the Central J avanese Darul Islam and of the murder of some of its leaders by their own men (ANP/Aneta 1956: 739). After that the movement totally collapsed. 3. The Troops of the Islamic Community Pekalongan was not the only region in Central Java where adherents of the principle of an Islamic state came into action. So the south coast of Central Java, the Kebumen area, was the area of operation of the Angkatan Umat Islam (AUI), or Troops of the Islamic Community. These latter had been constituted by Kiyai Haji Machfudz (Makhfudz) in September 1945. Their objective was the defence of the newly proclaimed Indonesian Republic "in the way instructed by Allah and shown by his Messenger". Another objective of the AUI was the consolidation of the Islamic community's loyalty to Islam (I 7-8-1950, Djawa Tengah 1953:63).23 Kiyai Haji Machfudz, who at the time of the founding of the AUI was about 40 years of age, was better known as Romo Pusat or Kiyai Sumolangu, Sumolangu being the name of his home village, located about four kilometres north-east of the town of Kebumen. He was one of the most important -Islamic scholars of the area and claimed descent from Ngabdulkafi (sometimes also called Kiyai Lemah Lanang), who is said to have brought Islam to Kebumen. Among the other kz'yais of the area Machfudz enjoyed a reputation as a pious, learned man of good character. At the end of 1945 he had assumed a leading role in the disarmament of Japanese soldiers in the area. He had also set up a small shop in his village of Sumolangu, where he sold jz'mats (amulets). These were bought by people, according to some sources thousands of them, with a view to obtaining strength for the fight against the Japanese and the Dutch and achieving invulnerability (N 3-10-1952). === [PDF page 156] === 146 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam The Angkatan Umat Islam, thanks to the personal influcnce of Machfudz, which went back to before the Second World War, and because of the appeal of its Islamic principlcs gradually attained the strength of abattalion. It operated independently. When Masyumt", at that time still the only Islamic party, asked Machfudz to join it, he refused, arguing that the AUI was a military unit and not a politica!. organization. In the struggle for independence the Angkatan Umat Islam fought alongside the Republican Army. Throughout the revolution Machfudz and his AUI troops invariably succeeded in holding their positions and never suffered defeat at the hands of Dutch troops. At the time of its foundation the Angkatan Umat Islam had professed as one of its aims the creation of an Indonesian state based upon the principles of Islam. Even so, there were no conflicts with the secular Republican Government before the end of the struggle for national freedom. It was only after the Round Table Conference, the terms of which the AUI rejected, that a serious conflict with the Republican Government began to brew. The growing antagonism between them was subsequently fanned by the Government's endeavours to curb the AUI's influence in Kebumen. The Republican Army made several attempts to get the organization under its contro!. Ostensibly in reward for the Angkatan Umat Islam's contribution to the struggle against the Dutch, it was transformed into a regional battalion in 1949. Actually, however, this move was designed as a means of establishing control over the AUI and preparing it for demobilization. The new battalion was named the Lemah Lanang Battalion, af ter a mountain called Lemah Lanang north of Sumolangu, where Machfudz's saintly ancestor Ngabdulkafi lay buried. Machfudz was appointed its commander, with his younger brother Haji Nursidik as his second-in-command. The Lemah Lanang Battalion was further joined by members of a former Ht"zbu '[[ah unit, currently called the Surengpatz" troops, under the command of Masduki. Although both components of the Lemah Lanang Battalion were strictly Muslim, the members of the Angkatan Umat Islam and the Surengpatz" troops did not get on weIl with each other. Machfudz and his followers experienced the fusion with the Surengpatz" troops as a blow to their identity. Soon enmity arose between the two components, and the battalion broke apart (Cuplikan 1972:244). For Machfudz this spelt the end of all cooperation with the Republic. He did not yet dissociate himself from it formally, but === [PDF page 157] === 111 Centra! Java, the Offshoot 147 withdrew to Sumolangu, taking his followers with him. His brother Nursidik adopted a different course, however, and continued cooperating with the Republican Army. The re sult was that he and Machfudz temporarily drifted apart. With Machfudz's retreat, the first attempt to incorporate the Angkatan Umat Islam into the Republican Army miscarried. At the same time it became apparent to the units under Nursidik's leadership which had remained loyal to the Republic that the formation of the Lemah Lanang Battalion had been more than just a change of name and a reward for the guerillas' resistance efforts against the Dutch. The Republican Army, in fact, had plans for retraining the AUI soldiers with a view to "instilling the military spirit" into them and for bringing them firmly under its control (Djawa Tengah 1953:205). This scheme formed part of the Army Command's plans for streamlining the entire Army into a relatively small but well-trained force. In such an organization there was no room, to its mind, for the members of irregular guerilla units. They considered these soldiers of too inferior a military, physical and intellectual standard. What they really wanted was for the members of the Angkatan Umat Islam to return to civilian life af ter termination of the fighting. Towards this end they intended transforming the Lemah Lanang Battalion into a reserve battalion, in which the guerillas were to await selection for the Army or, upon their failure to meet the required standards, demobilization. A fresh attempt to break the regional power of the Angkatan Umat Islam was made after the formal recognition of independence. By that time the AUI had come to behave more and more as an independent authority, having begun collecting taxes, buying its own weapons and to patrolling the area. On May 17th, 1950, the Lemah Lanang Battalion was once again reorganized, and formally incorporated into the 3rd (Diponegoro) Division as the 9th Battalion of the 10th Brigade. Only a small section - two companies - of the Lemah Lanang Battalion actually joined this Division. Machfudz himself did not want to hear of any incorporation. To show his dissatisfaction with the relevant policy of the Indonesian Government and Army, he stayed away from the installation ceremony. This sign of disapproval and protest was followed ten days later by the founding by Machfudz of his own military unit, the Khimayatul Islam (Protectors of Islam) Battalion. The majority of his men followed him and joined his Battalion. Only a small group abstained and followed Nursidik, who was appointed commander === [PDF page 158] === 148 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam of the 9th Battalion by the Republican Army (Djawa Tengah 1953: 206). Machfudz 's reaction did not come as a total surprise. Members of the Lemah Lanang Battalion had a feeling that the formation of the new battalion would lead to their disarmament and demobilization. Moreover, the Military Police in January had tried, in vain, to discipline Machfudz 's followers (Cuplikan 1972:245). The staff of the Diponegoro Division, however, was probably completely ignorant of how the irregular guerillas felt about their treatment, as wen as of their reaction. At any rate, the commander of the Diponegoro Division, Colonel Gatot Subroto, sent a letter to Machfudz thanking him for his contribution to the struggle for independence and for all his cooperation in ensuring the incorporation of his troops into the Republican Army (N 27-5-1950). The ensuing months the Republican Army and Govemment tried unsuccessfully to negotiate with Machfudz. An invitation to come to Purworejo to talk things over was declined by him. He on the other hand also refused to receive representatives of either the Republican Govemment or Army who wished to come to him in his stronghold of Sumolangu. Nor did he agree to speak to representatives of Masyu mz·. He further refused to see the Minister of Religion of the United States of Indonesia, K.H. Wachid Hasjim, who had traveUed to Central Java especially to talk to the rebels and try to persuade them to cease their re sistance. Machfudz dubbed the Army of the United States of Indonesia the Army of the Bule Putih, or White Kerbau (a contemptuous term for the Dutch), and the Govemment of the United States of Indonesia the accomplices of the Dutch. To show his dissatisfaction at the diplomacy of the Republican Govemment, which in his view had failed to achieve total independence, he forbade his followers from 1949 to use the nationalist caU Merdeka (Freedom). Besides, he and his foUowers had a suspicion that the Republican Army had been infiltrated by communist officers involved in the Madiun rising (18-5-1950, 12-8-1950, 29-9-1950; N 16-9-1950). Fighting broke out on July 30th, 1950, one day before the expiry of an Army ultimatum. It was started by Machfudz, who arrested every civil servant of the United States of Indonesia his troops could lay hands on, about seventy in all. The bupatz' of Kebumen and remaining govemment officials and civil servants were forced to flee; they retumed again in September, when most of the fighting had stopped. Machfudz was now joined by === [PDF page 159] === III Central Java, the Offshoot 149 Nursidik and most of the soldiers who had joined the army of the United States of Indonesia in l\lay. 24 Nursidik was hereupon appointed commander of the rebels. The Army reacted on August Ist. It first disarmed all former guerillas who had not deserted, and then advanced on the village of Sumolangu. This village, where Machfudz had established his headquarters, and which he had subsequently styled the "Sumolangu Heaven.. 25, sustained considerable damage in the fighting, about 85 of its houses being destroyed. The Khimayatul Islam troops were subsequently forced to retreat. Af ter a month's fighting, in which 700 rebels were claimed to have been killed and 1,500 arrested, the Government troops eventually succeeded in dispersing the Angkatan Umat Islam. One division of about 200 guerillas commanded by Nursidik moved north to Brebes and Tegal to join up with the Darul Islam troops there. Another division of about 600 commanded by Machfudz fled westward to Banyumas. Machfudz was killed near Kroya on August 26th, 1950. Hereupon the remnants of his division also fled to Brebes and Tegal (Cuplikan 1972: 246; Basri After the fighting had ended, the population of Sumolangu asked the Government to give their village another name. In order to dispel all associations with Machfudz's movement the village was renamed Sumbersari. The damage suffered in Kebumen was very great. Thousands of people had fled and hundreds had been killed. Eighteen villages had been severely damaged in the course of the fighting (I 10-10-1950). The Darul Islam movement in Central Java never caused the Indonesian government such serious headaches as those in West Java, South Sulawesi and Aceh. Af ter being joined by the Angkatan Umat Islam guerillas, the Darul Islam's fighting force here was estimated by the Republican commander of Pekalongan at 1,200, while another estimate mentions 2,000 (124-11-1950, N 13-1-1951). The Darul Islam troops conducted raids and sometimes committed acts of cruelty, but such acts as holding up trains, for example, were a rare phenomenon. 4. The 426 Battalion Only once did the Indonesian Army get into serious trouble and face a real challenge in Central Java. This was when members of the Central Javanese Diponegoro Division gave the Darul Islam their support, first secrctly and later openly. === [PDF page 160] === 150 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam It was first discovered from information from prisoners taken in the Brebes-Tegal area in 1951 that the Darul Islam rebels operating here had received support from officers and other ranks of the Dzponegoro's 423 and 426 Battalions. Af ter that, a document incriminating officers of the 423 Battalion was found on the body of an officer killed in action against Darul Islam troops in Brebes. This document contained orders for the members of the 423 Battalion, which, consisting in part of former Hz·zbu 'llah guerillas, had been sent to Brebes to fight Darul Islam troops, to defect and join the Islamic Army. In addition it was brought to the notice of the Dzponegoro Division staff that a number of officers of the 423 Battalion had meetings with Central ]avanese Darul Islam leaders in order to discuss the matter of defection. Upon confirmation of the information accordingly, the officers involved were put under arrest by the Divisional Commando As aresult the 423 Battalion remained loyal to the Indonesian Republic and continued its anti-Darul Islam operation in Brebes (Alers 1956:254; Cuplikan 1972:246- 247; Subekti 1952: 14-15). The problems with the 426 Battalion were not so easily solved. This whole battalion was made up of a former Hizbu 'llah unit. lts members still resented their incorporation into the Pragolo Brigade, commanded by the then Lieutenant-Colonel Soeharto, who led the subsequent military operations against the mutinous Battalion. It had come into conflict with the Republican Army Command as early as the Madiun rising in September 1948. The Battalion had participated with great zeal in the quashing of this rebellion of the communist infidels, and had even gone as far as capturing - and later killing - the Chief of Staff of the Surakarta Wehrkrezse and a number of his officers, which had subsequently provoked occasional fighting with other Republican units. Strangely enough, it had also participated in the suppression of the Angkatan Umat Islam, and had admitted surrendering AUI guerillas to its ranks. On hearing the first rumours of a possible defection of the 426 Battalion the Dlponegoro Command was at first irresolute. In view of past experiences, the Oivisional Command did not wish to provoke the farmer Hizbu 'llah fighters. When finally it decided to act it was too late. Reports that the Diponegoro Oivision had evidence of the collaboration of officers of the 426 Battalion with the Darul Islam movement leaked out beforc the officers involved could be interrogated. Even so, two officcrs of the 426 Battalion, Major Munawar and Captain So~jan (Sofyan), === [PDF page 161] === 111 Central Java, the Offshoot 151 were summoned to the Diponegoro headquarters on December 7th, 1951. Sofjan, who was rumoured to have been offered the post of commander of the Islamic Army of Indonesia for Central Java, in replacement of Amir Fatah, refused to come, as he knew that headquarters were informed of his Darul Islam contacts. Instead he admitted that he and three companies commanded by him belonged to the Islamic Army. Munawar did not obey the order to come to headquarters, either. He was arrested wearing civilian clothes at Klaten a few days later (IM 16-12-1951; KB 15-12- 1951). After Sofjan's refusal to surrender, Republican troops attacked his barracks at Kudus. With the assistance of the local population Sofjan managed to break through the cordon, however. His rebellious troops were joined a few days later by two other companies of the 426 Battalion, commanded by Captain Alip, which had been confined to their barracks at Magelang. The latter had left these barracks on December 10th, their families having fled the previous day. The Government, which was also not sure of the units encamped at Salatiga and Semarang, confined these to their barracks as weIl from fear that they might side with Sofjan. A number of soldiers of the 427 Battalion at Salatiga nevertheless joined the rebels (IM 14-12-1951; KB 14-12-1951). Sofjan's band reached Klaten, the region of origin of the Hizbu- 'llah soldiers of the 426 Battalion, who had fought here at the time of the second Dutch militaryaction, four weeks later. Sofjan himself, who was reportedly wearing a red suit with a white turban with Arabic characters at the time, was killed on January 2nd. According to the commander of the Diponegoro Division the rebels had been planning their defection a long time beforehand, and had even buried some of their weapons just after the second Dutch militaryaction in order to collect these again when needed later. It was furthermore reported that the 426 Battalion had been building up a cadre for months and had been collecting gold and cash through robbery as weIl as through voluntary contributions to finance their revolt (KB 21-12-1951; N 5-1-1952). In Klaten they received the active support of the population, in particular the better-off Moslim landowners. The lat ter espoused the rebel cause among other reasons so as to be able "to defend their interests as sawah owners against the demands of agricultural labourers, who of old desired changes in the distribution of land" (Subekti 1952:14-15). This support was not restricted to === [PDF page 162] === 152 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Klaten itself, but extended as far as Surakarta. The latter city and its surroundings had always constituted a troubles ome area. Hence the prospect of an armed rising here was not calculated to please the authorities. In view of Surakarta's character as a region with numerous and complex problems, the Resident of Surakarta, Salamun, took a much more serious view of the activities of the 426 Battalion than of those of the Darul Islam in Pekalongan and the Angkatan Umat Islam in Kebumen (IM 16-1-1952). Even so, the movement was short-lived and the rebels were beaten by the end of five months. A proportion of them hereupon joined the Darul Islam forces in the northwestern part of Central Java, as the remnants of the Angkatan Umat Islam had done, or tried to reach the Darul Islam forces in West Java. Others joined the bands operating in the mountain range north of Klaten, the area known as the Merapi-Merbabu Complex (MMC).26 The motive of the members of the 426 Battalion in rebelling and choosing the si de of Darul Islam was partly religiously inspired. As Islamic troops and former Hizbu 'llah fighters they sympathized with the Islamic ideals of Darul Islam. Furthermore, they were in close contact with the Moslem population not only of Klaten but also of urban Surakarta. In Klaten scores of people were accordingly interrogated on suspicion of aiding the rebels, and in Surakarta, too, many people were arrested in this connection. In one raid in Surakarta on the evening of December 12th alone seventy-five people were taken into custody. On January 3rd, 1952, this was followed by the arrest of prominent Moslem leaders in the Surakarta Kauman, or Islamic centre, including R.H. Adnan, the Chairman of the Mahkamah Tz'nggi Islam, or Islamic High Court. As elsewhere, however, Islamic ideals were not the only impetus towards rebellion. Feelings of dissatisfaction played an important part, too. The soldiers of the 426 Battalion who did not originally come from the regular Republican Army felt discriminated against. Thus, when Lieutenant-Colonel Bachrun (Bakhrun), a Republican officer, tried at the end of January to persuade the rebels to surrender, he put the blame for everything on the officers of the Battalion, claiming that they had incited their sol di ers to rebellion by telling them th at they were being treatcd unfairly by their Division. Bachrun promised th at no action would be taken against any soldiers who repented and reformcd (IM 1-2-1952). Thc Diponegoro Division launched a large-sc ale campaign === [PDF page 163] === 111 Central Java, the Offshoot 153 against the rebellious Battalion and followed it in hot persuit. Hour-long, sometimes even day-long battles were fought, in which many people lost their lives. All the main roads around Yogyakarta and Surakarta were closed during the operations. The rebels were ultimately wom out by constant harassment. As one newspaper reported in early April: "Often human victims are found by the TNI who are already dead or in a deplorable condition. Many weapons that cannot be carried have to be hidden under the ground" (IM 6-4-1952). The Republican Army did not always act very tactfully in its operation. On the contrary it had the unhappy knack of arousing people's indignation. In February 1952, consequendy, a written query was submitted to the Govemment by Prawoto Mangkusasmito, a Member of Parliament representing Masyumi - a party which, by virtue of its Islamic character, was not without sympathy for the Darul Islam rebels. The examples of alleged misconduct on the part of Republican soldiers adduced here were illustrative of a type of behaviour that was calculated to augment the Islamic community's resentment. In Klaten, in the village of Kardirejo, for example, Republican Army soldiers had allegedly set fire to mosques. In the Surakarta region they had desecrated mosques by entering them with shoes on and taking dogs inside. Prawoto Mangkusasmito further drew attention to the arbitrary treatment of the local population and of prisoners. He alleged that sometimes people were taken into protective custody simply to prevent them assisting the rebels, whether voluntarily or under duress. In other cases people were taken prisoner as substitutes for relatives who had escaped or disappeared. He moreover referred to reports of the killing of prisoners taken not in combat but in cleaning-up operations. All this, according to him, had driven the population over to the rebels' side, thus making it so difficult to subdue the 426 Battalion (Suara Partai Masjumi v.7, n. 3, March 1952:7-8).27 After the defeat of this Battalion the Republican Army concentrated its mopping-up operations on Brebes, where remnants of it and of the AUI had fled. Specially trained troops - the Banteng or Buffalo Raiders, the predecessors of Diponegoro Division 's commandos - were deployed for these. After two military campaigns, in May 1952 and June 1954 - the one directed against Darul Islam strongholds in the woods south of Pekalongan and the other aimed at preventing Darul Islam troops from breaking through the cordon and escaping to West Java - the Darul Islam troops along the border with West Java were con- === [PDF page 164] === 154 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam siderably weakened. Throughout the whole of the 1950's, however, the Diponegoro Division had to deal with small remaining bands of guerillas in the former Darul Islam areas of Central Java. === [PDF page 165] === CHAPTER FOUR THE REBELLION OF SOUTH SULAWESI - DISAFFECTED GUERILLAS In South Sulawesi (Celebes) a rebellion against the Indonesian Republic broke out shortly af ter the forma! recognition of Indonesian independence. In the initia! stages it was simply a rising of former guerilla fighters who were disgruntled at the mode of their incorporation into the Republic Army, or partial demobilization. After severa! years the rebels linked up with Kartosuwirjo's Islamic State of Indonesia, however. The rebellion in Sulawesi was led by Kahar Muzakkar. 1 It was to affect large parts of South and Southeast Sulawesi for many years. 1. Kahar Muzakkar and the Struggle tor Independenee Abdul Kahar Muzakkar, who in his youth was named La Domeng, was born in the village of Lanipa, near Palopo, on the north-west coast of Bone Bay, on March 24th, 1921. He was the son of a farmer who was reasonably well-off and belonged to the low aristocracy (Andaya 1976:2). At the age of seventeen he was sent to Surakarta to study at the Perguruan Islam, a Muhammadiyah college. Before completing his education here he returned in 1941 to Palopo, where for a short while he taught at a Muhammadz'yah school. He also became one of the loca! leaders of the Pemuda Muhammadiyah, or Muhammadiyah Youth, and of the Hizbul Wathon, the Muhammadz'yah boy scout movement. At the beginning of the ]apanese occupation he worked for a brief period for the ]apanese at Ujungpandang (Makassar).2 Soon Kahar Muzakkar came into conflict with the Ioca! adat chiefs. Why he provoked their hostility is not fully known. Kahar Muzakkar in any case "was accused of sedition" against the adat chiefs (Tjatatan 1950: 17). He is even said to have gone further and to have "denounced the existing feuda! system in South Sulawesi and advocated the abolishing of the aristocracy" (Harvey 1974:182). Banned from the island, or to be more precise, ostracized 3 for life, Kahar Muzakkar returned to Sura- === [PDF page 166] === 156 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam karta in 1942, wherc he set up as a trader. He remained in Java, where he took an active part in the armed struggle for independence, for about tcn years. From the descriptions of him, Kahar Muzakkar emerges as a brave man with great personal appeal. He is attributed with "reckless bravery in combat, unmatched skill in the use of arms and in sports, and a piercing intelligence, coupled with brilliant daring initiatives", while "his ability to move men by his speeches is compared favourably with th at of Sukarno's... " (Andaya 1976:6-7). Kahar Muzakkar participated in the struggle for independence from its very beginning, one might say. He was a member of Soekarno's bodyguards when the latter gave one of his first mass speeches on Freedom Square in Jakarta on September 19th, 1945. About this meeting Kahar Muzakkar himself boasts that he was the only person (armed with a machette) prepared to protect Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta against the bayonets of the J apanese soldiers who tried to disperse the meeting and who encircled the car in which Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta were Af ter the proclamation of independence he became one of the co-founders of the Movement of Young Indonesians from Sulawesi living in Java, the Gerakan Pemuda Indonesia Sulawesi (GEPIS).4 As early as October 21st, 1945, the GEPIS merged with another guerilla organization made up of youths from Sulawesi, namely the Angkatan Pemuda Indonesia Sulawesi, or APIS. The resultant new organization was named Kebaktian Rakyat Indonesz"a Sulawesi (KRIS), i.e., Devotion of the Indonesian People of Sulawesi. The majority of the youth joining the KRIS, according to Harvey (1974: 173) even all of them, came from Minahasa, the north-eastern Peninsuia of Sulawesi. A large proportion of the people from Minahasa and Manado wcre Christian and belonged to one or other of the ethnic groups from which before the Second World War the Dutch East Indies Colonial Army, or KNIL, had recruited many of its soldiers. Because of this association with the Dutch colonial regime the Minahasans and Manadonese were gene rally suspccted of being pro-Dutch and of working as Dutch agents. In Java, in the territory of the Indonesian Republic, they thus found themselves in a hostiIe environment. Hence the KRIS was formed by them with a view to defending themselves and showing their willingness to fight against the Dutch on the side of the Republic. s Similar organizations we re founded for similar reasons by people from === [PDF page 167] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 157 Ambon living in Java, such as the API (Angkatan Pemuda Indonesz'a) Ambon and the PIM (Pasukan Indonesia Maluku). The KRIS in particular because of its KNIL association had a reputation as a weIl organized and disciplined military unit. Kahar Muzakkar was made first secretary of the KRIS, 6 in which capacity he was assigned the task of setting up branches in Central and East Java. There were KRIS units fighting against the Dutch in Java alongside the Republican Army, and, as in the case of other guerilla units, conflicts arose between them and the official Republican Army. Republican Army attempts to incorporate and thus con trol the irregular units resulted in among other things the disarming of KRIS troops at Karawang and in Rengasdengklok at the beginning of 1947 (ANP-Aneta 30-4-1947). Kahar Muzakkar did not confine himself to setting up KRIS branches in Java. Upon leaving the KRIS, he played an important part in the foundation of the Batalyon Kesatuan Indonesia at the end of 1945 and in organizing the infiltration of Sulawesi - where the Dutch had re-established their con trol - by pro a from Java. The core of the Batalyon Kesatuan Indonesz'a, or Indonesian Unity Battalion, was formed by prisoners from the Nusakambangan and Cilacap prisons originating from the Outer Islands. At Kahar Muzakkar's intercession these prisoners were released and subsequently given a brief military training. The Batalyon is said to have served as escort for President Soekarno at the Republican Government's transfer from Jakarta to Yogyakarta, and to have been turned into "the shock-troops for the Special Military Intelligence Unit (PMC - Penjelidik Militer Chusus) of Colonel Zulkifli Lubis" in Yogyakarta (Harvey 1974:174).7 This was for only a few months, however. In March 1946 the Batalyon Kesatuan Indonesz'a became the core of the Tentara Republt"k Indonesz'a Persz'apan Sulawesi, i.e., Indonesian Republican Army for the Preparation [of the Liberation] of Sulawesi. It was commonly referred to as TRI Persz'apan Sulawesi or TRIP(E)S. This TRIPES was formed by Kahar Muzakkar on being assigned the task of preparing the formation of a Republican Army in Sulawesi by Sudirman, the commander of the Republican Army, on March 24th, 1946. To accomplish this task Kahar Muzakkar set out to organize the above-mentioned infiltration of South Sulawesi by proa from Java. At first things worked out quite weIl. By his own account about 1,200 soldiers were sent to Sulawesi in the course of 1948 (Bardosono 1956:88) and more than ten expeditions we re dis- === [PDF page 168] === 158 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam patched from Java by the TRIPES. Particularly the fourth and sixth of these expeditions were of importance for the later course of history. In the course of these expeditions Mohammad Saleh Lahade and Andi Mattalatta, who had come to Java to discuss the coordination and consolidation of the guerilla movement in Sulawesi at the end of 1945, returned to Sulawesi (Nasution 1977 III:607). It had been as a result of the latter's contacts with Soekarno and Sudirman that the idea of forming the Batalyon Kesatuan Indonesia had been born. Although the idea had not originated with him, Kahar Muzakkar had nevertheless become the battalion's commander, while Mohammad Saleh Lahade was appointed its Chief of Staff and Andi Mattalatta vice-commander. After their return to Sulawesi, the latter founded the Hasanuddz'n Division, with himself as commander and Mohammad Saleh Lahade as Chief of Staff, on January 21st, 1947 (Harvey 1974:178).8 Af ter 1946, however, the infiltration activities virtually came to a standstill. From that year onwards the outlook for the Republican forces in Sulawesi was rather gloomy. The effects of the infiltration were soon brought to naught by Dutch counterinsurgency tactics as applied by Westerling. Most of the guerilla fighters who had come from Java were either captured or killed. The rest returned to Java. 9 The local guerillas, who had never been away from Sulawesi, were struck a heavy blow by Westerling's actions, too. It took them many years to recover. This was the more serious because it had taken so much effort to build up a guerilla force that had some strength and posed something of a threat to the Duteh. But then the entire guerilla struggle of South Sulawesi suffered many ups and downs. In the first months after August 1945 the proclamation of independenee had been hailed with enthusiasm by the population here. Initially the local nobility, including, for instance, the Prince of Bone, Andi Mappandjuki (Mappanjuki), and the chiefs of Luwu - Kahar Muzakkar's area of origin - and of Bonthain, had also given it their support. At th at time anti-Dutch feeling had been so strong th at one Dutch civil servant concludes a report with the words that "one might conclude that the situation in South Sulawesi is beyond hope, and as a result of J apanese influence or for whatever reason the feeling is generally anti-Dutch", quickly modifying this remark by adding that this is not altogether true, and that, although there are many people who are anti-Dutch, there are also many who are not (NIB, 1:518). Within a short time things changed for the better for the === [PDF page 169] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 159 Dutch, however. As early as December 1945 another high Dutch official was able to write that "the poli tic al sky of this region, which before looked rather gloomy and threatening, over the past few days has cleared considerably because the 'autonomous' governments of Bone, Wajo Soppeng and Luwu, as weIl as the principal Arus from the subdistricts of Sinjai and Bulukumba, have declared their readiness to cooperate with the Nica [Netherlands Indies Civil Administration]" (NIB II: 222).10 In spite of the initial support from part of the nobility and the population, it had taken some time for the Republican forces in Sou th Sulawesi to organize local resistance. The principal reason why the efforts in this direction had been so slow to take effect had been the failure of the Republican leaders in South Sulawesi to take fuIl advantage of the situation arising immediately af ter the proclamation of independence. They had let the opportunity provided by the circumstance th at the first Allied troops set foot on Sulawesi only at the end of September 1945 simply go by. In contrast to Java and Aceh, for instance, there had been no attempts to seize J apanese arms, while there was furthermore a lack of men with sufficient military training to be able to assume the leadership of any anti-Dutch actions. During the Japanese occupation Sulawesi had had no indigenous Japanesesponsored force comparable to the Peta. Moreover, those in South Sulawesi who had received some military training as members of the Heiho auxiliary farces ar of the Seinendan Yauth Corps had failed to form into revolutionary groups to oppose the Dutch troaps, but had simply gane home (Said n.d.:1). Of course some guerilla groups had sprung up, notably around Ujungpandang. In Palongbangkang, to the south af the latter city, a regional Republican movement, the Gerakan Muda Bajeng, or Bajeng Youth Movement, had been formed on the initiative of the karaeng (prince), Haji Pajanga Daeng NgaIle. This also had a military branch, the Lipang Bajeng, made up af former Heiho members, same former KNIL soldiers, and ather youths. 11 It was at this headquarters th at the Lasykar Pemberontakan Republik /ndonesia (LAPRIS), or Revolutionary Militia of the Indonesian Republic, comprising 17 guerilla groups in the regian 12, was formed in J uly 1946. The latter was chaired by the karaeng's secretary, while ane of the most famaus gueriIla leaders of Sulawesi, Wolter Mangisidi - who af ter being captured by Dutch troops was executed in September 1949 - was appointed its secretary-general, and Ranggong Daeng Roma, who headed the Lipang Bajeng, became its military cammander. === [PDF page 170] === 160 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Westerling's counter-insurgency program thus left the local gueriIlas in dis array, in particular af ter the troops which had re-infiltrated from Java were virtually eliminated. The many local groups did continue fighting for an independent Indonesian Republic, but on a smaller scale. They included the Barisan Pemberontak Republik Indonesia, the KRIS Muda, and the Pasukan or Lasykar Harimau lndonesia (Indonesian Tigers), a unit founded by Wol ter Mongisidi and Muhammadsjah (Muhammadsyah) (or Muhammad Dimar) af ter the occupation of the LAPRIS headquarters by Dutch troops and the latter's dispersal of the guerilla troops. Seriously weakened and operating among a population which was too afraid to give them much active support, they no longer posed a real threat to the Dutch or the Dutch-sponsored State of East Indonesia, however. It was this State of East Indonesia, constituted at the end of 1946, which reaped the fruits of Westerling's actions. It was able to erect and maintain an administrative structure without too much harassment from resistance activities until the end of 1949. In Java, meanwhile, people from Sulawesi continued to participate in the fight against the Dutch. In the course of the struggle the name and status of the TRIPES changed several times. Shortly after the Linggarjati agreement of November 1946 it was renamed Lasykar Sulawesi. Around this same time Kahar Muzakkar constituted his own shock troops, the Barisan Berani Ma ti, or "dare-devil troops", while he and his men were in Madiun. They were made up of the best TRIPES soldiers, and in theory also had a branch in Sulawesi (Mattulada 1978:179).0 As a lasykar, the Lasykar Sulawesi was integrated into the Biro Perjuangan of the Ministry of Defence, and a few months later became the Hasanuddin Regiment. This incorporation in the Biro Perjuangan implied that the con trol of the Lasykar Sulawesi or Hasanuddin Regiment ultimately lay with the Ministry of Defence, not with the commander of the Republican Army. When in June 1947 the latter was renamed the National Army of Indonesia (TNI), all irregular units were obliged to merge with it. As a consequence the Hasanuddin Regiment became the Brigade II.X. Together with the other lasykars from the Outer Islands fighting in Java, sometimes also referred to as the Pasukan Seberang, or Overseas Troops, the Brigade formed part of the KRU-X (Kesatuan Reserve Umum, or General Reserve). The then Indonesian Army Chief of Staff for Operations, A.H. Nasution, intended the KRU-X to become a weIl integrated unit of all lasykars from the Outer Islands operating in Java. Initially the === [PDF page 171] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 161 scheme failed, mainly because of hostility and dis trust among the lasykar commanders and because each group wanted to preserve its own identity. For some time each region or island in fact continued to have its own brigade. The next year, 1948, however, the fusion became a fact and a new brigade, the Brigade XVI, was bom (Nasution 1968:210-211). lts major components were Kahar Muzakkar's Brigade ILX and the Brigade LX commanded by J. aopie) F. Warouw, who now also became the commander of the new Brigade XVI, with Kahar Muzakkar as second in command, while H.N. Ventje Sumual (Vence Sumual) was appointed Chief of Staff. 14 Soon conflict arose between J.F. Warouw and Kahar Muzakkar. After the second Dutch "military action" their troops even split up. Kahar Muzakkar and his men, after operating in East Java, now went to Yogyakarta, while J. F. Warou wand his soldiers remained in East Java. In Central Java Kahar Muzakkar again came into conflict with one of his commanding officers, this time Lieutenant-Colonel Soeharto. Kahar Muzakkar was thereupon reprimanded and degraded. Af ter the re-occupation of Yogyakarta by Republican troops, he and his men were forbidden to enter that city (Mussaffa 1951 n. 1). To ease the ten sion Kahar Muzakkar was given a new assignment. In October 1949 he became commander of the Komando Grup Seber.ang, the Overse as Commando Group. His transfer did not solve all the problems, however. In November intern al fighting broke out as units of the Brigade XVI operating in the region around Lawang, between Surabaya and Malang, renounced their allegiance to the Republic. These units were allegedly communist, and may possibly have tried to link up with other Republican units in the area, namely those commanded by Abdullah, which were likewise suspected of communist "contamination". J.F. Warouw was given orders to take action against these latter units, but because he was unable to "find a peaceful solution", Dutch troops were eventually brought in (M 16-11-1949, 19-11-1949,28-11-1949).15 In his new capacity Kahar Muzakkar, who by this time had been promoted to the rank of "acting" lieutenant-colonel, was put in charge of the coordination of the guerilla units in Kalimantan, Sulawesi, the Moluccas and Nusa Tenggara - in fact, the entire Seberang area. Besides, he was charged with the task of building up a military cadre in these areas, the attempt at this in the years 1946 and 1947 having failed because of the Westerling actions. Kahar Muzakkar had made a modest start with this by sending two of his staff officers - Saleh Sjahban (Saleh Syahban) === [PDF page 172] === 162 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam and Bahar Mattaliu - to Sulawesi to establish contact with the remaining guerilla forces there even before his October appointment. 2. The Republican Army, the KNIL and the Guerillas in Sulawest Around 1950 the political and military situation in Sulawesi was affected to a great extent by the issue of whether there was to be a federal or a unitary Republic of Indonesia. Sulawesi, or to be more precise South Sulawesi, constituted the military and administrative centre of the State of East Indonesia. This State - created as early as December 1946 as one of a number of states which were planned by the Dutch Government to comprise the federal United States of Indonesia in the near future - experienced a fairly favourable development up to 1950. Militarily the Republican guerilIas, who were virtually annihilated after the actions of Westerling and his troops, constituted no threat. Poli tically there was no opposition of any significance - a few internal government scandals aside - after the pro-Republican fraction walked out of Parliament in early 1947. Economically the State of East Indonesia prospered because of the demand for its produets (Alers 1956: 143-152). Perhaps the most important factor contributing to its apparent prosperity during the Indonesian struggle for independence was its isolation from other parts of Indonesia. When in 1950 the federal state structure of Indonesia was put to the test and this particular State was lifted out of its Dutch-backed isolation, the hitherto repressed differences came into the open and by the end of a few months the State of East Indonesia had crumbled. This was the first time pro-Republican forces, demanding the revocati on of the State and the incorporation of its territory into the Republic of Indonesia, were ab Ie to act as free agents in Sulawesi. Their demand!1 were voiced in Parliament as weIl as in public declarations and in demonstrations staged by mass organizations here. In some instances the expression of these demands assumed a more violent nature. A proportion of the former guerilla fighters refused to comply with the resolutions of the Round Table Conference, and continued attacking the military force of the State of East Indonesia, comprising former KNIL units which in theory now were their allies. These guerilla organizations included the Harimau /ndonesz"a and the Gerilya Pengikut Praklamasi (cf. Bardosono 1956:83-97). === [PDF page 173] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 163 Aside from the trouble with former guerilla units, a bitter conflict broke out about the degree of autonomy of the State of East Indonesia. Essentially the dispute revolved around the question of whether or not troops of the United States of Indonesia, really meaning troops from Java, were to be allowed to be stationed in the territory of the State of East Indonesia. In early 1950 the issue culminated in an armed confrontation between the Government of the United States of Indonesia and former KNIL units in Sulawesi. The immediate cause of the conflict was provided by the dispatch of troops from Java to Sulawesi. The Government of the United States of Indonesia in which the Republic of Indonesia played a prominent part, took the decision to station troops in South Sulawesi early in 1950, against the express wishes of the Government of its largest member-state, the State of East Indones ia. The latter warned that the dispatch of troops from Java might provoke hostilities and argued that the KNIL was quite capable of maintaining law and order in the area by itself. It on the other hand, agreed to the proposal that the territorial commander of East Indonesia should be someone who had served in the Republican Army. This function was subsequently given to Lieutenant-Colonel A.J. Mokoginta (A.Y. Mokoginta), who, however, was obliged to accept the assistance of Major Nanlohy of the KNIL and of Ir. Putuhena, the later Prime Minister and head of a pro-Republican Cabinet of the State of East Indonesia. The objective of the dispatch of troops was a strengthening of the position of the Republic of Indonesia, in particular of its Army. In the period immediately following the formal recognition of Indonesian independence the number of Republican soldiers in South Sulawesi was quite smalI. Apart from the few local guerilla bands operating in the area, which were difficult even for the Republican Government to con trol, a handful of staff officers and a small Military Police unit of about 80 men constituted the entire Republic of Indonesia force in the region. This handful of soldiers was no match for the relatively large KNIL unit. To achieve a better balance more troops hence had to be shipped from Java to Sulawesi. These were accordingly to provide a counterbalance for the KNIL troops, which might, if left unchecked, assume an important role in the State of East Indonesia's resistance against incorporation into the projtcted unitary Republic of Indonesia. The plans for sending troops to Sulawesi had been conceived as early as the end of 1949. The units considered best fitted for the === [PDF page 174] === 164 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam task were a number of contingents of the Brigade XVI. The latter itself was disbanded in February 1950 and its commander, Warouw, stationed at Army headquarters in Jakarta. The part of the Brigade commanded by ColoneI H.V. Worang was singled out for dispatch to Sulawesi. To justify the move, the rumour was circulated that President Soekarno intended to pay a visit to East Indonesia, but that the troops of the United States of Indonesia - meaning Republican troops - had to be stationed there first to guarantee his safety (BI 19-12-1949, 15-2-1950, 1-3-1950; M 18-2-1950).16 On April 5th two ships, the Waikelo and the Bontekoe, carrying about one thousand soldiers, arrived at Ujungpandang. Here former KNIL units prevented the troop 's disembarkament. These rebellious KNIL units, which had been incorporated into the Army of the United States of Indonesia less than a week before, were led by Captain Andi AbduI Azis. They styled themselves the Pasukan Bebas, or Free Troops. Besides sealing oH the harbour, Andi Abdul Azis took prisoner all the Republican soldiers already in Ujungpandang. One of these was Lieutenant-Colonel Mokoginta, who had come here to set up the Military Administration of the State of East Indonesia at the end of 1949. 17 He was released again within a day, however, af ter Andi Abdul Azis had conferred with the President of the State of East Indonesia, Sukawati. Later, in the course of his trial, Andi Abdul Azis repeatedly stressed th at he and his men had acted as members of the Army of the United States of Indonesia, and not as KNIL soldiers. Their aim had been simply to prevent fighting between the (former) KNIL soldiers, who were infuriated at the dispatch of troops from Java, and the Republican troops (PR 18-3-1953, 2-4-1953). The Government of the United States of Indonesia in Jakarta nevertheless considered Andi Abdul Azis' move an unequivocal act of rebellion. On April 7th it accordingly issued orders for him to report in Jakarta within three days to answer for his behaviour. He ignored the order, however, only arriving in the capital on April 16th. He claimed that he had been prevented from reporting earlier because of the tenseness of the situation at Ujungpandang. l15 That there would be trouble had been foreseenable. KNIL soldiers at Ujungpandang had publicly protested against the stationing of troops from Java as early as J anuary. In a motion concerning their integration into the Armed Forces of the United States of Indonesia they had agreed only to a conditional === [PDF page 175] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 165 voluntary integration. One of the conditions was th at they would be commanded by KNIL officers, another th at they would not be combined with Republican troops for at least a year. When this condition had come up for discussion again on March 27th, a statement was added saying that the KNIL soldiers were embarrassed (malu) at the dispatch of troops from Java, as the KNIL had shown itself perfectly capable of maintaining order over the past two years (IB 23-1-1950, 6-4-1950). Andi Abdul Azis provided the Central Government with a perfect excuse not only for sending the Worang Battalion to South Sulawesi, but also for extending its military presence there even further. It decided to send a military expedition to South Sulawesi while his rebellion was still in progress, which decision it did not, however, reverse after his surrender. This expedition ushered in the subsequent build-up of Republican troops comprising soldiers originating from Java in the area. It consti tu ted the first instance of the stationing of the three post-war Javanese divisions in Sulawesi. The expedition was commanded by Colonel Kawilarang, whose sub-commanders were Lieutenant-Colonels J.F. Warouw and Soeharto. Warouw had the co-command of the Mobile Brigade from East Java which formed part of the expeditionary force. Soeharto was in command of the Mataram Brigade of the Dz'ponegoro Division. Kahar Muzakkar did not take part in the expedition. He had been ordered back to Sulawesi just after the outbreak of Andi Abdul Azis' rebellion and had boarded the corvette Hang Tuah, which had been sent to Ujungpandang by the Indonesian Government, as a passenger, arriving in South Sulawesi on April 9th. He was recalIed to Jakarta on April 16th, after Andi Abdul Azis' surrender, and more than a week before the militaryexpedition set foot on Sulawesi. After the said surrender, preparations for the expedition nevertheless continued, as was indicated above. This was prompted partly by suspicions about the political reliability of the former KNIL units in South Sulawesi, and partly by the determination of the Government of the United States of Indonesia in Jakarta to show that the ultimate authority over the whole of the territory of Indonesia lay with it. Upon its disembarkation the expeditionary force indeed came to blows with the (former) KNIL troops. Fighting occurred between them on May 15th and August 5th, 1950. Notably the latter encounter was quite serious, with a fierce battle continuÎng for days. According to official figures, over one thousand civilians were killed in the === [PDF page 176] === 166 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam course of this, and 350 houses were destroyed. The Indonesian troops emerged victorious. On August 9th a cease-fire was declared and the KNIL units involved were compelled to leave South Sulawesi. Within a fortnight all former KNIL soldiers received orders directing them to places outside South Sulawesi. Those originating from Manado were sent there. The remainder was transported to Java, where they were stationed in Surabaya, Semarang, Bandung and Jakarta (N 1-9-1950, 25-9-1950, 14-12-1950). Colonel Kawilarang was subsequently appointed territorial commander of East Indonesia. With the departure of the KNIL, there was no longer anything to obstruct the dissolution of the State of East Indonesia. On August 17th 1950, the unitary Republic of Indonesia was officially proclaimed, putting an end to the brief existence of the federal United States of Indonesia. Following the defeat of the KNIL units theIndonesian Republican Government was still left with the problem of the guerilla fighters in South Sulawesi to solve. In its efforts to deal with this problem it was able to use the attempts at coordination by the guerillas themselves as point of departure. Even before Kahar Muzakkar's appointment as commander of the Komando Grup Seberang, in April 1949, two of his staff officers, Saleh Sjahban and Bahar Mattaliu, had gone back to South Sulawesi for the special purpose of co-ordinating the guerilla struggle. On August 17th, 1949, the South Sulawesi Guerilla Unit, or Kesatuan Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan (KGSS), had thereupon been founded by Saleh Sjahban, with the aim of uniting the multitude of scattered and isolated guerilla bands operating independen tly in the area. 19 Saleh Sjahban himself became co-ordinator of the KGSS, with Bahar Mattaliu as his secretary. The Indonesian Government made an attempt to gain con trol of the guerilla units of South Celebes through the KGSS in the first month after the formal recognition of independence. lts aim in this was twofold. First, it wanted to establish contral over the guerillas here so as not to experience any obstacles in "its confrontation with the guerilla troops" (Bardosono 1956: 84). Secondly, and connected with the first aim, the KGSS was envisaged as an instrument in effecting thc "return of the guerillas to society", in other words in demobilization (Cuplikan 1972:254). The guerillas had soon grown disappointed at the Indonesian Government's policies. They had disagreed with thc dcclaration of an armistice between Indonesian and Dutch troops, and continued fighting the KNIL also after 1949. This in turn had === [PDF page 177] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected GuerilIas 167 brought them into conflict with the Republican troops. What they opposed in particular was the incorporation of large KNIL units into the Republican Army, while a request by themselves to be incorporated en bloc had been rejected. The conflict about incorporation was exacerbated by the guerilla fighters' having the fact that they were not wanted by the Republican Army brought home to them for a second time. Many of them had come to Sulawesi after being shown plainly by a Republican Army reorganization and the dissolution of the Brigade XVI in early 1950 that there was no room for them in the Army of the United States of Indonesia. The Brigade XVI, as we saw above, was dissolved in January 1950. Abattalion under thc command of Andi Mattalatta and the Worang troops were all that was left of it. Some of its men were further sent to Kalimantan to form part of the Military Poli ce there, or were stationed at Army headquarters (Said n.d.:8; Harvey 1974:188). An additional point at issue was the place of the Minahasans in the Government of the State of East Indonesia. The American anthropologist Raymond Kennedy (1953:24) noted in the course of a visit to Ujungpandang in August 1949, for instance, th at the town "is fuIl of ministries and they in turn are fuIl of Minahasans", adding th at he "had heard that bad feeling is growing between the Minahasans and the local Makassarese-Buginese over the former's taking over control here". In the Republican Army in South Sulawesi as weIl those appointed to the highest positions were Minahasans, e.g., A.J. Mokoginta, J.F. Warouw and Kawilarang (though the latter two had been bom in Java). So the guerillas in the interior continued their struggle. Freed from the threat of interference by the KNIL, and with the Republican Army still tied down in Ujungpandang, they occupied Bonthain, Bulukumba, Sinjai, Parepare, Sengkang, Palopo, and Watangsoppeng in April. Their usual procedure was to collect all the arms they could lay their hands on and to dismiss all government officials they considered reactionary or whom they knew to have coIlaborated with the State of East Indonesia, including the 'ulers of sm all principalities (M 28-4-1950, 4-5-1950, 10-6-1950). In this atmosphere Kahar Muzakkar returned on the scene. The formal recognition of independence by the Dutch had put an end to his commandership of the Komando Grup Seberang. For months after this he was an unemployed officer - as he himself puts it in a letter dated April 30th, 1950, and addressed to the Central Government and Army Command - only returning to === [PDF page 178] === 168 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Sulawesi for a short interval at the time of Andi Abdul Azis' rebellion. As reasons for his forced inactivity the same letter mentions the distrust in which he was held by the Armed Forees Command, and the general view of him as a trouble-maker and and agitator bent on sowing sedition within the Army. In this letter he also puts forward a number of recommendations for the improvement of the situation in Sulawesi, including a suggestion to incorporate all former guerilla fighters into the Republiean Army as a separate territorial unit. Only af ter the recognition of these guerillas as soldiers would it be possible to make a start with their gradual reintegration into society. Kahar Muzakkar did not at this stage claim for himself the command of such a unit. He wri tes tha t he personally, "as an offieer who is not trusted by his superiors, might at best be given some harmiess function, for example in the Information Department for East Indonesia" (Bardosono 1956: 68-80). In spi te of this show of modesty, Kahar Muzakkar was soon thereafter, in faet, to become the former guerillas' leader in their struggle for reeognition by the Republican Army. Unable to keep the former freedom fighters under control, the Central Army Command ordered him back to Sulawesi onee more. 20 Kahar Muzakkar had good reason to call himself an unemployed offieer held in distrust in the Army. His assignment in South Sulawesi in effect may have been envisaged as his last commission as a soldier. Mohammad Saleh Lahade, the then Army information officer in South Sulawesi, in point of fact stated a year later th at Kahar Muzakkar had come to South Sulawesi with his notiee of dismissal in his pocket. Before being sent back to civilian life he had had to aecomplish one last task and explain the Government's policy with regard to the guerillas to them (IM 13-10-1951). If this is true it ean hardly be called a wise move, and may explain much of Kahar Muzakkar's later behaviour. His miss ion to South Sulawesi was, moreover, strongly censured by senior officers sueh as Kawilarang and Soeharto, the latter of whom warned that "Kahar Muzakkar never kept his promises "... and that he... "would only ereate more unrest in the region" (Roeder 1976:213). Kahar Muzakkar arrived at Ujungpandang on June 22nd. For the first few days af ter his arrival he lent the representatives of the Indonesian Government and Army his fuH eooperation. Af ter an interview with Kawilarang, who had replaeed A.J. Mokoginta in April 1950 as territorial commander for East Indonesia, he made a short tour of Sou th Sulawesi to try and persuade the === [PDF page 179] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 169 guerillas to accept the condition proposed by the Republican Army that "they should be recognized as soldiers first, and that there should only be rationalization af ter that" (Tjatatan 1950:12). This condition, according to Harvey (1974:219), was in line with a compromise earlier advanced by the leaders of the KGSS themselves. On his return from his tour Kahar Muzakkar, however, put forward a counterproposal made by the guerillas. They insisted that the number of guerillas to be admitted to the Indonesian Army should run to at least the strength of a brigade. Kahar Muzakkar and the guerillas more over wanted these men to form a separate brigade, instead of being spread over a number of different units. This brigade should then be named the Hasanuddin Brigade, af ter the 17th-century ruler of Goa who for a time successfully opposed Dutch penetration. So the guerillas stipulated that "in South Sulawesi a National Army of Indonesia brigade consisting of former South Sulawesi guerillas be formed under the',name Hasanuddin Brigade" (Sulawesi 1953:337). They agreed to the remainder of the guerillas, for whom there was no place in this brigade, being put in a special "depot" battalion, where they would be able to prepare themselves for their return to society. The guerillas had formulated these demands first at a conference of their leaders at Maros. It was stated by one of their spokesmen later, at the end of October, that they had originally considered the idea of the formation of a Hasanuddz"n Division. However, after considering "several facts", as it was put, the guerillas themselves had "rationalized" the strength of this unit down to that of a brigade (I 19-9-1950, 1-11-1950). Kawilarang, at a meeting with Kahar Muzakkar on July Ist, 1950, rejected the guerillas' demands. He issued a decree liquidating the Kesatuan Gerz"lya Sulawesi Selatan and prohibiting all further activities in pursuit of this unit's objectives on the same day. No new guerilla organizations were to be instituted, because, as Kawilarang put it, the period of integration of the guerillas into the Army had ended. In August Kawilarang claimed that 70% of the guerillas had entered the Army, and that only 30% had refused to do so. Against the latter the Army would take action, he hereupon warned (I 6-7-1950, 24-8-1950). Kahar Muzakkar, on hearing Kawilarang's reaction to the proposals he had brought back with him, resigned from the Army and handed over his insignia to the commander. A few days later he took to the forest. In actual fact, he was kidnapped by the KGSS, on the initiative of Andi Sose, although it is very likely === [PDF page 180] === 170 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam that the lattcr was acting on the orders, or at least with the tacit conscnt of Kahar Muzakkar himself. 21 In thc attitude adopted by Kawilarang, Kahar Muzakkar could not but sec confirmation of his suspicion that, thc promise that the guerillas were to be recognized as soldiers first notwithstanding, the Army was in reality only aiming at the liquidation of the former guerilla units. They would not constitute a separate unit, and there were no guarantees about the number of guerilIas to be admitted. Indonesian books on the Kahar Muzakkar rebellion admit that Kahar Muzakkar had some justification in withdrawing into the jungle, and that the demands of the former guerilla fighters were not unreasonable. Tiardjono (1959), for instance, points out in explanation of Kahar Muzakkar's behaviour that while he was exerting himself to persuade his men to enter the Republican Army, the latter was showing signs of a determination to destroy the KGSS. According to this same author (1959:59), "several battaIions of his men were disbanded and disarmed by the TNI, while those who surrendered were simply sent back into society". A monograph on Sulawesi published by the Department of Information (Sulawesi 1953:337-338) states three reasons for the demands of the former guerilIas. Firstly, it points out, there were brigades, and even whole divisions, made up of men from the relevant region in other parts of Indonesia as weIl. Secondly, it argues, the number of guerilIa fighters in South Sulawesi was high enough - afigure of 15,000 is quoted - to make up at least one division meeting the conditions of entry into the Armed Forccs, even af ter thorough selection. Thirdly, it asserts it was only reasonable that the guerillas should have been treated in the same way as the former KNIL units, which were admitted to the Republican Army without much fuss and red tapc at all. Kahar Muzakkar had thc other rebels ignored the ban on thc KGSS. The latter continued functioning, though now as an illegal organization. The whole situation became the more ironical as in August the guerilIas wcnt to the Republican Army's assistancc in the fighting th at broke out with former KNIL units in Ujungpandang which had bccn confined within the so-called KNIL zone at Mariso sincc the May incidents. This was thc third occasion on which the guerillas helped the Army. At the time of Andi Abdul Azis' rebcllion they had ensured thc Worang Battalion a safe landing-place, and at thc outbreak of fighting in Ujungpandang in May KGSS troops had cntered thc city - which had bccn rcoccupicd by the KNIL - to assist the Army. And so the same === [PDF page 181] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 171 thing happened again on Sunday, August 6th, 1950, when troops of the KGSS - which under Kawilarang's decree of July Ist was considered as having been dissolved - on hearing that there was once again heavy fighting in Ujungpandang, attacked the city from several directions (Sulawesi 1953:312). Even in the midst of this fighting, however, an incident between guerilla fighters and Republican soldiers occurred. At a meeting between the guerillas and Republican units commanded by Captain Latief of the Mataram Brigade, two guerilla leaders, Arief Rate and Abbas Bangsawan, commander and Chief of Staff of the Mobile Battalion Ratulangie (MBR) respectively, came under fire and were killed along with a number of their men. Arief Rate's contingent, furthermore, was wiped out after some very serious fighting. The shooting was alleged to have started by the Republicans with the intention of getting rid of the troublesome guerillas. According to Roeder, Soeharto's biographer, Captain Latief had acted contrary Soeharto's orders. Roeder even so admits that the fighting "aroused the population 's hatred against 'the J avanese' " (Roeder 1976:213). This hatred continued for many years, and was to be a valuable asset to Kahar Muzakkar in his rebellion against the Republic. 3. Guerilla War Af ter the fighting at Ujungpandang the guerilla troops quickly returned to the jungle. They were afraid that, if they remained a moment longer in Ujungpandang, they might be disarmed by the Republican Army. There now developed what can best be described as a full-scale war between the latter and the guerillas. Trees were cut down and bridges destroyed all over South Sulawesi, with the exception of Bonthain, to block communications. All the roads from Ujungpandang to Watanpone, from Watanpone via Senkang to Si wa, and from Sengkang to Tanrutedong were obstructcd, while the guerillas put up barricades of cut down trees to impede the progress of the Republican Army along the roads the Enrekang and from Parepare to Majene. Only thc roads in Bonthain, and as a consequence that from Ujungpandang to Watanpone via Bonthain, Bulukumba and Sinjai, rcmained open. Because this brought lumbering in the area to a virtual standstill, the financial losses inflicted by the guerillas were considerable. In October the rcgional head of the Civil Administra-. tion of South Sulawcsi estimated these losses at Rp. 1 million per day (I 12-10-1950). === [PDF page 182] === 172 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Besides, the guerillas made continual attempts to attack and disarm Republican units. In reply the Army, which had tried bringing the guerillas to heel before, reiterated its decree of July Ist, with Kawilarang stressing th at the Army had not changed its attitude and warning that it would continue its operations against the guerillas (N 10-10-1950). The Republican Army accordingly began a cleaning-up operation, clearing the roads and rebuilding the bridges that had been destroyed. It aIso engaged in military actions with the rebellious guerillas, and on October 12th, af ter a four-hour battle, occupied one of the rebels' principal headquarters at Si wa. Three days later it occupied Tanrutedong, Kahar Muzakkar's headquarters, in which operation it met with no resistance. Kahar Muzakkar and his troops had left before the Army's arrival. According to the official Army explanation put forward by Lieutenant-Colonel Kokasih, Republican Army Chief of Staff for South Sulawesi, the Army decided to launch an offensive against the guerillas at the end of the year because their ranks had been infiltrated by bandits. Kokasih here distinguished four categories of guerillas. The first, and to his mind the only good one, was made up of wh at he called true, patriotic guerilla fighters, who had already been active before the Army's arrival in South Sulawesi, and hence before 1950. He claimed that of this group seventy percent had already entered the Army. There were, however, three other categories, against which the Army was obliged to take action, namely: (a) those guerillas who wantonly disturbed the peace, (b) bandits, robbers and the like, and (c) opportunists lacking a firm conviction of their own who thus were easily influenced by the enemy. These latter three categories, Kokasih alleged, consisted of men who claimed to be true patriots, but who in reality were puppets manipulated by other elements. He concluded rather cryptically by saying that aIthough they, too, had a country, this was not the Indonesian Republic but some other state (N 29-12-1950). At the time of Kokasih 's statement there existed as yet no links between Kahar Muzakkar or other guerillas and the Islamic State of Indonesia. Kokasih may therefore have been implying th at the guerillas in fact were si ding with the Dutch, an accusation which at that time was often made with a view to bringing into discredit anyone who did not agree with the policies of the Republic and continued to defy the latter. By dividing the guerillas into the above four categories he was moreover reducing the number of guerillas who were eligible for admission to the Republican Army. This === [PDF page 183] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 173 classification would in the years to come account for the many different estimates of the strength of the guerilla bands, as weIl as for the Army claim that seventy percent of the guerillas had already entered the Army. Although there were of course bandits among the guerillas, the estimates were highly exaggerated. The severe and uncompromising Army attitude was not shared by civilians either in Sou th Sulawesi itself or in Jakarta. Contrary to Kokasih and his officers, who harboured a profound distrust of the guerillas and were inclined to re gard them as mere bandits and no-good ru ffians, they were convinced of the latter's good faith and patriotism. In Sou th Sulawesi there was actually much more sympathy for the guerillas, who were given food by the people from whose midst they sprang, than for the Republican Army, made up as it was in part of strangers. About this support from the local population Andaya (1976:6, 8) writes: "From the very beginning Kahar and the guerillas received overwhelming support from the local people who exhibited great empathy with the plight of these men", and, "They regarded the ever increasing presence of Javanese troops, government leaders, and cultural elements within their shores as an insult to the people of Sulawesi who had contributed so much and suffered so dearly to gain independence from the Dutch". Moreover, there were strong indications that it was much more the Republican Army that was to blame for the fighting because of its occupation of guerilla bases. This strengthened the dis trust of the rebels, who for their part intimated that they had retreated into the bush to avoid bloodshed, and that they would only fight back in an emergency. The guerillas showed themselves still prepared to work out a compromise. In September Kahar Muzakkar made it known that the de mand for a Hasanuddin Brigade, with himself as commander, was not an unconditional demand. In the event of the admission of himself and his men into the Army, he was quite prepared to leave it to the latter to decide exactly how many and who should stay and who should be demobilized. 22 This position was underscored on ce more by a guerilla spokesman at the end of October. The latter stressed that the difference between the Republican Army and the guerillas was not one of principle or ideology. The only problem which remained to be solved, in his view, was that of the integration of the Hasanuddin Brigade into the Republican Army. Once this was cleared out of the way, he pointed out, the guerillas would be prepared to enter a "depot" battalion and would obey the orders of their superiors like loyal soldiers (I 1-10-1950). === [PDF page 184] === 174 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam The fact that the guerillas had come to the Army's assistance in May and August was seen as a clear sign of their loyalty. There were pleas from many si des to try and find a peaceful solution. A resolution urging the Government to refrain from the use of violence was passed by twenty-two South Sulawesi politica! parties and organizations, as weIl as the regiona! Parliament, on the initiative of the Kerakyatan (People's) fraction (N 9-9-1950). On August 18th, moreover, a Committee of Good Services was formed by prominent loca! residents. 23 This Committee was headed by Jusuf Bauti, a member of the Governing Council of South Sulawesi, and included as one of its most active members Mrs. Salawati Daud, the wife of a government official at Maros, one of the rebel strongholds. Mrs. Salawati Daud went to Jakarta a number of times to plead the guerillas' cause with the President and senior government officials. In September she persuaded them to send the Minister of Defence, Dr. A. Halim of the Natsir Cabinet, to Ujungpandang to study the problem on the spot. In October the heads of the Civil Administration of South Sulawesi and of Parepare flew to Jakarta to see the Minister of Defence and ask him to do his utmost to prevent an outbreak of hostilities between the Army and the guerillas. In the event of such an outbreak the guerillas were unlikely to be completely beaten for at least several decades, they maintained. They further asserted that the guerillas had only started fighting after the Republican Army had occupied some of their bases and so had aroused their distrust (I 12-10-1950). In return a parliamentary mission went to Sulawesi to conduct an investigation. This mission consisted of eight persons headed by PNI member Sunarjo (Sunaryo). 24 They arrived at Ujungpandang in early November and from th ere made a five-day trip into the interior. The mission did not, as it had hoped, get to see Kahar Muzakkar, however, and so returned to Jakarta without having achieved its purpose at the end of about ten days. This mission had been received with much distrust by the military of Sou th Sulawesi. The Army officers did not want meddlers prying about and did all they could to frustrate the mission 's efforts. Upon the latter's making cIear its intention of travelling north to meet Kahar Muzakkar, no facilities for this journey into the interior of South Sulawesi had been provided. The mission for its part on its return wrote a report containing scathing criticism of the Army, which it even went so far as accusing of fascist behaviour. It sympathized completely with the === [PDF page 185] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 175 guerillas in the bush, recommending to the Government that it recognize the latter and create the requested Hasanuddin Brigade, and appoint Kahar ~Iuzakkar as commander in the rank of major. It also urged the Govemment to forget everything that had happened during the conflicts between the Army and the guerillas in the past and to grant Kahar Muzakkar and his troops a general amnesty. Another of its recommendations - which was to crop up from time to time again in the future - was that, if West Irian was not handed over to the Republic by the Dutch, the guerillas earmarked for demobilization should be formed into a voluntary corps for West lrian 's liberation. As was said above, the mission was extremely critical in its evaluation of the Republican Army in South Sulawesi. Without mentioning specific names it accused some of its members of fascist behaviour, and observed that the Army as a whole suffered from a superiority complex, its behaviour being experienced by the people of South Sulawesi as that of an occupying force. As a re sult the relation between the Army and the local population had become strained, while the latter's sympathy for the guerillas had increased. The mission particularly deplored the Army's habit of commandeering private cars on the pretext that it needed these for its actions against the Andi Abdul Azis, KNIL and RMS rebels. About Kawilarang's decree and the declaration of the guerillas as enemies of the state it claimed that this had been inspired by a "biased attitude" arising from personal feuds in the past. With respect to the guerillas themselves the mission noted th at because they were mainly of noble families, leaders of society and peasants, their ties with the loc al people we re generally very strong (N 11-12-1950).25 The mission 's report was ignored by the Army. The Minister of Defence confined himself to a brief statement in which he observed th at the Army would not engage in a debate with Parliament and so would not give a detailed rejoinder to the report, which it described as containing many mistakes and falsehoods (N 13-12-1950). The parliamentary mission's remarks were, in fact, rather superfluous. lts critici sm of the Army and indication of the people's sympathy for the guerillas nevertheless had some use, as it made for a more favourable political climate for the rebellious guerillas. On the whoie, however, the suggestions it made feIl flat. The new Central Govemment headed by Natsir, only two months in office, on the other hand, was very quick to act. It published its own views on the matter, which as it turned out === [PDF page 186] === 176 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam were initially acceptable to Kahar Muzakkar and his men while the parliamentary mission was still in South Sulawesi. The Natsir Cabinet, in its efforts to find a solution, followed a different course with respect to South Sulawesi from that pursued for Java. In Java all guerillas reporting with the authorities were granted a pardon and, if they met the standards, a place in the Army, this being calculated as an appeal to small independent groups. In Sulawesi the Government had to take into account the fact that the guerillas formed a much more integrated whole requiring a dominant place in the military organization of the region. The Government's position in this connection was outlined in a decree issued by Prime Minister Natsir in November. The principles advanced here provided some scope for at least a temporary agreement. For it stipulated that the former guerillas, described as "national fighters in South Sulawesi", should be admitted to the Republican Army as part of the National Reserve Corps, or Korps Cadangan Nasional, to ultimately form part of a Hasanuddin Brigade. To facilitate the transition from the status of irregular guerilla to regular soldier, training battalions should be formed, which, af ter completion of the training, should be recognized as army infantry battalions. 26 Then, if later a Hasanuddin Brigade was in ac tu al fact constituted, these battalions should become part of it. It further emphasized that during the training period the guerilla leaders should remain in command of their own troops. A few days af ter the issuing of this decree the Natsir Cabinet's general amnesty offer was made public. Af ter initially outlining a special solution for Sulawesi, the offer now made applied to the whole of Indonesia with the exclusion of South Sulawesi and Kalimantan. The guerillas in the latter regions, who feit discriminated against by the Government in Jakarta as it was, must have been in deed unpleasantly surprised at such an exception being again made for them. 27 In his decree for South Sulawesi Natsir made no mention of the general amnesty, nor did it specify the number of guerilla eventually to be admitted to the Army. More information on these points was provided at the end of November, when Makmun Sumadipradja, chairman of a special interdepartmental committee former for solving the guerilla problem in South Sulawesi, set out for Ujungpandang to further work out the decree. On his departure from Jakarta it was announced that no legal measures would be taken against the guerillas, while at the same time it === [PDF page 187] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 177 was stressed again that the former guerillas would only form part of a Hasanuddz'n Brigade, in contradiction with the wishes of Kahar Muzakkar and his fellow-guerillas, who wanted to form a separate brigade. This latter idea in turn was unacceptable to the Government because of the possible dangers of a brigade made up exclusively of former guerillas. With respect to the number of guerillas the Government was prepared to accept into the Army, Maknum Sumadipradja's mandate contained the vague formula that in principle all guerillas were acceptable. They were to form part of the National Reserve Corps. But, as it would turn out, the Government had not the least intention of letting them all stay in the Army. The majority was to be demobilized. The Government's scheme provided for the permanent admission of only a small proportion - originally a figure of between three and four thousand being quoted. The remainder - according to a contemporary estimate about ten thousand - would have "to return to society", as the phrase ran (IM 13-10-1951).28 The rebels accepted the proposals formulated by the interdepartmental committee. In anticipation of a solution Kahar Muzakkar on October 22nd, while still in fugitive, had converted the KGSS into the Persiapan B(rzgad)e Hasanuddz'n, or provisional Hasanuddz'n Brigade, headed by himself and Saleh Sjahban, the former staff officer of his who had founded the KGSS. After the rebels' acceptance of the Government's proposal, fighting between the Republican Army and the Persz'apan Be Hasanuddin accordingly stopped. The two forces thereupon began to take joint action against groups which continued committing acts of robbery and intimidation. So Kahar Muzakkar launched an operation against bands on the Island of Selayar which had forced several local government officials to flee to Ujungpandang (124-11-1950). It took some time for the procedure of the guerillas' enlistment in the Army to get underway. To begin with, the Army, out of dissatisfaction with a solution formulated by civilian politicians, made no move to negotiate with the guerillas about the mode of implementation of the agreement. lts hesitancy in turn strengthened the distrust of the guerillas, who refused to come out of the bush until negotiations started. Special committees to work out the details of the agreement were set up at the end of December. Lieutenant-Colonel Kokasih announced the formation of two such committees in the radio broadcast in which at the same time he accused the guerilla force === [PDF page 188] === 178 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam of being infiltrated with bandits, trouble-makers and opportunists. The one, chaired by T.I.A. Daeng Tompo, head of the Civil Administration of South Sulawesi, was designed to supervise the gue rill as ' reception in prescribed territorial zones and their selection. 29 The other, headed by ]. Latumahina and with Captain Idrus as vice-chairman, was charged with the supervision of the return to society of guerillas who were to be demobilized. The members of the latter included ]usuf Bauti and Mrs. Salawati Daud of the former Committee of Good Services, and the heads of the Offices of Agriculture, Industry and Fishery of South Sulawesi. 3o Not all the members of these committees had the interests of the guerillas for whose fate they were responsible equally at heart. In February 1951, for instance,]usuf Bauti was arrested by the authorities on charges of misappropriation of money and food entrusted to him for handing over to the guerilIas (N 14-2-1951, 15-2-1951, 19-2·1951). In ] anuary 1951 the guerillas began their march to the various territorial zones where they were to await their definitive incorporation. Kahar Muzakkar had given them orders accordingly af ter the settlement of differences with the Army about the size of the zones. In mid-] anuary 2,000 guerillas were reported as already having registered in each of the zones of Malino, Enrekang and Pinrang already (N 10-1-1951). Kahar Muzakkar, moreover, in his capacity as commander of the Persiapan Be Hasanuddin, to show his good faith declared all identification papers, instructions, orders and insignia issued by the KGSS or the Perszapan Be Hasanuddin between ]uly 5th and ] anuary 15th null and void, and ordered these to be handed in (I 7-2-1951). At his headquarters in the Latumojang mountains he furthermore instituted the GUKRINDO, short for Gabungan Usaha Kemajuan Rakyat lndonesia (Association for Furthering the Progress of the Indonesian People), with the aim of assisting the Government with the development of South Sulawesi and aiding the population in its economie activities (N 14-4-1951). Kahar Muzakkar's cooperative attitude nevertheless did not spell the end of all trouble, and South Sulawesi remained far from safe. In spite of Kahar Muzakkar's and the Army's joint efforts to put an end to the unrest, bands varying in strength from a few individuals to five hundred men continued operating. Robbery remained a common phenomenon. In Bonthain, for instance, eleven robberies in one evening were reported (N 30-1-1951). Kahar Muzakkar and his men most probably had na part in all === [PDF page 189] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 179 this. His troops marched from their positions in the bush to the regional units as agreed. On March 25th, 1951, thelong-awaited day of the Persiapan Brigade Hasanuddin's official constitution as part of the Republican Army National Reserve Corps finally came. On this same day Kahar Muzakkar left his hiding-place. A special ceremony to welcome him was held at Maros, where a crowd of between five and six thousand had gathered to witness his and his soldiers' entry into the town at seven in the evening. The troops were addressed by Salawati Daud and Kahar Muzakkar himself. The latter, in a speech lasting about half an hour, went at considerable length into the accusations th at he was over-ambitious, that he had retreated into the bush solely to further his own ends, and that he had unnecessarily drawn out the negotiations in order to ensure his confirmation in the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Although many people believed him and Saleh Sjahban to be "rank- or position-hungry" he denied these charges by pointing out that in spite of the fact that he had possessed "big chairs, big tables, and had confronted important people" in the past, all that was not his sole aim in life. "I am suspected of hungering after [the position of] lieutenant-colonel, but I had the lieutenant-colonelcy thrust on me", he asserted, adding that if there was anyone who wanted to take over the command of the Hasanuddin Brigade, let them come forward and do so; only he would not commit it to the charge of men who had burnt down the houses of innocent people (N 28-3-1951). From Maros Kahar Muzakkar then went to Ujungpandang accompanied by his fully armed troops. Here he was officially instalIed as commander of the National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi. At his inauguration, which was again attended by thousands of people, he swore his allegiance to the Government and the State of the Indonesian Republic. 31 4. The Fate of the National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi The National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi was made up of five battalions. These were the Batu Putz"h Battalion, commanded by Kaso Gani; the Wolter Mongisidi Battalion, commanded by Andi Sose; the 40,000 Battalion, commanded by Sjamsul Bachri (Syamsul Bakhri); the Arief Rate Battalion, commanded by Azis Taba; and the Bau Massepe Battalion, commanded by Andi Selle. 32 The members of the corps continued styling themselves the Persiapan Brigade Hasanuddin. The Republican Army and === [PDF page 190] === 180 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Government, on the other hand, preferred to speak of the Korps Cadangan National of South Sulawesi. 33 These were not just two different names for one and the same organization. The former guerillas, by referring to themselves as the Persiapan Brigade Hasanuddz'n, implied that they were expecting to be incorporated into the Republican Armyen bloc, The lndonesian Government and Army, by using the term National Reserve Corps, deliberately established a connection with the reserve corps in other parts of Indonesia, which had been formed with the sole aim of facilitating the demobilization of former irregular guerilla fighters. The different status of the National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi was, however, recognized. It was admitted that in this area a "selection had still to be made between those who would return to society and those who would stay in the Army... " (ANP-Aneta 1951:310). The constitution of the National Reserve Corps in March in no way meant that Kahar Muzakkar's guerillas had become re gul ar soldiers of the Republican Army yet. Their formal incorporation was planned for August. Between March and August 1951, however, a series of incidents took place which resulted in renewed friction between the Army and Kahar Muzakkar. These new conflicts in the end led to an open and irreconcilable rift. There were three specific factors which fanned the enmity between the two. First, there was the difference on the number of guerillas to be accepted into the Republican Army, second, the Army Command's refusal to constitute a brigade made up exclusively of soldiers who were former "wild" guerilla fighters, and third, the encroachment - intended or unintended - on Kahar Muzakkar's authority.34 Kahar Muzakkar and the authorities had opposed views on the farmer guerillas' en bloc incorporation into the Republican Army. The former, although sometimes exprcssing himself to the contrary, favoured the integration of all guerillas who evinced a desire accordingly. The latter - already burdened with an excess of regular soldiers as it was - was inclined to admit as few guerillas as possible. The official viewpoint had been reiterated on March 14th, a few days before the formal constitution of the National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi. On this date Prime Minister Natsir, in a letter on the procedure of the reserve corps' incorporation, had stated that "it would be investigated immediately [after admission to the National Reserve Corps] whether the applicants met the requirements for entering the Army" (ANP-Aneta 1951:310). === [PDF page 191] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 181 These requirements were far from easy to satisfy. Of the guer· ilIas who had already tried in the early months of 1950 to gain admission to the Army many had failed the relevant tests. Thus quite likely the guerillas looked upon these tests as a Government device to get rid of them. Ta be admitted to the Army one had to pass a medical as weIl as a psychological examination. Physically the candidates were tested on "body weight and height, chest width, eyesight, hearing, presence of venereal diseases, etc.", and psychologically on "intellectual ability, fluency of speech and general knowIedge" (Bardosono 1956:92). By May 1950, 3,248 guerillas had undergone the tests, and only one third had passed (Bardosono 1956:92). The composition of the Hasanuddin Brigade, if it was to be constituted at all, caused uneasiness, too. Was it to be made up entirely or only partially of former guerillas? And who was to become its commander, Kahar Muzakkar or someone else - for instanee Warouw, who was less acceptable to the guerillas but more sa to the Army? Kawilarang, commenting on the rumours about renewed tension between the guerillas and the Army in J uly 1951, underscored once again that the members of the Reserve Corps would only farm part of the new brigade. As a cause of the current tension he mentioned the demand that Kahar Muzakkar should become commander of the Hasanuddin Brigade - a demand he personally could not agree to. Another point at issue, he said, was the definition of the brigade's task as a strictly regional one, in other words, the question of whether the Hasanuddz'n Brigade was to be stationed exclusively in Sulawesi or in other parts of lndonesia as well. Kahar Muzakkar, in his response to Kawilarang's statement, put forward other reasons for the renewed ten sion bet ween his troops and the Army. So he mentioned the desertion of Army soldiers to the National Reserve Corps in consequence of their refusal to submit to examination, warning the Republican Army leaders to be mindful of the real reasons for these desertions. In the second place he protested against the Army's intention of incorporating the National Reserve Corps battalion by battalion, which, according to him, testified to gross ignorance of the reality of that Corps' unity. Furthermore, he lashed out at what he called the reactionary Army officers in Sou th Sulawesi, and against the Army's refusal to let his men participate in the peacekeeping operations in the area. He claimed that the National Reserve Corps' incorporation was being retarded by a number of === [PDF page 192] === 182 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam reactionary officers on the staff of the Military Command of East Indonesia whose highest officer he wanted to see removed. This officer, whom he also described as reactionary, was Kawilarang, the territorial commander. There were, in fact, rumours at the time that Kawilarang's transfer was being contemplated because of Kahar Muzakkar's charges (IM 21-9-1951). Three other of the allegedly reactionary officers are identified by Barbara Harvey, who writes (1974:237): "There is unanimous agreement that Saleh Lahade headed the list. Major Mochtar, who was a member of the committee to determine who among the CTN members wished to enter the TNI, was probably included; and the third was possibly Captain Idrus, who was on the committee charged with supervising demobilization." Mohammed Saleh Lahade and Mochtar (Mokhtar) had both fought alongside Kahar Muzakkar in Java. Kahar Muzakkar's disappointment at the Army's refusal of his request to take part in the peace-keeping operations in South Sulawesi constitutes one of the basic reasons for his growing antagonism towards the Army. He felt personally responsible for the behaviour of the guerillas of South Sulawesi. Throughout 1950 and 1951 there were repeated skirmishes between Republican Army and irregular units. Sometimes these latter units behaved like mere bandits, at other times they were motivated by federal or even APRA sympathies. Kahar Muzakkar felt that the ultimate responsibility for troublesome units which did not have such sympathies lay with him. He claimed a share in the operations against these bands on the basis of this belief. The Republican Army not only denied him the right to participate in these operations with his guerillas, but in most instances did not even inform him of its plans beforehand (Sulawesi 1953:342). The infringement upon Kahar Muzakkar's authority over the irregular bands reached a climax on August 7th, 1951, when one of the National Reserve Corps battalions was officially incorporated into the Republican Army. The battalion in question was the Bau Masseppe Battalion commanded by Andi Selle, one of the most influential guerilla leaders operating around Parepare. In the newly arisen conflict between Kahar Muzakkar and the Army, Andi Selle had sided with the latter. And when he submitted the request for the integration of his Bau Masseppe Battalion, this request was granted without Kahar Muzakkar being consulted. For several days it nevertheless seemed as though a definitive breach between Kahar Muzakkar and the Army might still be === [PDF page 193] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 183 avoided. New negotiations were set afoot at Enrekang, where the respective leaders of the guerillas and of the Army met. The former included Kahar Muzakkar himself, his Chief of Staff B. Sutrisno, the battalion commanders Andi Tenriadjeng (Tenriajeng) (who had taken over the command of the Batu Putz'h Battalion), Andi Sose, Azis Taba and SjamsuI Bachri, and Reserve Corps staff members Usman Balo and Hamid Gali. The Army was represented by Lieutenant-Colonel ].F. Warouw, the commander of the so-called "A-troops", and two members of his staff, Major Ibnu Subroto and Lieutenant Asmanu. ("A-troops" was the new name for the 18th Brigade of the Brawz}aya Division, which had joined the expeditionary force sent to South Sulawesi after the Andi Abdul Azis rising. It had received this name after the other units of this force had returned to ] ava. 35 Within a day a new agreement was reached with Kahar Muzakkar. Under the terms of this the integration of the other four battalions of the National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi would follow that of the Andi Selle Battalion soon. The official ceremony was to take place on August 17th, the day of commemoration of the declaration of independence of the Indonesian Republic. Kahar Muzakkar was promised the position of acting deputy commander of the "A-troops", in which capacity he would for the second time in his life serve under Warouw and would receive as special duty the command of the guerilla battalions entering the Army. The four existing commanders of these battalions would then continue in their function in the rank of acting captain. The other members of his staff would be either appointed to the staff of the "A troops" or incorporated into the battalions. Who was to be appointed in which function was left to Kahar Muzakkar and Warouw to decide. Furthermore, it was resolved to institute a special committee for supervising the guerilIas who were to be demobilized, to which Kahar Muzakkar was to be advisor. On August 17th, however, Kahar Muzakkar and his troops did not turn up for the grand incorporation ceremony, which as a resuIt feIl through. The officials who had been invited and the brass band which had been especially sent for from Manado came to a place that was totally deserted. The National Reserve Corps guerillas had retreated into the jungle and, to make the débácle complete, had taken with them about Rp. 1.5 million in cash and 5,000 uniforms provided them by the Army as a kind of present in celebration of their incorporation. In justification of th is breach of agreement Kahar Muzakkar === [PDF page 194] === 184 RebeJlion under the Banner of Islam had one day previously issued a statement accusing the Republican Army of violation of the agreement of August 7th. The military command had, he alleged, failed to transfer its reactionary staff officers, and to release members of the National Reserve Corps arrested in the preceding months. On the Army si de Kawilarang responded by claiming that these two points had never formed part of the agreement (Sulawesi 1953: 346). There was, indeed, no mention of them in the agreement of Enrekang. There were persistent rumours, however, that the officers representing the Army at the negotiations had, without actually putting this in writing, promised the fulfilment of these two conditions by word of mouth. Among the various reasons put forward in explanation of Kahar Muzakkar's behaviour on this occasion have been mentioned his alleged personal ambition, his dislike of Warouw and short-sightedness which induced him to ren ounce his allegiance. 36 Although personal ambition may have played some sart of a role, these interpretations fail to take into consideration the support which Kahar Muzakkar was able to command and the general feeling of distrust of the Republican Army. The negotiations of 1950 and 1951 and the Army's behaviour in those years seem to warrant the conclusion that Kahar Muzakkar and his followers had at least some reason for distru"sting the Republican Army and Government with regard to the latter's treatment of former "wild" guerillas. The rumour that after their integration into the Army the guerillas would be sent to Kalimantan probably further strengthened this distrust (Djarwadi 1959:124). According to other explanations Kahar Muzakkar was not responsible at all for the decision to retreat into the jungle again. Allegedly it had been forced upon him by Usman Balo, Andi Sose, Azis Taba and Hamid Gali at a meeting of guerilla leaders on August 16th. It was these same leaders who, according to this explanation, at the end of August stopped Kahar Muzakkar and Sjamsul Bachri from reporting to the authorities (Mussaffa 1951 On August 29th Indonesia's new Prime Minister, Sukiman, issued an ultimatum giving the rebels five days in which to report. Sukiman stated at the same time th at in the Government's view the problem of the farmer guerillas was no langer a problem of the National Reserve Corps, as this had ceased to exist in South Sulawesi on August 17th (ANP-Aneta 1951:372-373). Mrs. Salawati Daud and other civilians who tried to get in touch with Kahar Muzakkar failed. Af ter a journey === [PDF page 195] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 185 of 500 km by car and 16 hours on horseback they only met some minor leaders (IM 6-9-51). On expiry of the ultimatum a military operation - the Operasz" Merdeka, or Freedom Operation, as the general name ran for the campaign that was undertaken against bands of former irregular guerilla units all over Indonesia at the time - was launched. At the start of this the Army was over-confident that the rebellion could be quickly suppressed. It regarded most of the guerillas who had retreated into the woods as "wobblers" (kaum pembimbang) and believed that Kahar Muzakkar was only really supported by a small group of die-hards. Besides, its members, as regular soldiers, had a very low opinion of the fighting capacity of their opponent. It estimated that there were only about 800 armed guerillas and felt that, had there been no interference from civilians who by sending a parliamentary mission to the area had hardened Kahar Muzakkar in his attitude, the matter would have been satisfactorily settled long before (IM 19-9-1951). Even later, when it turned out that the rebellion was not as easy to suppress as was originally believed, the Army maintained an outward appearance of confidence. At the end of 1952, when in an intemal power struggle in the Army Warouw supplanted his superior, Colonel Gatot Subroto (who for his part had replaced Kawilarang in January of the same year), and took over the military command of East Indonesia, the supposition was even expressed that the rebellion would now probably soon end because there were strong ties of friendship between Warouw and the guerilla leaders (IM 12-12-1952). This supposition, which was far beside the truth, was prompted more by a desire to justify Warouw's insubordination than by any aspiration to give an assessment of the real situation, however. At first all did, in fact, go weIl for the Army. On the first day of the campaign Kahar Muzakkar's headquarters at Barakka, north of Enrekang, were occupied and bumt down, with Kahar Muzakkar himself being forced to retreat to the Latumojang mountains. And at thc end of October the Army claimed that its campaign was already half completed, Kahar Muzakkar's troops having been put to flight and dispersed. Kahar Muzakkar had, in point of fact, been forced to move further inland and march in the direction of Siwa, with as ultimate destination the Batu Putih area. This latter was described by the Army as a good choice, as the region was most suitable for guerilla war face and difficult for an outside enemy to attack (IM 15-9-1951, 31-10-1951). The Army in those first months engaged mainly in minor skirmishes === [PDF page 196] === 186 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam with the rebels, and in only a few larger-scale battles in which guerilla bands of between two and three hundred men we re attacked. Contrary to its claim, the Army did not succeed in defeating the guerillas, ho wever. Avoiding battle, the latter even extended their range of operations and guerilla groups we re active in Wajo, in particular around Siwa and Sengkang, in Soppeng, notably around Parepare, and in Bone, Gowa, jencponto and Bonthain. In fact, people had to be prepared for guerilla actions throughout the whole of South Sulawesi, including the city of Ujungpandang. The guerillas were moreover active in Southeast Sulawesi, especially around Kolaka and to the north. That the guerillas were anything but defeated became painfully clear at the end of 1951. On Ncw Year's Eve to celebrate the coming of the new year, and by way of reaction to the statement of Deputy Prime Minister Suwirjo (Suwiryo) that the rebellion in South Sulawesi no longer constituted a problem, they attacked the towns of Parepare, Malino, Malakaji and jeneponto, even entering the latter. In Ujungpandang, too, shots were fired. The skirmishes and attacks in the last months of 1951 and the first months of the next year notwithstanding, neither Kahar Muzakkar nor the Republican Government altogether excluded the possibility of a peaceful solution. Kahar Muzakkar may even initially have intended his retreat into the forests as a tactical move aimed at strengthening his bargaining position in future negotiations. In any case, he ordered his men never to attack first, and to offer resistance only if there was no alternative (Tiardjono 1959:60). The Republican Government for its part also made a number of gestures indicating that it did not yet consider a peaceful settlement out of the question, notably on discovering that Operation Freedom was not as successful as it had hoped. For it was obliged to admit as early as the end of 1952 that the so-called fortress or benteng strategy by mcans of which the Army had expected to be able to deal with thc rebel problem had been a failure. This strategy, which before the Second World War the Dutch had used with some measure of success, involved the establishment of small outposts all over South Sulawesi, from which detachmcnts were frequently sent on patrol into the interior. lt was unsuccessful now as it required many more soldiers than the Army was able to provide, while communications between the outposts werc poor because of the impassable terrain, making the isolatcd posts an casy prey for Kahar Muzakkar's bands. Even the buildup of Rcpublican forces in the area from twelve battalions in === [PDF page 197] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 187 January 1952 to nineteen at the end of that year had little effect on the situation (Djarwadi 1965:32-33). Forced by circumstances, af ter Kawilarang's replacement by Colonel Gatot Subroto, the Indonesian Government aimed at a peaceful settlement. Thus at a conference organized to discuss the security situation in Sulawesi in February 1952 it decided that a "politico-psychological" solution should have priority over a military one (Sulawesi 1953: 348). In this connection it promised a pardon for all former members of the National Reserve Corps who had returned to society to build up a lawful existence of their own accord as weIl as the release of all prisoners who had formerly belonged to the National Reserve Corps. In its view, the prisoners who still remained to be released all belonged to the criminal category. The remainder, who did not, had already been released in May of the previous year. The Government further tried to persuade Kahar Muzakkar to resume negotiations, in spi te of the failure of an earlier attempt in this direction at the end of 1951. These new attempts likewise proved in vain. Even so, part of Kahar Muzakkar's troops surrendered to the Indonesian Army between March and July. 5. Kahar Muzakkar and the Daml Islam Movement At the same time as the Republican Government was advocating a "politico-psychological" solution, Kahar Muzakkar was hardening his position. This was the period in which renewed relations were established between him and Kartosuwirjo. The first contact between them had been made in August of the previous year, when Kahar Muzakkar had taken to the bush. The latter had at that time been pressed through the agency of Buchari (Bukhari), th en vice-chairman of the Islamic youth organization GPIl, and Abdullah Riau Soshby, one of the top leaders of the Islamic Army of Indonesia in West Java, to establish a "Kom mandemen TIl" for Sulawesi. Kartosuwirjo had personally sent Kahar Muzakkar a letter offering him the Sulawesi command of the Islamic Army of Indonesia a few months later. Kahar Muzakkar officially accepted this offer on J anuary 20th, 1952. Thus he became commander of the Fourth Division of the Islamic Army of Indonesia, also called Hasanuddin Division. Sjamsul Bachri was appointed Military Governor of South Sulawesi. In a letter of the said date written by Kahar Muzakkar in acceptance of his appointment, he stated himself to feel grateful and to hold in high esteem the confidence shown him by Karto- === [PDF page 198] === 188 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam suwirjo through the decision to appoint him commander of the Islamic Army of Indonesia for Sulawesi. At the same time he was reluctant to fully commit himself, pointing out various circumstances which might impede any actions undertaken by him as commander of the Islamic Army. He further observed that of the five battalions commanded by him some included groups of non- Muslims who had been influenced by Communist ideas. He continued by stating that he had wanted to start an Islamic revolution as early as August 16th, 1951, and had had everything planned with his sub-commanders Saleh Sjahban and Abdul Fatah, but that the latter had proved inconsistent so that the plan had fallen through. He had been thwarted, he said, by a more powerful force with greater influence in society, namely "the feudalists and the common people". About the Islamic population of South Sulawesi he observed that "it would take time to implant and cultivate the true Islamic spirit in them". Kartosuwirjo replied in a letter of February 27th urging Kahar Muzakkar to do his utmost to make the population "Islamminded" and "Islamic State-minded" and further to do anything else recommended by Islamic law in times of war (IM 13-5-1952, 14-5-1952).37 The contacts between the Darul Islam movement in South Sulawesi and in West Java do not seem to have been very close. There are no indications of any intensive sort of ideological guidance being provided by Kartosuwirjo. Nor does one get the impression th at Kahar Muzakkar attached much value to the political concept of an Islamic State of Indonesia. Only for a relatively short time - in the years between August 1953 and 1960 - did he act in the name of the Islamic State of Indonesia. Notwithstanding his appointment as regional commander of the Islamic Army of Indonesia, Kahar Muzakkar refrained for the moment from the use of this name for his troops. In March 1952, in fact, he renamed them Tentara Kemerdekaan Rakyat (TKR), or People's Liberation Army.33 As an alternative to the Pancasila he put forward the concept of Trz'sila, or Three Pillars, viz.: Belief in the one and only God, social justice, and humanitarianism (IB 1-9-1954). Only on August 7th, 1953, exactly four years af ter Kartosuwirjo's proclamation of his Islamic State, did Kahar Muzakkar represent Sulawesi and surrounding are as i.e., the rest of East Indonesia, including West lrian, as forming part of the Islamic State of Indonesia. At this same time he actually referred to his troops as the Islamic Army of Indonesia. 39 The decision to finally merge with the Islamic State had been taken at the end of === [PDF page 199] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 189 J uly, at a conference of guerilla leaders near Palopo. It is typical for the low frequency of contacts between Java and South Sulawesi th at Kahar ~Iuzakkar in fact proclaimed Sulawesi part of the Islamic Republican State of Indonesia, or Negara Republik Islam Indonesia, instead of simply the Islamic State of Indonesia. 40 In the copy of the proclamation that was smuggled into Ujungpandang, Kahar ~Iuzakkar furthermore announced that as from the date of issue of the proclamation his previous "total people's defence plan" was cancelled, to be replaced by a general mobilization scheme. He ordered the local newspapers to publish the proclamation at the risk of being treated otherwise as enemies, with all the consequences that this might have. That this was not altogether an empty threat and that his troops were in deed very close at hand had been discovered the preceding days, when the heaviest fighting for two years had occurred around Ujungpandang as these troops had tried to disrupt communications between Ujungpandang and the surrounding area and to isolate the city. The sound of automatic weapons and mortars being fired had been audible even in the city. This was followed by more heavy fighting to the east and north of the city in the night of August 16th, when Republican troops attacked the rebels' hide-outs (PR 8-8-1953,21-8-1953; IB 4-11-1953). In August 1953, moreover, Kahar Muzakkar started collecting taxes - e.g., a development tax, a 'struggle' tax, a livestock tax, and an income tax - in the name of the Islamic State (PR 14-8-1953). He founded a youth organization, called Pemuda Islam Jihad, while his wife Corry instituted a womenfighters' corps, or Lasykar Wanita (PR 10-8-1953). In support of the proclamation Kahar Muzakkar urged the population to carry on with what he called "the Islamic revolution", trying to persuade them to take his side and to repair and improve their mosques. Kahar Muzakkar became even more involved in the Islamic State of Indonesia at his appointment on January Ist, 1955, as First Deputy Minister of Defence of a government of the Islamic State of Indonesia that covered the whole of the territory of the Indonesian Republic. Kahar Muzakkar's more aggresive policy in the early months of 1952 is attributed by some observers, in fact, to his contacts with the Darul Islam movement of West Java. 41 He himself justified his attacks on positions of the Indonesian Army and Government by describing them as a retaliatian far the Army's militaryactians against him. He did so explicitly in an order issued on April 5th, === [PDF page 200] === 190 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam 1952, in which he referred to his moment operasi, whereby he instructed his troops to apply hi t-and-run tactics, th at is to say, to surprise the Republican troops with lightning attacks and to retrcat before the army could strike back, as a return action for the Army's sweeps operasi. These purely military tactics were to be combined with psychological warfare, in which the most was to be made of the crimes of the Indonesian Government (Sulawesi 1953:350). Besides the Indonesian Army's actions and the possible influence of Kartosuwirjo, there is yet another factor that should be considered in eXplaining Kahar Muzakkar's change in attitude, namely the Indonesian Government's current attempts to induce his subcommanders to defect and let themselves be integrated into the Indonesian Army. Kahar Muzakkar announced his moment operast· on April 5th. The official incorporation into the Republican Army of onc of his subcommanders, Andi Sose, and his detachment had become a fact one day earlier. At the conference of guerilla commanders preceding the proclamation of Sulawesi as part of the Islamic State of Indonesia, a constitution of the Negara Republik Islam Indonest·a, or, as it was also called, Republik Islam Indonesia, was drafted. This constitution is known as the Makalua Charter, af ter the place where the conference was held. The Makalua Charter is one of the surviving documents that can give us at least some insight into the nature of Kahar Muzakkar's movement. Another is a pamphlet written by Kahar Muzakkar entitled Tjatatan Bathin Pedjoang Islam Revolusioner (Notes on the Morality of the Revolutionary Islamic Fighter). Both documents are quoted in part by Bahar Mattaliu (1965:50-57) and Radik Dj ar wadi (1963:12-17). It would be an understatement to say that these two were no friends of Kahar Muzakkar's. Bahar Mattaliu had long been a comrade in arms of his, joining him already in the fighting in Java during the Indonesian struggle for independence, and following Kahar Muzakkar when the latter had finally taken to the bush in 1951, where for a time he had been one of his most trusted commanders. The relation between the two men had gradually deteriorated, however, until finally in 1959 Bahar Mattaliu defected. After his return to Indonesian society he wrote a book on Kahar Muzakkar to whitewash himself and to blacken Kahar Muzakkar. The passages of the two documents quoted by him are clearly intended to represent Kahar Muzakkar as an immoral blackguard hungry for power and money. === [PDF page 201] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 191 The documents testify in the first place that, compared with thc Darul Islam movement in West Java, Kahar Muzakkar placed greater emphasis on the social and economic organization of the state. The Sulawesi Darul Islam documents contain more, and more precise, articles regulating the social and economic life. The second point that emerges from them is that Kahar Muzakkar aimed at the creation of an egalitarian, and in some respects puritan, kind of society. He was keen to eliminate all vestiges of traditional social forms, envisaged a modest land reform, and aimed at erasing differences in personal wealth in general. Lack of experience and proper guidance brought most of these wellintentioned regulations to naught in practice, however, which obviously was all grist to Bahar Mattaliu 's mill. Neither of the said two main tendencies was very new. Kahar Muzakkar was a long-standing enemy of the traditional rulers and had come into conflict with the adat leaders as early as 1943. A proportion of his followers, too, moreover wanted social reform. The traditional rulers' initial backing of the proclamation of Indonesian independance and the subsequent strong Dutch military presence in the area may well have prevented the outbreak here of a "social revolution" of the kind that took place in Pekalongan and Aceh. There were some indications of the rudimentary start of such a social revolution in 1950, af ter the Dutch had left and before the Republican Government had established its con trol over the region. So Jusuf Bauti observed at the end of 1950 that there were signs in the direction of a "social revolution " in Makale. The groups that favoured the abolition of traditional institutions and practices were very strong according to him (N 11-12-1950). A similar situation was reported for Mandar, where Republican guerillas tried to eliminate the traditional rulers by force even during the revolution. A number of them had been killed, in fact. Nevcrtheless, the relevant trend never gaincd momentum, as the ruler of the region, the Maraddia of Balanipa, espoused the Rcpublican cause. It was he, too, who was elected head of the Civil Administration of his district by the people in 1950 (Masri 1959: 10). These same tendencics are discernible in the objectives of GUKRINDO, which was founded by Kahar Muzakkar in 1951. As is apparent from its statutcs, its aims included the protection of the peoplc against monopoly capitalism, the establishment of institutions for the education of the people and of policlinics in the villages, and thc cradication of illiteracy and unemployment (N 14-4-1951). Kahar Muzakkar tricd to stamp out traditional practices in === [PDF page 202] === 192 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Sou th Sulawesi by tackling their outward trappings. So the Makalua Charter provides for the suppression of the use, deliberate or unintentional, of traditional titles or honorifics. Accordingly the use of such titles as andi, daeng, gede-bagus, teuku and raden was prohibited. In his zeal to establish equality he also prohibited the use of such a purely Islamic title as haji, as weIl as any generally used terms of respect, as bapak or z"bu, branding these terms feudal, too. The Makalua Charter furthermore declared war on all persons of noble or aristocratic descent who refused to give up their titles, as weIl as on fanatic mystical groups (art. 15-16). Part of the Makalua Charter is devoted to the regulation of marriage. Some of the relevant stipulations are quite plain and easy to understand. So the Charter prescribes that everyone who breaks the rules of Islamic law on social intercourse and on relations between the sexes shall be prosecuted. Then there are rules designed to restrict the costs of marriage (art. 44, 47). Other regulations create rather an odd impression on first reading, on the other hand. So it is stipulated that people who oppose polygamy shall be prosecuted and that no proposal of marriage may be rejected except where the suitor is a juvenile, is impotent, is suffering from a contagious disease, or is of abject character (art. 45, 46). Much has been made of these latter two articles by Bahar Mattaliu and Radik Djarwadi, as they allegedly tacitly legitimatize promiscuity, as of the abuses for which they give scope. Boland (1971:66) points out, ho wever, th at the article on polygamy was "intended as a solution to the social problem of widows of the war dead, and may therefore be considered an authentic Islamic solution". 42 The section of the Makalua Charter regulating "the way of life and the proprietary righ ts of the Mujahidin [Figh ters in the way of Allah] and their families in the revolutionary process" testifies most clearly to the rebels' egalitarian ideals. The purchase and ownership of cattle and land, as weU as of shops, factories, hirecars, sailing proas, etc., was prohibited, except with the permission of the revolutionary organization (art. 49). This article later provided the starting-point for the implementation of modest land reforms. The manner of implementation was later defined in more detail by Kahar Muzakkar. On this subject Bahar Mattaliu writes that "in the 'Notes on the Morality of the Revolutionary Islamic Fighter' the prohibition on the ownership of land, sawahs and ladangs, cattle and luxury houses by members of the Darul Islam is also stressed". All such property was to be handed over to thc revolutionary organization, to be thereupon sold according === [PDF page 203] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 193 to regulations laid down by Kahar ~luzakkar in the "interests of the revolution" (l\lattaliu 1965:45). By "revolutionary organization" is probably meant the monopolistic govèrnment trading organization founded by Kahar ~Iuzakkar under the curious name Usaha Rahasia Khusus Organisasi, which may be translated as "The Organization 's Special Secret Venture". Another part of the same section deals with the ownership of personal effects by "revolu tionary Islamic Fighters" and their families. So they were forbidden to own or wear gold and jewellery, to wear clothes made of expensive materials such as wool or silk, to use pomade, lipstick or face-powder, and to consume foods and beverages bought in towns under enemy contral, such as milk, chocolate, butter, cheese, canned meat or fish, biscuits, wheat, cane sugar and tea (art. 50). If such goods had come rightfully into the possession of the current owner, th en the revolutionary organization was to buy or borrow themj if, on the other hand, the goods had been acquired thraugh "moral deception", they were to be confiscated (art. 52).43 Stricter rules still in this connection were laid down in the 'Notes on the Morality of the Revolutionary Islamic Fighter'. Here Kahar Muzakkar pursues the point of a moral and spiritual revolution. According to Bahar l\1attaliu he became convinced of the necessity of such a revolution on perceiving the behaviour of his men and on realizing that no revolution could succeed the people's support. He moreover believed that no material improvement was possible v.~thout a revolutionary change in thinking (Simatupang and Lapian 1978:10). On hearing the people 's complaints and witnessing the "moral crisis" and "the inclination of his men towards pleasure and a life of luxury", Kahar Muzakkar embarked upon a campaign of primitive socialism. This campaign was to start on March Ist, 1955, and was planned to last six months, during which period Kahar Muzakkar's soldiers and their families would have to hand in all possessions which Kahar Muzakkar considered to be of a luxury or superfluous nature. Gold and polished diamonds would have to be "lent" to the Military Government, which would convert these objects into cash thraugh trusted dealers in the towns. With the money collected in this way weapons and other necessities of war would be purchased. All persons who so surrendered their gold and diamonds would be compensated as soon as the situation became stabie. The regulation also applied to wrist watches, which were allowed only for military purposes, gas- === [PDF page 204] === 194 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam lamps and radios, which were only allowed on military or government premises. It was furthermore stipulated th at no family might save more than Rp. 30.- a month, while the wardrobes of soldiers and their families were also made subject to stringent restrictions (cf. Mattaliu 1965:50-57), with Kahar Muzakkar urging them to hand over all clothing in excess of the prescribed maximum to people who were in greater need of it, or otherwise to sell it to the Government. 44 As in the Makalua Charter, rules on the consumption of food and drinks were also laid down here. Soldiers and their families were forbidden to smoke foreign cigarettes, and to eat or drink chocolate-milk, butter, cheese, canned fish and "other delicaeies originating from the eities", except if seized in battle or produced by the owner himself. The strict observance of these rules seems to have given ri se to certain excesses. So Bahar Mattaliu complains how he "was filled with compassion at the sight of wives of members of the DI/TIl who were pregnant or who had just given birth with pale faces and thin bodies because the Notes on Morality forbade them to eat tasty foods and drink wholesome drinks" (Mattaliu 1965:45)_ He also hints that no-one knew whether weapons and other necessities of war actually were purchased with the proceeds from the goods handed in by the people. In the same year that the moral revolution was scheduled to take place, a conference organized by Bahar Mattaliu was held at Wanua Waru which resulted in the drafting of a Revolutionary Islamic Program, or Program Islam Revolusioner. One of the points agreed upon here was that polygamy should be propagated. This conference was also attended by a representative of the Darul Islam movement in Aceh. Kahar Muzakkar, in an attempt to give substance to his ideas, proceeded to establish policlinics, schools and hospitals and an academy of literary science. To help the lat ter to the necessary materials his troops ransacked the library of Majene, where 2,500 titles were reported to have disappeared (IB 11-1-1955). He also kidnapped doctors to work at his policlinics. Kahar Muzakkar was a pious Muslim. Although occasionally Christians were victims of the raids conducted by his troops, of which cases much was usually made, it appears that the people concerned were only killed if they resisted the rebels and refused to give them food and information. As a rule civilians - Muslims and Christians alike - were weIl treatcd by him. Thus it was reported that "the bands under Kahar Muzakkar still respected === [PDF page 205] === IV Sou th Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 195 human rights"... and... "what was a fact was that the bands exerted pressure upon Muslims to comply faithfully with the demands of God and pray five times daily" (IB 26-9-1954). 6. Rzfts Withz·n the Rebel Force The Republican Army tried to deal with the Kahar Muzakkar rebellion by means of a series of military operations and, especially in the early years of the rising by attempts at disaffecting segments of the rebel force. Where this latter point was concerned, the Republican Army was able to take advantage of quarrels among the gu erill as themselves. These disputes were occasioned partly by personal ambitions and animosities, partly by ideological differences as regards the course the rebellion should take. Af ter the constitution of the Kesatuan Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan it was joined by some twelve guerilla groups. Opinions on the total strength of these forces, sometimes referred to as battalions, and the quality of their soldiers varied. Officers of the official Republican Army, as we have seen, tended to entertain a rather low opinion of the strength, morale and fighting capacity of the guerillas, considering the majority of them as mere bandits. They were prepared to admit at most three to four thousand guerillas to the Army. This was about one third of the total number of gucrillas, whose strength must have lain at somewhere between ten and twelve thousand. Even this latter figure may represent a moderate guess. The Department of Information (Sulawesi 1953:336) quotes a figure of 15,000, Feith (1962:213) mentions one of 20,000, and Natsir (Sulawesi 1953:351) speaks of "not 10,000... but a multiple of this number".4S Putting the number of those demobilized at between five and six thousand, and those integrated into the army at another four thousand, the number of guerillas must still have exceeded ten thousand. As we saw above, in the second half of 1950 there seemed to be certain prospects of a compromise bet ween the guerillas and thc Republican Army. Pending a dcfinitive settlement, and in the belief that a Hasanuddz·n Brigade would take shapc in the near future, the guerillas bcgan to prepare thcmselvcs for the formation of such a brigade. An intcrnal reorganization was undertaken. As was mentioned earlier, fivc battalions - thc Bau Masseppe Battalion in Parepare, thc Batu Putt"h Battalion in Palopo, thc Art·ef Rate Battalion in Bonthain, thc Wolter MongiszOdi Battalion in Enrekang, and the 40,000 Battaliori in Rappang - === [PDF page 206] === 196 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam were formed, together constituting the Persiapan Brz~f;ade lJasanuddin. In the weeks preceding the day fixed for the official integration of the National Reserve Corps, the first internal confliets among Kahar Muzakkar's followers broke out when Andi Selle chose the Government's side in the question of whethcr or not the integration of the National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi should take place battalion by battalion. The incorporation of Andi Selle's Bau Masseppe Battalion into the Army as the Battalion 719 on August 7th, 1951, only aggravated the conflict between Kahar Muzakkar and the Army still further. Nevertheless, not the entire Bau Masseppe Battalion followed its commander, but part of it with Hamid Gali and Usman Balo as principalleaders, remained loyal to Kahar Muzakkar. Af ter some fighting with Andi Selle's followers they retreated to another part of Parepare and formed a new battalion, commanded by Hamid Gali (Sulawesi 1953:344). Nor were the ties bet ween Kahar Muzakkar and Andi Selle completely severed, and in time the relation between the two improved again. Bahar Mattaliu mentions Andi Selle as one of Kahar Muzakkar's principal sources of weapons, in fact, saying, "This meant that raw materials continued to be sent by Kahar to Andi Selle, who paid for these with bullets, with heavy and light arms, and with army uniforms" (Mattaliu 1965:40). Vet more followers of Kahar Muzakkar became disaffected when the Republican Army, in consequence of its "politicopsychological" approach, in March 1952 re-opened the opportunity for them to be incorporated into the Army or return to society without further ado. The Eastern Indonesia Territorial Command announced th at it was prepared to recognize the former guerillas as soldiers and expressed the hope that a number of guerilla units might be integrated soon. The term set for the operation of the amnesty offer was from March 11 th till June 10th. The Army repeated its appeal and reiterated its preparedness to admit all "true" guerillas in a communique of May 10th. In early April, during another of Mrs. Salawati Daud's peace missions it became apparent that some of Kahar Muzakkar's subcommanders were prepared to accept the amnesty offer. Although Mrs. Salawati Daud's mission was only partly successfui, as she did meet Kahar Muzakkar but failed to persuade him to surrender, she did bring back letters from Hamid Gali and Usman Balo, both from the Bau Masseppe Battalion, and from Sjamsul Bachri of the 40,000 Battalion, and Azis Taba, of the === [PDF page 207] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 197 Arief Rate Battalion, stating that they and their men were willing to enter the Army as soon as possible (IM 11-4-1952). Hamid Gali and Usman Balo soon changed their minds again, but the incorporation of the other battalions eventuated. On May 25th the Arief Rate Battalion became Battalion 722, and the 40,000 Battalion the Battalion 723. The latter, however, was not commanded by Sjamsul Bachri but by M. Arief, as Sjamsul Bachri had stayed in the bush and remained loyal to Kahar Muzakkar. Nor did the whole of the Arz'ef Rate Battalion join the Republican Army. Besides guerillas of the 40,000 and Arief Rate Battalions, members of the Wolter Mongisidi Battalion also reported to the Army authorities. For the commander of the latter, Andi Sose, this opportunity provided by the Army came at just the right moment, as he had come into serious conflict with Kahar Muzakkar and had even contemplated forming his own independent guerilla force. He and his men were integrated into the Republican Army as the Battalion 720. In the same period smaller guerilla groups and bands which had not entered the KGSS or the National Reserve Corps, such as the Lipang Bajeng and the Mobile Brigade jeneponto, surrendered as weIl. On expiry of the term of the amnesty the Army cleared parts of Palopo, Wajo, Enrekang and Southeast Sulawesi of civilians who had not been living and working there for some time already. In this way it hoped to isolate the guerillas and to facilitate the operations of its own troops. Guerillas surrendering after the deadline were not treated as weIl as the larger groups th at had reported earlier. When a small group of guerillas surrendered in July and expressed the wish to enter the Army, it was refused, as this did not fit in with the Army Command's and Central Government's plans to keep the size of the Army down as much as possible. Instead, these men were to be sent to other parts of Indonesia in conjunction with the transmigration scheme the Government had evolved for former guerillas. Worried by the mass defection of his troops, Kahar Muzakkar set about reorganizing what remained of them. Again he formed five battalions, sometimes also referred to as brigades: the Latumojang Battalion, commanded by Hamid Gali and with Usman Balo as second in command, which operated around Enrekang and Parepare; the Batu Putih Battalion, commanded by Andi Tenriadjeng, which operated between Palopo and Siwa; the Lereng Cinta Battalion, commanded by Bahar Mattaliu, which operated in Soppeng; the Rante Mario Battalion, commanded by Sanusi Daris, which operated in Enrekang; and the 40,000 Battal- === [PDF page 208] === 198 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam ion, commanded by Sjamsul Bachri, which operated in Wajo.46 To bring his troops up to strength again he conceived the idea of giving the population in the regions under his con trol some rudimentary military training. Not much came of these plans, however, although he did succeed in recruiting a number of new soldiers, even from among the youth, while the Lereng Cinta Battalion even trained a number of secondary school pupils (IB 11-1-1955). The most serious setback suffered by Kahar Muzakkar in those initial years of his rising came at the end of 1952. In December of that year a rebellion within a rebellion, brought about hy internal factors, took place. Starting as a conflict between subcommanders about the territories under the control of their respective units and the rights of other units to enter these, it soon assumed an ideological dimension. Kahar Muzakkar had assigned each of his battalions a fixed area at the time of the reorganization of his Army. The realities of guerilla warfare and the pursuit of the guerillas by the Republican Army had made the crossing of the boundaries between these inevitahle, however. So in December 1952 Usman Balo of the Latumojang Battalion entered the territory of the Rante Mario Battalion. There was subsequently some fighting, in which units of the latter battalion were put to flight. Kahar Muzakkar thereupon took Usman Balo to task for the conduct of his men, levelling the accusation against them of betrayal of the ideals of the struggle of the rebelling guerillas by stooping to rape and plunder. 47 Usman Balo did not bother to reply and proceeded to sever all ties with Kahar Muzakkar. To start oH with, he and Hamid Gali again sent a written request to the authorities to he admitted to the Army as regular soldiers. This request was refused hy the Army, however, which pointed out that the incorporation of Usman Balo's and Hamid Gali's units would be in contradiction with the plans for its future development. It was having trouble enough with lack of discipline among its own soldiers and the admission of members of guerilla bands who for the greater part had lost their morale and discipline would only aggravate the problem (IB 12- 10-1953 ). This possibility thus for the time being precluded, Usman Balo and Hamid Gali now had to defend themselves against the Republican Army as well as against Kahar Muzakkar's troops. Kahar Muzakkar, who had sworn to annihilate them, had given his troops orders to attack the defectors at every opportunity. === [PDF page 209] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 199 Usman Balo was subsequently attacked, defeated and put to flight. He then turned for protection to the Republican detachment of his former commander, Andi Selle. The latter handled the situation very skilfully, defending Usman Balo's troops not only against Kahar ~1uzakkar's attacks and thus giving them a reprieve, but also against the Republican troops who were after Usman Balo. As a re sult fighting occurred among Republican soldiers themselves. 4s For a while it looked as though Usman Balo and Hamid Gali would lay down their arms, both issuing statements to the effect that they supported the government of Soekarno and were willing to enter the Republican Army, Usman Balo adding that it was better to betray Kahar Muzakkar, who had deviated from the principles of the struggle for independence, than the revolution itself. Subsequently, on November 30th, 1953, 1,200 of Hamid Gali 's guerillas reported themselves, af ter the Army, more or less under pressure from Soekarno, had re-opened the opportunity accordingly. However, they pulled the same trick Kahar Muzakkar had played in August 1951 and returned to the bush af ter receiving food, money and clothing from the Republican Army (Alers 1956:265). Thereat they once more began disturbing the peace in the northern and eastern parts of Parepare, a region that was extremely difficult of access to the Republican Army. By the end of 1953 they had regained contral of the roads in this area and were obstructing the traffic passing along them again. As in the case of certain other guerilla leaders, also outside Sulawesi, there were many tales circulating about the supposed wealth amassed by Usman Balo in robbing and stealing. He allegedly possessed as many as ten bags of gold and a pistol case of pure gold (IB 9-2-1954,3-3-1954). By th at time the latter's conflict with Kahar Muzakkar had assumed an ideological character. Usman Balo rejected the Darul Islam course that Kahar Muzakkar was now publicly pursuing and advocated communism ins te ad. To what extent their ideological differences constituted a cause or were only a consequence of the conflict between them is difficul t to say. Owing to lack of data it is impossible to assess how consistent and well-defined Usman Balo's communist philosophy was, as weIl as in what way it differed from Kahar Muzakkar's ideas on social change. In any case, up on Kahar Muzakkar's changing the name of his force from Tentara Kemerdekaan Rakyat to Tentara Islam Indonesia in August 1953, Usman Balo and Hamid Gali continued operating under the former name. === [PDF page 210] === 200 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam The Republican Army left nothing undone to exploit the rift. It sent officers to the rivals' respective headquarters to make sure there was no reconciliation between Kahar Muzakkar and Usman Balo, and even to aggravate the conflict (Djarwadi 1959: 145). This conflict reached its peak in December 1954, when a threeday battle was fought between the rivals' respective forces to the north-east of Pinrang starting on December 14th. Here Kahar Muzakkar put into the field about 900 soldiers commanded by Sjamsul Bachri. Hamid Gali, who was his major target, had to deploy his entire force and was even obliged to mobilize the male population of the area under his control. Later, after Kahar Muzakkar's troops succeeded in occupying the TKR headquarters, Usman Balo and 300 of his guerilIas came to Hamid Gali's aid. Kahar Muzakkar's troops would have been able to deal the TKR its death-blow at this time had not the Republican Army decided that it could weIl use the TKR in the suppression of the Kahar Muzakkar rebellion. Of all the existing rebel forces it considered the TKR the weakest as weIl as ideologically the least far removed from the Republican State. Moreover, if it won over the TKR, it could have the assistance in its operations of soldiers who knew the area weIl and could provide information on the whereabouts of Kahar Muzakkar's troops. Accordingly the Republican units engaged in the campaign against Kahar Muzakkar decided to give the TKR some breathing space. In return the TKR assisted the Republican Army in its pursuit of Kahar Muzakkar's troops, who now in their turn were forced to retreat under the Army's attacks. When in January a second battle was fought between the TKR and TIl, the Republican Army went to the aid of the former. The following month, when the TKR and TIl engaged in their third battle, it looked for a short time as though the Republican Army would attack the TKR as weIl, despite the fact that a tacit understanding appeared to have been reached between the latter two. But headquarters had issued orders to the effect that the troops in the field should attack both guerilla forces - the TKR and as weIl the TIl - so that these now faccd the problem of which of the two guerilla forces to attack first. It took a while for them to reach the decision to pursue their previous course and to attack the positions of the TIl while trying to secure the cooperation of the TKR. There was no more fighting between the Republican Army and the TKR from the end of February 1955 onwards, when the === [PDF page 211] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 201 cooperation between the two was consolidated. In August they held ajoint celebration of Indonesia's independenee at the TKR's headquarters. On this occasion the "sacred" red and white flag which had been the first Republican flag to be hoisted in Rappang, and which had been kept by Hamid Gali and Usman Balo for almost ten years, was flown (PR 23-8-1955). In con sequence of the truce between the Republican Army and the TKR the military posts in th~ area were gradually dismantled and replaced by Police ones. But it was to be another two years before the TKR was finally integrated into the Republican Army, in October 1957 (cf. Djarwadi 1959). 7. Consolidation The Republican Army's operations against TKR and TIl concentrations briefly described above formed part of the Operasz· Halilz"ntar, or Thunderbolt Operation, launched in October 1952. In the first years the results of this operation were meagre. Later, at the end of the 1950's, the tide turned, however. In the beginning the initiative remained with Kahar Muzakkar. His troops controlled large parts of the rural districts, isolating the Army in the towns and cities. Even these were not safe, however, and the towns people, too, had to be constantly on the alert against attacks by Darul Islam troops. Army efforts to keep the roads open were futile. Road travel was possible, but only under armed escort. Wherever they could people "travelled by sea. By mid-1954 the situation had grown so grave that there were fears of the rebelling guerillas' sealing off Ujungpandang from its hinderland unless there was a change for the better. Provisions could only reach the city by sea, and it was apprehended that the people of Ujungpandang would in the very near future suffer directly from the rebellion. Also indicative of the serious situation is the fact that a Government party on an inspection tour to Bone was forced to travel by sea because the roads in the interior were impassable. Compared with the rest of South Sulawesi Ujungpandang and environs were still relatively weIl off. The are as which suffered most, and had the highest nu mb er of refugees, were Bone, Luwu, and Parepare. In mid-1955 there were reported to be about 290,000 refugees in the whole of Sulawesi, over 88,000 of them in Bone, over 96,000 in Luwu, and over 45,000 in Parepare. These figures admittedly are slightly distorted, being released immediately after a military operation in Bone during which === [PDF page 212] === 202 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam many houses were bumt down. Other official figures usually show Luwu and Parepare to have the highest number of fugitives. In Luwu it was particularly the region around Palapo from which people fled, though there were also many refugees in the extreme north, near the border with Southeast Sulawesi. The situation of these refugees was deplorable. The govemment tried to relieve their suffering to some extent by sending food and clothing. But there were still people dying of hunger, and many others suffering from extreme malnutrition and beriberi (PR 31-5-1955, IB 5- 4-1955). The towns of Palopo and Parepare, having large concentrations of rebelling guerillas in their vicini ty, became the latter 's target a number of times. At the end of 1952 about 3,000 people fled the town of Parepare for fear of an imminent attack by Kahar Muzakkar's troops. In 1955 again over 2,000 of Kahar Muzakkar's soldiers were concentrated in the area in an effort to gain control of the rice fields around Parepare. A year previously Kahar Muzakkar had mobilized his troops for an attack on Palopo, but had se en his plans thwarted by Republican troops. The situation in the kabupaten of Mandar was also extremely difficult. The roads here were still virtually impassable as late as 1959, as many bridges had been destroyed either by floods or by the Darul Islam forces. Communications with the rest of Sulawesi had almost come to a stop. The only means of reaching the outside world - and hence of importing rice and exporting copra - was by proa. No motor-vessels called at any of the ports of the area except to supply the Armed Forces (Masri 1959:3). As in 1950 and 1951, there were many people who, mindful of the guerillas' merits during the struggle for independence, continued urging for a solution through negotiations. The Eastem Indonesia Army Command at first adopted a moderate attitude, and as aresult succeeded in the first half of 1952 in luring away some of Kahar Muzakkar's subcommanders. When after the October Affair j.W. Warouw took over the command of the Republican Army it became much more uncompromising, however. One of Warouw's first acts in his new function was the rejection of a peace offer by Kahar Muzakkar in December 1952. The latter, inspired by the October Affair, had sent a letter to Soekarno in which he stated himself to be prepared to support the President in his capacity as Supreme Commander of the Republican Armed Forces, and one to Warouw suggesting th at his and Warouw's forces should cooperate in keeping the peace in South === [PDF page 213] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 203 Sulawesi. The Army immediately replied th at it wanted to hear nothing of such a suggestion, however, with the spokesman for the command, Captain Rahasia, flady stating at a press conference that it could not cooperate with rebels. It further announced th at Operation Thunderbolt would be continued. All rebels wishing to return to society would have an opportunity to do so, on condition that all those who had been involved in criminal acts should be. handed over to the appropriate au thorities for punishment. Under no circumstances would those surrendering be accepted into the Army, however (IM 12-2-1952, 18-12-1952). Warouw and his command displayed the same uncompromising attitude in February of the next year, when President Soekarno visited South Sulawesi and asked Kahar Muzakkar to give himself up - one of Soekarno's many personal attempts to persuade rebellious groups in Indonesia to cease fighting. This particular visit of Soekamo's was part of a kind of tour of special troublespots. Before coming to South Sulawesi he had been to Kalimantan, in fact, where there had also been a rising of former guerillas, who some time later were to join the Darul Islam movement. The tour was an indication of the tension and nervousness prevailing in the first years af ter 1949, when the Republican Government was confronted with all kinds of major and minor uprisings and internal disturbances and conflicts. 49 Kahar Muzakkar had written his above-mentioned letters to Soekarno and J.F. Warouw just two months prior to Soekarno's visit to South Sulawesi. There was some hope of a setdement being reached. There were even rumours circulating of a meeting between Kahar Muzakkar and Soekarno at the latter's visit to Parepare. Soekarno himself did not exclude a peaceful solution, either. In his speech at Parepare, in fact, he indirectly appealed to Kahar Muzakkar to come out of the bush, saying that "The independence of Indonesia is not the property of Bung Karno or of the people in the cities alone, but of the guerillas, of Kahar Muzakkar, of Hamid Gali, and of others as weIl" (PR 6-2-1953). The emphasis on unity and the desire to bury past differences are also evident from a written message left behind by Soekarno in Pangkajene. In it he said, "People of Pangkajene, Indonesia's independence is the fruit of our common struggle. Let us be watchful that there does not come a point where it is disgraced by our own acts" (PR 6-2-1953). The Republican Army thought otherwise, however. Captain Rahasia immediately reacted by warning people not to get the === [PDF page 214] === 204 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam wrong idea about Soekarno's words. He hastened to point out th at the Eastern lndonesia Army Command considered Soekarno's speech logical and understandable, and agreed that independence was the property of one and all - of people in the towns and eities as weIl as in the countryside. On the other hand, however, it regarded everyone who upset that independence, whether they lived in the bush or anywhere else, as a rebel. He stressed th at Kahar Muzakkar's troops constituted an illegal organization against which the Army was obliged to take action. He further pointed out that if Kahar Muzakkar was in deed fighting for justice and prosperity, he must admit that every citizen had the legal duty to hand over criminals to the authorities and agree that equal treatment should be given to all, whether they be his own followers, many of whom had joined him only recently, or Army soldiers who had fought and suffered in the performance of their duty for years. He wondered whether it was wise to try and solve the problems in South Sulawesi simply by admitting all of Kahar Muzakkar's men as soldiers of the Army, pointing out that the guerillas were asking recognition as such exactly at a time when the Republican Government was forced to retrench and to send hundreds of thousands of its soldiers back into society. The only gesture the Army was prepared to make was to admit Kahar Muzakkar's guerillas to the so-called development units, in which former guerillas who wanted to return to eivilian life were collected. If Kahar Muzakkar agreed to this, then the Army for its part would show its good faith by releasing all prisoners who had merely been followers of Kahar Muzakkar's (IM 13-2-1953; PR 6-2-1953). A few days later Warouw intimated that it was not altogether out of the question that the demand of Kahar Muzakkar and his guerillas for admission to the Army would be partially met, in view of the Army's need for speeialists, under observance of the normal procedures. If agreement on this point could be reached with Kahar Muzakkar, his Command would press for its acceptance by the authorities, Warouw asserted (IM 7-2-1953). Considering the low esteem in which the Army held the rebels' technical capaeity, Warouw's kind words in reality implied nothing other than a flat refusal to integrate a significant number of guerillas into the Army. In October, while on a second short visit to Sulawesi, Soekarno repeated his appeal to the guerillas and pleaded with Kahar Muzakkar once more to return to the right path and call a halt to the disturbances in the island. Army opposition notwithstanding, === [PDF page 215] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 205 Soekamo's renewed appeal signified a new opportunity for the guerillas to surrender. Leaflets eXplaining that they would have a chance to report to the authorities between October 20th and November Ist were dropped by plane. The Army nevertheless made it clear that Soekamo's appeals would in no way affect its military operations, which would continue as usual. It regarded Soekamo's speech only as a guide to the tactics to be adopted in the case of rebels reporti~g themselves, and stressed that bargaining about the conditions of surrender was ruled out. The rebels were an undisciplined lot and would never be admitted to the Armyen bloc (PR 21-10-1953; IB 12-10-1953). At first the appeal seemed to be having some success, with Warouw even announcing that as many as 12,500 rebels were prepared to surrender. It was moreover rumoured th at Kahar Muzakkar had panicked because of the large number of his followers in favour of reponding to Soekamo's appeal. He was reportedly on the run in fear of capture by his own men. All these reports tumed out to be ungrounded and inspired by mere wishful thinking, however. The rebels mentioned by Warouw were the soldiers of Usman Balo and Hamid Gali, who did, in fact, report but retumed to the jungle again shortly afterwards, upon its becoming clear that the Army had no intention at all of honouring Hamid Gali 's persistent claim that all of his men should be incorporated into the Army first and about two-thirds demobilized later (IB 19-11-1953, 8-12-1953, 13-12-1953; PR 7-12-1953, 27-12-1953). Soekamo made his third appeal in May of the next year. This time he wamed that he could not go on forever asking the guerilIas to lay down their arms, and that his patience might run out, in which event he would give all branches of the Armed Services orders to crush the rebels (PR 7-5-1954). Again the appeal was in vain. Although the then Vice-Premier, Wongsonegoro, reported the surrender of two-thirds of the rebels, his statement was far beside the truth and it is not clear where he obtained his information. The Central Govemment, in the belief that at least thousands were involved, sent a team to South Sulawesi to arrange their reception. On arrival there was a big surprise awaiting this team, for only a few individu als tumed out to have surrendered. There was even a figure of only nine quoted (IB 11- 9-1954). One of the reasons for the Republican Army's early lack of success in the area was that the partially East Javanese units had to fight on unfamiliar terrain and in unfriendly surrounding. This === [PDF page 216] === 206 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam put them at a serious disadvantage, the more sa because the topography of the region made it difficult for them to benefit from their superior arms. It was sometimes impossible to give soldiers on field patrol artillery support. Because of lack of communication artillery or air support usuaHy came either too late of not at all. Kahar Muzakkar's guerillas, moreover, adhering to the principles of their leader's moment operasz', avoided battle where possible wherever circumstances were not in their favour. It taak the Republican troops years to evolve a method of dealing with these guerilla tactics. To make things worse for the Army, coordination between the separate guerilla units improved with time, while Kahar Muzakkar also succeeded in stepping up the fighting capacity of his troops. This latter he accomplished by forming four crack units, partly for the purpose of crushing the revolt of Balo's Tentara Kemerdekaan Rakyat. These were named Momok, an abbreviation for Moment Mobz1e Kommando, which is perhaps best translated as Instantaneous Mobile Commando. The four Momok units each had its own standard in the colour expressed by its name - red, black, green and white - with the Muslim bulan bz'ntang, or crescent and star, painted on it (PR 3-3-1955). According to aBattalion 711 intelligence report from early 1955, Kahar Muzakkar personally commanded the white one, while the green, the black and the red Momok were under the command of Pattawari, Sjamsul Bachri and Andi Masse respectively (Djarwadi 1959: 146). Radik Djarwadi (1965), analysing the various military struggles in the first decade after independence, distinguishes two separate phases in South Sulawesi. The first was the period between 1950 and 1954, when Kahar Muzakkar's troops operated in small numbers in small and isolated pockets - fifty-five in South and Southeast Sulawesi in 1952, according to him. The year 1954 marked a change in the sÏtuation. Then, in the second phase, between 1955 and 1958, the guerilla force displayed a vast improvement in its manoeuvring ability, as was evident, according to him, from the fact that "the enemy never feH into the traps set by us in advance" (Djarwadi 1965, III:62-63). In general this evaluation of Radik Djarwadi 's is correct. Nevertheless, Kahar Muzakkar was occasionally able to put larger concentrations of troops into the field before 1954, while the Republican Army was not totally without significant successes af ter that year. The latter gained a few victories where it was able to engage larger concentrations of the enemy in battle and bring === [PDF page 217] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 207 into action its heavy artillery as weIl as the combat planes of the Air Force, with which it dealt the Darul Islam troops some serious blows. In some of these operations the Navy also participated, not only for the purpose of shelling the coast, but also in order to stop Kahar Muzakkar's pirate ships from attacking trading-vessels, as they occasionally did. The Army's only successful operations as a rule were those carried out along the co,!-st. In the interior it experienced much more difficulty in mounting effective offensives. In 1953 and 1954 large-scale attacks on guerilla concentrations involving units of the Army, Navy and Air Force were launched, for instance, against concentrations of Darul Islam units which had their base in the swamps to the north and east of Ujungpandang, from where they occasionally infiltrated into the city. In September 1955 another combined operation was launched on the coast of Bone Bay, where hundreds of rebels were killed. During the latter attack rebels fleeing from the Republican Army became an easy prey for the combat planes of the Air Force as they tried to cross Bone Bay by canoe to retreat into the Darul Islam areas in Sou theast Sulawesi. Two months later Government troops landed at Wawo, in Southeast Sulawesi, to occupy one of the rebels' civil and military administrative centres (PR 26-9-1955, 9-11-1955). Not only the ineffectualness but also the bloody nature of the Army's offensives attracted criticism. So the prominent politician from South Sulawesi Bebasa Daeng Lalo, in a last appeal for a peaceful solution to the conflict in early 1955, asserted that what was needed was an operation that claimed few victims and had a great deal of effect, instead of one which, as was currently the case, claimed many victims and had little effect. At the same time he once again took out of mothballs the proposal to indirectly recognize Kahar Muzakkar's troops by transforming them into a special division for the liberation of West Irian. Any embarrassment the Government might feel at even considering the proposal must be irrelevant, he said. Alleviation of the suffering of the people was much more important than any Government loss of face (IB 5-3-1955). The situation improved for the Republican Army, and its operations became more successful, after the mid-1950's. This was aresult partly of the assistance it received from the Tentara Kemerdekaan Rakyat, partly of a change in tactics. Instead of spreading its troops over a large number of small field posts, it now began concentrating them in large· units (cf. Dj ar wadi 1959:161-165). Army headquarters in Jakarta, morcover, dis- === [PDF page 218] === 208 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam appointed at the meagre results of the previous military operati ons, in July 1956 instituted a special military command, the Komando Pengamanan Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara (KoDPSST), or South and Southeast Sulawesi Pacification Command, with as special assignment the suppression of the Darul Islam revolt (cf. Harvey 1974:313-320; 1977:38-40). lts commander was Colonel R. Sudirman, as whose Chief of Staff Mohammad Saleh Lahade was appointed a few months later. The change implied that the Republican Army was for the first time in many years taking the ideological aspect of the conflict into consideration in dealing with the rebellion. For it tried to enlist the support of the social and religious leaders of the region for what it described as its "methaphysical" operation aimed at ending the rebellion (Djarwadi 1965, II: 30). As R. Sudirman argued: "Peace for the region could only be achieved if there were peace in the villages; peace in the villages could only be attained if each household were at peace; peace in the family required that each individual felt at peace - and this could only be obtained thraugh faith" (Harvey 1974:318). This change in approach nevertheless also failed to have the desired results. For the attention gradually shifted to internal Army conflicts, notably the antagonism between Javanese and soldiers from the other islands. The culmination of these tensions in the PRR1/Permesta rebellion deflected the Army's attention fram the military campaign hitherto waged against Kahar Muzakkar and his Darul Islam activities. Kahar Muzakkar himself meanwhile declined every offer of peace. He had firmly committed himself to the Darul Islam cause and did not want to know of any settlement short of a recognition of the lslamic State of Indonesia. Things were still going quite weIl for him, and in addition to exercising the contral of parts of South and Southeast Sulawesi, he was trying to extend his influence to areas outside Sulawesi. Thus he sent troops to South Kalimantan to assist the rebels of Ibnu Hadjar, and to Halmahera and the Moluccas to get a Darul Islam rebellion under way in these parts. Although there were reports of some Darul Islam activity in the latter two regions, this did not amount to much. In the Moluccas Kahar Muzakkar sought to secure the cooperation of what was left of the RMS. There were, in fact, plans for proclaiming the Moluccas part of the territory of the Islamic State of Indonesia on February 1st, 1955. Before these plans could materialize, however, the commander-to-be of the Islamic Army of the Moluccas, Latang, was arrested (Bung === [PDF page 219] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 209 Penonton 1977:121; IB 12-2-1955; PR 20-11-1955; Fransz 1976: 22). so In South Sulawesi Kahar Muzakkar, in token of his hostility towards the Republic, tried to disrupt the polling for the general elections in September 1955. People who intended participating in these elections he branded as infideIs. Officials in charge of the registration of votes were threatened and in some cases kidnapped. And all voters who had had themselves registered risked being fined. He was even said to foster the ambitious plan of occupying the more isolated subdistricts before the end of August to make voting there altogether impossible. To put this plan into execution 200 proas with reinforcements were to have been sent from Java, according to one captured Darul Islam leader, Mazdjono Iakandutju (Mazjono Iakanducu), who styled himself Commander in Chief of the Special all-Indonesian Student Division (PR 25-6-1955). Notwithstanding this opposition of the Darul Islam, as weIl as of the Tentara Kemerdekaan Rakyat - ~hich demanded recognition as a regular Army unit before allowing people to cast their vote - the election was a success. The percentage of the electorate of South and Southeast Sulawesi taking part in the voting, though lower than for the rest of Indonesia, still came to over seventy (Feith 1971:54). 8. The United Republic of Indonesz·a The PRRI/Permesta rebellion brought about a drastic change in the situation. In the first place, the Government saw itself obliged to deal with yet another rebellious movement in Sulawesi. Secondly, the rising once more impressed on the Government the urgency of the regions' claims for wider autonomy and a greater share in the State revenues. It was now forced to give in at least partly to these demands and to remove some of the causes of regional discontent which had also inspired Kahar Muzakkar and his followers. In 1957 Parliament subsequently passed a new Law on Regional Administration, in which the regions' authority to conduct their own affairs was extended. Steps were also taken to gradually abolish the existing civil service corps, or pamong praja, through the instrumentality of which the Central Government, through its Ministry of Internal Affairs, administered the regions. Understandably enough, however, the Central Government did not want to lose its contral over the regional export earnings, but on the contrary, even tried to consolidate this contro!. It was prepared to discuss at most the === [PDF page 220] === 210 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam distribution of the export eamings and other State revenues over the different provinces. More or less the same held true for the Central Army Command, which had no desire to relinquish its con trol of the regional commands, but on the contrary, wanted to take back from the regional commanders the right of independent action which the latter had arrogated to themselves with time. The half-heartedness with which the Central Govemment reacted to the demands for greater regional autonomy - giving in a litde where matters of civil administration were concemed, and trying to extend its authority in matters conceming the Army or vital exports - gready upset the regions outside Java. This reaction of the Govemment's anything but diminished the fear of Javanese dominance; nor did it remove the feeling prevailing in the outer regions that they were being neglected and exploited by the J avanese. Two islands in which this feeling was particularly strong we re Sumatra and Sulawesi, both of which were to become the cen tres of a second rebellion (the PRRl/Permesta one), which, claiming the whole of Indonesia as its territory, presented itself as an alternative to the Indonesian Republic alongside the Islamic State of Indonesia. What opposed it to the Republic was not religion, as in the case of the Islamic State of Indonesia, but a second constitutional problem which had troubled Indonesian political life from 1945, namely the question of the relation between the Central Govemment and the individual regions, each with their own ethnic, economie and religiqus characteristics. This actually amounted to the problem of whether Indonesia should form a unitary state or should have a federal structure. The Sulawesi variant of the rebellion went by the name of Perm es ta, short for Perjuangan Semesta or Total Struggle. In it two of Kahar Muzakkar's long-standing adversaries played a decisive role, viz. Mohammad Saleh Lahade and J.F. Warouw. A Charter stating the Permesta's demands was made public by the former on March 2nd, 1957. 51 This urged for greater autonomy, financial as weIl as otherwise, for the four provinces of East Indonesia and for more intensive efforts to step up regional development. It also asked for a full mandate to solve the security problems of the region and put an end to the Kahar Muzakkar rebellion. One of the other major points of the Charter was its rejection of a Central Army headquarters plan for dissolving the Eastem Indonesia Military Command, which, although applauded at the lower levels, posed a threat to the higher echelons of the command. 52 === [PDF page 221] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 211 The supporters of the Charter did not initially repudiate the Republic, its signatories asserting that they wanted to achieve their aims "by assuring leaders of all strata of society that we are not separa#ng ourselves from the Republic of Indonesia" (Harvey 1977:166). They did take up arms against the Republic one year later, ho wever, when on February 15th, 1958, the Pemerz·ntah Revolusioner Republik Indonesz·a (PRRI), or Revolutionary Government of the Indonesian Republic, was proclaimed. Besides Mohammad Saleh Lahade, who became Minister of Information, the rebel Cabinet included Kahar Muzakkar's second long-standing foe who played an important role in the Perm es ta, Colonel J.F. Warouw, who was appointed Minister of Construction and Industry (Harvey 1977: 87).53 Two months after the development of the Permesta reaction into an open rebeIlion, Kahar Muzakkar joined farces with the movement, a formal agreement being concluded between the "Government of the Eastern Section of the Islam ic Republic of Indonesia" and the "Revolutionary Government of the Indonesian Republic" on April 17th, 1958. Hereby the two rebel Governments agreed to cooperate in opposing Indonesian as weIl as international Communists, who were influencing and manipulating the Soekarno group in both a direct and an indirect way, so it was alleged. Both rejected the sovereignty of the Republic, again by reference to the aIleged communist influence. They agreed on a mu tual armistice and promised to help each other in the struggle against the common enemy (PR 17-5-1958). Up to a point this gave Kahar Muzakkar what he had always wanted. The agreement was drawn up as one between two independent states. Where he had af ter he had joined the Islamic State of Indonesia always countered every caIl for negotiations on the cessation of hostilities with the demand that such negotiations be preceded by recognition of the Islamic State, now, with the agreement with the PRRI/Permesta (represented in the negotiations by Mohammad Saleh Lahade and the PRRI Minister of Religion, Mochtar Lintang (Mokhtar Lintang)), that State was for the first time recognized by outsiders. All reference to the ideological foundations of the two different rebel States was, however, carefully avoided. The agreement explicitly stated, in fact, th at such subjects as the form of government, the state ideology and the international status would for the time being be left out of consideration. These matters would be discussed by the Central Governments of the two States at some future point of time when the situation permitted it. === [PDF page 222] === 212 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam The military cooperation between the Permesta and Kahar Muzakkar's Darul Islam never came to anything much, however. For one thing the Permesta was mainly a North Sulawesi (Minahasa) affair, while Kahar Muzakkar's forces operated in South and Southeast Sulawesi. Moreover, in sharp contrast to the Darul Islam rebellion, the PRRI/Permesta one was short-lived. Government troops had occupied the major centres of rebellion and driven the Permesta into the jungle within half a year. Although the latter continued operating from here till 1961, it no longer posed a serious threat to the Indonesian Republic (Dahm 1971: 186). Kahar Muzakkar was given some arms by the Permesta rebels. In return he promised to send food up north (DM 26-2-1959). He moreover received a reinforcement of some 200 Permesta guerilIas, commanded by one Gerungan, who had been driven away by Republican troops (Harvey 1974:405). But that was all. Nevertheless, he did formally join the Republik Persatuan Indonesia (RPI), or United Republic of Indonesia, which was originally the outcome of negotiations in February 1960 between the PRRI and Darul Islam leaders in Sumatra who continued their resistance after the majority of the Darul Islam leaders there had come to an agreement with the Indonesian Republic. So Kahar Muzakkar's Army in later years comprised three different forces: the Momoks, the Tentara Islam Indonesz"a (now made up of only two "divisions", namely Bahar Mattaliu's 40, 000 and Sjamsul Bachri's Hasanuddin Division) and a Permesta Unit. At the time of the PRRI/Permesta rebellion he instituted another re-organization, whereby he established a new Momok, the Momok Ansharullah (Allah's helpers), into which he appears to have intended integrating not only the old Momoks, but also the greater part of the remaining two TIl divisions. This plan brought him into conflict with some of his subcommanders, however, notably his two principal lieutenants at the time- Bahar Mattaliu and Sjamsul Bachri. The former of these accused him of aiming at the destruction of the Islamic Army of Indonesia in Sulawesi, and later wrote, speaking of the Momok AnsharulIah: "Only after the formation of the Momok Ansh[a]rullah did it transpire that Kahar Muzakkar's idea in forming this Momok was nothing other than the introduction of a wholesale rationalization of the TIl, or even its tot al abolition, for the reason that the TIl was infected with the disease of moral crisis, which had led to a total decline of its fighting power" (Mattaliu 1965:62). As a result of the opposition of these commanders the === [PDF page 223] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 213 TIl was kept in existence, be it in an inferior status. The Momok units functioned as crack troops, and were much better armed than the rest. In confrontations with Republican troops the TIl generally had to attack first, along with units armed only with small daggers and choppers. Af ter they had taken the first blows, the Momok units were then brought into action, advancing "on a large scale, wave af ter wave" (Harahap 1956:6). There -was almost an armed clash between the two parties, in fact, with Kahar Muzakkar leading his troops against Bahar Mattaliu and the other commanders of the 40,000 divisions who refused to be incorporated into the Momok Ansharullah. In the end Kahar Muzakkar gave Bahar Mattaliu the choice of either becoming vice-Minister of Defence of the Islamic State of Indo· nesia - instead of himself -, or going abroad for a study·tour. Bahar Mattaliu claims that he opted for the second alternative for fear of being accused of entering into rivalry with Kahar Muzakkar (Mattaliu 1965:92-93). In actual fact he prepared himself to surrender. On September 5th, 1959, an envoy of his visited the Military Command of South and Southeast Sulawesi, saying that Bahar Mattaliu had taken over the command of the Darul Islam troops in protest against Kahar Muzakkar's instructions to burn down the houses of civilians. On hearing of Bahar Mattaliu's intention to surrender, the Military Command then proclaimed an amnesty. On September 12th Bahar Mattaliu, styling himself Commander of the DI/TIl of South and Southeast Sulawesi, formally gave himself up and appealed to the rest of the Islamic Army to do the same (DM 10·9-1959, 11-9-1959, 19-9-1959). Pamphlets were dropped by Republican Army planes, moreover, in which Bahar Mattaliu, in his capacity as Commander of the Fourth, or Hasanuddin, Division of the DI/TIl, ordered all military and civil officers of the Islamic State in South Sulawesi to surrender to the Republic. He further forbade members of the DI/TIl to join the Momok Ansharullah or Permesta, because, he asserted, the activities of these two rebel groups were responsible for the destruction of South Sulawesi (DM 21-9-1959). In his appeal to the other members of the Islamic Army to surrender he eXplained that his own decision to return to the Republic had been inspired by Soekarno's decree orde ring a return to the 1945 Constitution which marked the beginning of Guided Democracy (Pemulihan 1959:518). Kahar Muzakkar had, in fact, gathered his commanders together shortly before the Indonesian Republic's return to the Constitution of 1945 to === [PDF page 224] === 214 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam discuss the future course of his rebellion, on which occasion apparently some of the commanders declared themselves in favour of surrender. Later Bahar Mattaliu adduced his conflict with Kahar Muzakkar and the moral decadence of the latter's troops as reason, which seems more to the point. He was particularly criticalof the behaviour of the Momok Ansharullah, as weIl as the order Kahar Muzakkar had allegedly given its members to marry women-prisoners (Mattaliu 1965:93-98). The Momok Ansharullah is also the target of an attack in a pamphlet written by Bahar Mattaliu entitled Manzfesto Tahun 1379 H, in which he argues that "all of Kahar Muzakkar's steps were in defiance of Islam" (Mattaliu 1965:97). This pamphlet, although dated in its introduction September 25th, 1950 [1959], i.e. two weeks subsequent to the author's surrender, creates the impression of being written while the latter was still in the bush. In it he mentions a number of factors which were detrimental to the Islamic revolution, among them the development of the Momok Ansharullah into something quite different from what had originally been intended or what he had agreed to, namely a special unit operating alongside the Islamic Army and functioning at the same time as Kahar Muzakkar's bodyguard. He deplores the latter's policy of providing this Momok with only the best of arms and his attempt to incorporate the other military units into it. A second such detrimental factor mentioned by him is the failure to transform Gerungan's Perm es ta troops into an auxiliary force to support the TIl in its struggle for an Islamic state (Mattaliu 1965:98-103). On November 28th President Soekarno issued a decree granting an amnesty to all those in South Sulawesi who had surrendered between September 12th and November 28th. 54 Bahar Mattaliu was thus treated with considerable leniency by the Republican Government. His surrender was attributed to the success of the Republican Army's military operations (Harahap 1965:7) and accordingly used for propaganda purposes. The rebels, on the other hand, accused him of treason and venality and tried to belittle the effects of his defection. In their view, as the magazine PRRllnformation states (December 1959, no. 9: 25), "... Bahar Mattaliu and a small fraction of his unit, but together with some tens of thousands of villagers from the neighbourhood who could not stand the present economic-pressure any longer, 'went over' to the Djakarta government and were received with open arms and a promise of aRp. 250,000 subsidy". Bahar Mattaliu (1965:119) himself boasts that in the period === [PDF page 225] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 215 immediately following his surrender Kahar Muzakkar lost about seventy percent of his followers. His defection indeed meant a setback for Kahar Muzakkar, who for the second time in the period of his Darul Islam rebellion lost part of his followers on account of internal dissensions. On the other hand, it freed him of one of his rivals, against whom, as we have seen above, he had contemplated steps to relieve him of his commando With Bahar Mattaliu and Sjamsul Bachri - whom he had sent abroad 55 - out of the way, he had rid himself of two major potential opponents. Before he could be again firmly in con trol, however, he also had to solve his problems with Gerungan's troops. These, mostly Christian, troops were likewise contemplating defection and had to be forcibly brought to heel. Fighting occurred between the two opposing forces in early 1960, with Kahar Muzakkar emerging victorious. He thereupon arrested Gerungan and 150 of his followers (DM 1-4-1960, 16-5-1960), who were subsequently converted to Islam. Af ter this Gerungan became one of Kahar Muzakkar's "most trusted followers" (Harvey 1974:412) and eventually even his Minister of Defence (Siliwangi 1968:574). The end of the 1950's even so marked Kahar Muzakkar's downfall. In these years the Republican Army's military operations, better organized and coordinated as they now were, finally began to bear fruit. In the extreme south the roads were gradually cleared, and the road connecting Ujungpandang with Bone through Maros and Camba could again be used normally for the first time in many years. Kahar Muzakkar was pushed further and further into the interior and had to fall back to two strongholds of the early years of his rebellion, the one located in Southeast Sulawesi, in the mountains north of Kolaka, the other in the Latumojang region, near Palopo, which had of old been a refuge for people escaping from prosecution for violation of the adat laws. The first indications that he was prepared to negotiate were given by him in mid-1960, af ter launching a futile attack on Cimpu, near Mount Latumojang. He subsequently proposed to the regional Republican commander, Andi Sose, th at they should establish a cease-fire and enter into negotiations in "an Islamic way" (DM 25-6-1960). In 1961 he in fact started negotiations with the Republican Army, even meeting the then head of the Military Command of South and Southeast Sulawesi, M. Jusuf (M. Yusuf) (Harvey 1974:416-420). He had first sent his wife Corry to Jusuf as his private envoy. She had arrived in Ujungpandang on September 24th, and left for Jakarta to meet Nasution the next day (DM 28-9-1961). Following this Jusuf and Kahar === [PDF page 226] === 216 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Muzakkar themselves met in a small village north of Watangpone (DM 23-10-1961). On November 12th Kahar Muzakkar declared his loyalty to Soekarno, Nasution and Jusuf at the military headquarters of Bone in the presence of Jusuf. The next year hostilities were resumed, however. The Republican Army, as a re sult of its successful suppression of rebellious movements in other parts of Indonesia, was now able to concentrate all of its efforts on South Sulawesi. The definitive end of the Darul Islam movement followed in the course of 1964 and 1965. In the successive military operations preceding this Kahar Muzakkar lost gradually more ground. The Republican Army owed its present success partly to the fact that it was ab Ie to bring more troops into action, but partly also to the circumstance that soldiers originating from South Sulawesi itself were playing an increasingly important role in the planning and execution of these operations. These latter included the above-mentioned military commander of South and Southeast Sulawesi, Jusuf, who was a native of Bone, and Kahar Muzakkar's old comrades in arms Andi Sose and Azis Taba. M. Jusuf, as military commander of the region, personally headed the final operations against Kahar Muzakkar's Darul Islam, the Tumpas (Extermination) and Kilat (Lightening) Operations, with as Chief of Staff Solihin, who as commander of the Siliwangi Division had gained considerable experience in counter-insurgency actions. Although Andi Sose initially also took an active part in the campaign against Kahar Muzakkar, for a time even commanding the principal operations against him, the Army Command remained distrustful of him as a former KGSS battalion commander who still commanded much support among his soldiers and among the local population, and who tended to act as he pleased. Eventually he was transferred from his unit, finaIly in 1964, to be arrested (cf. Harvey 1974:424,478-479). Another former KGSS battalion commander who feIl victim to the South and Southeast Sulawesi Army Command's policy of tightening its contral over its military commanders and, like Andi Sose, lost his command, was Andi Selle. The show-down in his case came in 1964. He had taken the jungle and, to talk out the differences between them, had invited Jusuf to come and see him ne ar Pinrang. At this meeting at first all seemingly went weIl, and an agreement was actually reached. Following this, however, as Andi Selle accompanied Jusuf in his car for aride to Parepare in order to show the population "that he really was prepared to cooperate" (AB 25-4-1978), some of his men who were driving === [PDF page 227] === IV South Sulawesi - disaffected Guerillas 217 along in separate cars cut in on the one in which he and ]usuf were sitting. Hereupon]usuf and Andi Selle both got out, and the latter ordered his men to fire at Yusuf. He was not hit, but in the ensuing skirmish Andi Selle himself, who succeeded in escaping, was shot in the shoulder. He was subsequently formally branded a rebel (BBM 13-2-1977). From then on Republican militaryactions had to be directed not only against Kahar Muzakkar, but also against Andi Selle, who operated in the Sawitto mountain range near Pinrang. The latter's rebellion was not granted a long life, however. Betrayed by one of his own followers, his camp was raided by Republican troops at the end of August. He himself managed to escape but in his flight fell into a ravine, and died from his injuries the next day, September Ist, 1964. Now the Army was able to concentrate its undivided attention on Kahar Muzakkar. First it purged the Latumojang region, forcing Kahar Muzakkar to retreat to Southeast Sulawesi. Here he was followed in hot pursuit by the Republican troops, which - as in the case of the units brought into action against Andi Selle - had orders not to return until they had captured the rebel leader dead or alive. On February 1st, 1965, they finally discovered Kahar Muzakkar's hiding-place at the Lasoio River, which on February 3rd they proceeded to attack. The hut in which Kahar Muzakkar was believed to be sheltering was riddled with shots, which sent him running out of it. He was shot and killed before he had come five metres (BBM 5-12-1976; cf. Tamatlah 1965). With Kahar Muzakkar's death the Darul Islam rebellion in Sou th Sulawesi virtually ended. His Minister of Defence, Gerungan, was captured in ]uly, and subsequently tried and executed (cf. Siliwangi 1968:580-583; Harvey 1974:428). After that the Government remained on the alert against rebel remnants until as late as the end of the 1960's. During a visit of Soeharto's to Southeast Sulawcsi in 1969 the possibility of Darul Islam activities around Kolaka and Kendari was still a security consideration, although it was announced at the same time th at they no longer posed a real threat to the general security of the area (cf. Rentjana 1969). === [PDF page 228] === CHAPTER FIVE SOUTU KALIMANT AN - TUE REBELLION OF TUE OPPRESSED As in Sulawesi, a rebellion against the Republican Government broke out in Kalimantan (Borneo) just after formal lndonesian independence in 1950. The main area affected by this Darul Islam-affiliated resistance movement was the southeastern part of Kalimantan, roughly coinciding with the present-day province of South Kalimantan. lts centre was the kabupaten of Hulusungai, in particular the area between Barabai and Kandangan. In addition the region to the east of this, comprising the kabupaten of Kota Barn, and that to the south, namely the kabupaten of Banjar, were frequently plagued by the actions of the Darul Islam troops of Ibnu Hadjar (lbnu Hajar). Even Banjarmasin, the provincial capital, for many years was not safe from guerilla attacks. Compared with similar movements elsewhere in Indonesia, the rising here was a relatively minor one. Never did the rebels control a large area, nor were they able to bring into action large concentrations of troops. The movement was nevertheless a persistent one, lasting until 1963, which year saw the arrest of its leader, lbnu Hadjar. 1. The Fourth Navy Divisz'on During the struggle for national independence between 1945 and 1950 Hulusungai had been a bastion of anti-Dutch resistance. Accordingly, lbnu Hadjar's troops, like Kahar Muzakkar's, were for the greater part made up of former guerilla fighters who had grown disappointed with the way they were treated af ter 1949. The developments in Kalimantan resembied those in Sulawesi in other respects, too. After an initial upswing in the first months after August 1945, the resistance broke down after the Dutch returned and re-established their authority. Af ter that it was to take the freedom fighters years to re-organize and build up their force sufficiently to be able to pose a serious threat to the Dutch and their Iocal allies. But when it finally regained its strength, at === [PDF page 229] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 219 the end of 1948 and the beginning of 1949, the guerilla movement in Kalimantan caused the Dutch much more trouble than that in Sulawesi. It succeeded in virtually crippling the administration of South Kalimantan. As in Sulawesi, an important part in the struggle for independence in Kalimantan was played byemigrants to Java who returned to their native region in secret af ter August 1945. In Java, these people from Kalimantan were concentrated on the north coast, in the traditional centres of trade between the two islands. For South Kalimantan it was particularly the coast of East Java, from Tuban to Surabaya, th at was of importance. From here the first sea transports of revolutionaries to South Sulawesi were launched. The initiative for the infiltration of Kalimantan was taken by a number of persons forming the Kalimantan branch of the Pemuda RepubZz"k Indonesia (PRI), or Youth of the Indonesian Republic, in Surabaya. This group consisted of about 250 people, including some who were soon to become famous guerilla leaders, such as Hassan Basry, Gusti Aman, Firmansjah (Firmansyah), Darmansjah (Darmansyah) and Husin Hamsjah (Husin Hamsyah).l Immediately after the proclamation of independence this Kalimantan PRI branch, or PRI-Kalimantan (PRIK), took steps to send seven of its members to Kalimantan for the purpose of taking stock of the situation there and inquiring into the possibilities of lending the local revolutionary forces support and guidance. The command of this tiny expeditionary force was given to Hassan Basry, a Muslim religious teacher at Ponorogo originating from Kandangan, where hè had been born around 1922 (KB 5-9-1949). Hassan Basry left Surabaya in the middle of October 1945, carrying with him ins truc ti ons from the local Republican Army branch to form a guerilla body in South Kalimantan. He arrived here on October 30th. The situation encountered by him was an extremely difficult one. The Dutch had been carrying on a "pacification " campaign, arresting young Republicans, for some weeks. Those lucky enough to escape were forced to retreat into the mountains and jungle of Sou th Kalimantan. Hassan Basry, too, had to go into hiding, and withdrew to the mountains around Kandangan. Here he founded the Lasykar Satfullah, or "The sword of Allah" troops, in November (Nasution 1977, 11: 548). This accomplished, he tried in vain to return to Java for further instructions. A Dutch naval blockade had made all sea travel to Java impossible, however. So Hassan Basry returned to === [PDF page 230] === 220 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Kandangan. On arrival here, he learnt that during his absence almost all the members of the Lasykar Saifullah had been captured. Hence he proceeded to establish a second organization, the Banteng Indonesia, or lndonesian Buffaloes, in its place. The emigrants from Kalimantan in Java, meanwhile, continued sen ding expeditions from the latter island. Although as a result of the Dutch naval bloc kade sea travel between the two islands remained very difficult, it is claimed that by the end of 1946, 1,500 repatriates had reached Kalimantan (Kalimantan 1953: 142). The majority of them were backed by one of three different groups. Firstly there was the Kalimantan branch of the PRI, which af ter the PRI changed into the Pesindo (Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia, or lndonesian Socialist Youth), changed its name to Pesindo Kalimantan. 2 This group had as Chief of Staff Husin Hamsjah, with Firmansjah as deputy and Darmansjah as secretary. After the change of name the leaders of the Kalimantan Pesindo travelled to Yogyakarta to obtain the forma! permission of Mohammad Noor, the first Republican Governor of Kalimantan, and Urip Sumohardjo (Urip Sumoharjo), Republican Army Chief of Staff, to send some of their people to Kalimantan, in particular to Hulusungai and the rest of South Kalimantan. After th at the organization changed its name on ce again, and became the Dewan Pimpz·nan Ekspedisi ke Kalz"mantan, or Board in Charge of Expeditions to Kalimantan. In preparation for these expeditions about seventy members of the organization underwent a brief military and politica! training in Yogyakarta, where their teachers included Lieutenant-Colonel Zulkifli Lubis, Head of the PMC military intelligence unit. The latter, who had also been supervisor to Kahar Muzakkar in his efforts to send troops to Sulawesi, was the inspirer of a second group organizing the infiltration of Kalimantan. The M.N. 1001, which name was meant to suggest the devising of a thousand and one schemes to seize Kalimantan from the Dutch under the leadership of Governor Mohammad Noor, was founded at his instigation. This M.N. 1001, which was headed by Tjilik Riwut (Cilik Riwut), was to operate mainly further to the west, in what now constitutes the province of Centra! Kalimantan. A third group organizing expeditions of resistance fighters to Kalimantan was the lkatan Perjuangan Kalz"mantan, or Union of Kalimantan Partisans, which had its headquarters at Surakarta. Generally known as the Sabili'llah Kalz"mantan, it was headed by Gusti H. Muis (Nasution 1977, II:470-473). === [PDF page 231] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 221 In Kalimantan these repatriates fought either in the name of tbe relevant mother organization in Java or as members of the small and isolated loc al guerilla groups. In South Kalimantan, where the influence of the Pesindo Kalimantan and the Ikatan Perjuangan Kalimantan was particularly strong, the struggle was coordinated as far as possible by the Fourth Division of the Republican Navy, the Angkatan Laut Republik Indonest·a Divisi IV, or ALRI Div IV. The latter had been constituted on April 4th, 1946, as an aid to the guerilla struggle in Kalimantan itself as weIl as the dispatch of reinforcements from outside. Prior to th at there had only been small and isolated groups of persons originating from Kalimantan fighting without much coordination, especially in Kalimantan, but also in Java. The lack of a central command in both Kalimantan and Java was felt to be a serious disadvantage in the struggle against the Duteh. Thus, to remedy this situation, it was proposed, on the initiative of Governor Mohammad Noor and the Ikatan Perjuangan Kalimantan, supported by the Kalimantan branch of the Pesindo, to form a new organization which would unite within itself all the guerilla groups in and from Kalimantan (Nasution 1977,111:600). In view of the importance of sea communications between the two islands, which was the more keenly felt as a re sult of the current naval blockade, it was moreover thought wise that the new unit should be a naval one. This put Kalimantan in a very special position. It had guerilla troops operating on land coming under the theoretical supervision of the Republican Navy. At the end of the lndonesian revolution, in 1949, when the Republican Armed Forces were streamlined, these troops were treated as Army units and came under the command of the Republican Army again. With the permission of Navy headquarters, a special preparatory committee thereupon proceeded to form the proposed new organization, 3 their efforts culminating in the official installation of the ALRI Div IV at Malang on April 4th, 1946. The Division's headquarters were in Java, first at Lawang, later at Mojokerto. A base was established at Tuban, on the north coast of East Java, in October. The ALRI Div IV was intended to unite within itself all the guerilla organizations and all private individuals originating from Kalimantan who were resident in Java and who participated in the struggle against the Duteh. lts aim was to defend the lndonesian Republic in Kalimantan and to incorporate Kalimantan into the Republic territOIY, although its troops were also brought into action in Java. lts headquarters, in fact, remained in === [PDF page 232] === 222 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Java throughout the revolution. The Javanese division was com· manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Achmad Zakaria (Akhmad Zaka· ria), with Major Firmansjah as Chief of Staff. To try and achieve the same sort of coordination in Kalimantan as in Java the Gerakan Rahasz"a, or Secret Movement, headed by Lieutenant A. Zaidi of the ALRI Div IV, in September sent two of its members, Asli Zuchry (Asli Zukhry) and Mursjid Seman (Mursyid Seman), to Kalimantan. Because of the Dutch sea blockade, which was still tight, the crossing took them almost two months. When they finally arrived the first person they contacted was Hassan Basry, at th at time still head of the Banteng Indonesia, whom they met in the village of Tabihi Kiri, on the outskirts of Kandangan, early in November. At this meeting Hassan Basry gave his approval to the propos als from Java. Consequently the Secret Movement of the ALRI Div IV was official- Iy constituted at a brief ceremony on November 18th. The relevant official papers were signed by Asli Zuchry, representing the divisional headquarters in Java, and Hassan Basry, who represented the Iocal guerillas. The latter established his headquarters at Padang Batung, east of Kandangan, which he renamed Kota Seribu Jaya (City of a Thousand Victories). His principal assistants in those days were Budy Gawis, who became head of the Partisan Department, and Daeng Ladjida (Daeng Lajida), head of Security (Mussaffa 1954:n. 2). As the virtually totallack of communication between Java and Kalimantan continued, Hassan Basry and his comrades mostly acted on their own authority and without instructions from Java. Communications were, in fact, so poor that when in November 1948 the headquarters in Java were dismantled, Hassan Basry remained uninformed of the fact for some time. On the same day that the Kalimantan branch of the ALRI Div IV was constituted, representatives of two other guerilla organizations in South Kalimantan, the M.N. 1001 and the Mandau Telabang Kalz"mantan lndonesia (MTKI), or Sword and Shield of Indonesian Kalimantan, agreed - at least orally - to incorporation into the new unit. In spi te of their promises, however, Hassan Basry did not at first succeed in creating unity among the guerillas of South Kalimantan. A meeting held early in December with a view to persuading other guerilla leaders to join the organization turned out a failure (Nasution 1977, 111:386). Moreover, Daeng Ladjida was forced to disarm the MTKI troops (Mussaffa 1954:n.2). The situation became more precarious still when at the end of the === [PDF page 233] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 223 same month Dutch troops launched a pacification campaign and Hassan Basry saw himself obliged to flee the area. It was two years before the ALRI Div IV recovered its strength sufficiently to be able to gain con trol of large parts of the interior of South Kalimantan and wage a successful guerilla war. The ALRI Div IV's viability in later years was to a large extent due to the merits of Gusti Aman. 4 The latter came to Kalimantan at the end of 1947. Af ter living in Banjarmasin for about one year, he joined Hassan Basry in the interior in October 1948. S His assistance was invaluabie to Hassan Basry in the execution of the task he had been assigned as deputy Commander of the ALRI Div IV. After Gusti Aman and a friend of his, P. Arya, joined the guerillas at Hulusungai the structure of the ALRI Div IV visibly improved. 6 They devised a new organization structure for the Division, complete with a Civil Administration, as weIl as making a blueprint for a new economie system. Gusti Aman, a skilful organizer, was particularly active and established a number of guerilla bases around Martapura. He further paved the way for the establishment of a central Sou th Kalimantan Military Government. Towards this end he called a special meeting of guerilla leaders at Telaga Langsat, north of Kandangan, whieh was attended by, among others, H. Aberani, H. Damanhuri and Daeng Ladjida. In charge of the security for this meeting was Ibnu Hadjar, the most important guerilla leader of the region. Hassan Basry was not present, but the resolutions passed were submitted to him for approval. The Republican Military Government of South Borneo was announced by Hassan Basry on May 17th, 1949, a little over a week after the signing of the Van Royen-Roem agreement. As such, its proclamation represented a protest against the recognition - which seemed to have become a fact with the signing of this agreement - of the Autonomous Areas of South-East Kalimantan and Banjar (the latter comprising Hulusungai and Banjarmasin) whieh had been created in the preceding years. In fact, in the remaining months of 1949 the ALRI Div IV did everything in its power to demonstrate that the Autonomous Areas of South- East Kalimantan and Banjar only existed on paper and had no real substance. 7 The Military Government was headed by Hassan Basry in the function of military gavernor. His Chief of Staff, Colonel H. Aberani, was head of the Department of Public Administration. The Department of General Affairs was also headed by Hassan Basry, while the deputy head of this department was P. Arya, === [PDF page 234] === 224 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam who in addition was head of the Departments of Finance and of Prosperity (of the latter under the alias Maksin Lamjati (Maksin Lamyati)). Gusti Aman was Minister of Armaments. Budy Gawis and Natsir respectively were the heads of the Departments of Information and Religion. Another important functionary was the head of the Department of Defence and Commander of the Troops, M. Hamy (Mussaffa 1954:n. 3-4; Nasution 1971, lIl: 45).8 The most diligent administrator of this Military Government seems to have been P. Arya. Although the other ministers had accepted their offices as such, they did not devote much time to them. P. Arya, on the other hand, must have loved all his many functions. He set out with great zeal to organize things throughout the whole of South Kalimantan. Besides his functions as deputy head of the Department of General Affairs and Minister of Finance and Prosperity, he became H. Taberani's deputy, hence deputy Chief of Staff and deputy head of the Department of Public Administration. Moreover, Gusti Aman handed over to him the se als of the Department of Armaments, while the Minister of Religion did likewise. In addition the se als of a newly formed department, that of Infiltrations, were entrusted to him Governors were appointed in each of the various districts of South Kalimantan. These governors were the regional military commanders, who, because Hassan Basry's Government was a military one, at the same time managed civil affairs. The western part of South Kalimantan, Banjar, where the ALRI Div IV's influence was strongest, was divided into six such districts, each with its own military commander. P. Arya was commander of Banjarmasin and Pleihari; Hasnan Basuki and his successor, Daeng Ladjida, of Martapura; Gusti Aman of Kandangan and Rantau; Budy Gawis of Negara; H. Aberani of Barabai; and M. Hamy of Amuntai and Tanjung (KB 29-8-1949, 7-10-1949).9 After the formation of the Military Government a letter was sent to Java by Gusti Aman and P. Arya asking for recognition of the new Government. This letter furthermore urged that the Republican Government, in whose name they were fighting, press for a withdrawal of KNIL troops from Kalimantan in its negotiations with the Dutch (Mussaffa:n. 6). The new Military Government, with a view to extending its authority, strove to incorporate the other guerilla organizations operating in the region. With some of these Hassan Basry had been on a war footing for quite some time, with mutual raids === [PDF page 235] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 225 taking place off and on. This time, however, Hassan Basry was reasonably successful in winning them over to his side. He persuaded these other guerillas, partly by force, to sign a state· ment whereby they agreed to integration with the ALRI Div IV of South Kalimantan. So he issued an order early in August 1949 commanding all armed groups and individuals operating independently of the ALRI Div IV to report with and hand over their arms to local ALRI units. Those who refused would be tried under martial law, so he threatened (KB 9-8-1949). Among the groups complying with the order was the Tentara Kucing Itam, or Army of the Black Cat, a group of about fifty guerillas headed by Haji Hasjim (Hasyim) who operated around Barabai. lts leaders made a pledge to cease all acts of terror and plundering raids against ALRI Div IV positions. On making its intention to join the ALRI Div IV known to the Military Government, it expressed the hope that its barracks would no longer be attacked either (KB 20-8-1949), so that it in turn must have been subject to harassment by the ALRI Div IV. Other guerilla groups, too, yielded to the superior force of the ALRI Div IV, e.g., the Gerakan Repolusz· Rakyat lndonesz·a, or Revolutionary Movement of the Indonesian People, the Sword and Shield of Indonesian Kalimantan (MTKI), and the Tentara Lawung. 10 They only did so, however, after the fact had been driven home that without the cooperation of the ALRI Div IV peace in the area was impossible. The importance of the ALRI Div IV was officially recognized by the Republican Government in Java in September. On September 2nd a representative of the Republican Army headquarters, deputizing for the army Chief Commander, General Sudirman, gave Hassan Basry orders to unite all the other armed groups under his commando From th at moment on, particularly in October and November, Hassan Basry intensified his efforts to incorporate and establish con trol over the remaining smaller guerilla bands that were still operating independently. He sent his officers to various parts of Kalimantan to discuss their integration. Of course there were also some groups which continued to refuse to be integrated with the ALRI Div IV or to hand over their weapons. In September thc most important of these, thc Lasykar Rakyat Murba, also known as the Dzpisz· Tengkorak Putih (White Skull Division), circulated a pamphlet in Kandangan advising other armed groups against surrendering their arms to the ALRI Div IV. These arms were still needed to fight the Dutch capitalists and the bourgeoisie, it asserted (KB 26-9-1949).11 === [PDF page 236] === 226 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam 2. The ALRI Strikes By the end of 1948 the ALRI Div IV had grown into what was described by the resident of South Kalimantan as a modem and fully equipped army (KB 6-6-1949). In the course of the following year it succeeded in establishing its con trol over the greater part of the rural areas of South Kalimantan. Af ter the second Dutch militaryaction in December 1948, and more especially after Hassan Basry's proclamation of the establishment of his Military Govemment in May 1949, the ALRI Div IV managed to make life very difficult for the Dutch and their Indonesian "collaborators". The Division not only controlled the rural areas, literally as weU as figuratively, but it also made its influence felt in the administrative centre of South Kalimantan, Banjarmasin. In the interior travel for Dutch persons was only possible in convoy and under armed guard. In Banjarmasin itself they had to be on the alert against sporadic guerilla attacks. Dutch troops, moreover, had difficulty in keeping open the road from Banjarmasin to the airport at Ulin, covering a distance of about twentyfive kilometres. In fact, in the second half of 1949 the ALRI Div IV reigned supreme in South Kalimantan. Because of this, and in view of the frequent attacks on Dutch individuals, on July 3rd it addressed a letter to all Europeans advising the latter to keep as much as possible together in places that were adequately protected against attacks by "irresponsible individuals " in areas that were still under Dutch authority, in which the ALRI Div IV hence could not yet guarantee peace and order (KB 5-8-1949). As 1949 progressed the chances of a final agreement between the Republican and Dutch Govemments grew increasingly high. Upon its becoming evident at the same time that South Kalimantan would not become part of the territory of the Indonesian Republic, but would form part instead of the Autonomous Areas of Banjar and South-East Kalimantan, two member-states of the projected federal United States of Indonesia, Hassan Basry intensified his actions. He virtually undermined the administration of the Dutch-backed Autonomous Area of Banjar and demanded that the ALRI Div IV be consulted on ways of establishing a cease-fire. In the interior of the Autonomous Area of Banjar the ALRI Div IV had its own govemment structure. The six regional govemors of the Military Govemment jointly headed a Komz'si Umum, or General Committee, which was in charge of civil and military affairs. So it appointed village heads, called pangkalan, in === [PDF page 237] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 227 the villages. Some of these pang ka lans were the old village heads who had made common cause with the guerillas. In other cases they fulfiUed their function side by side with the old village heads, who continued on as functionaries of the Dutch administration. In these latter cases, however, it was the pangkalan who actually ran the village affairs, the old village heads being merely tolerated for practical reasons. For whenever a villager for one reason of another had to get in touch with the administration of the Autonomous Area of Banjar in town, or required a travellingpass from the Dutch or a passport as a Dutch citizen, he needed official papers issued by the old village head (KB 22-9-1949). In controlling the rural areas, the ALRI Div IV indirectly controlled the urban areas as weIl. Even in Banjarmasin there were ALRI Div IV police pickets guarding all entrance points in an effort to stop food and other daily necessities being brought into the city. People caught smuggling goods into the towns and cities were liable to have these goods confiscated. Initially the ALRI Div IV also prohibited rubber-tapping in South Kalimantan, arguing that the rubber would only be used by the Dutch to get more money to buy arms. When this poliey proved injurious to the population itself the ban was lifted to same extent. People now were allowed to tap the trees again provided that all the labourers involved in the entire process from tapping to smoking were members of cooperative societies and that the sale of the finished product also took place through the cooperatives (Mussaffa 1954:n. 5). The establishment of cooperative societies was part of the ALRI Div IV scheme for establishing a new economic order. Another aspect of the same scheme involved the appointment of special functionaries to buy rice from the farmers and sell it in the towns and cities. In the lat ter, however, and notably in Banjarmasin, there were complaints that these middlemen were exploiting their monopoly position to buy the rice cheaply off the farmers and sell it at high prices to the urban consumers (KB 4-10-1949). To augment its revenues the ALRI Div IV moreover levied a tax on the sale of latex, and on market transactions in general. It also tried to levy an income tax (KB 15-9-1949). The ALRI did more than just levy taxes and control the flow of goods and people. It actually crippled the administration of the Autonomous Area of Banjar, and successfully obstructed the functioning of the Banjar Council, a semi-parliament, in a much more direct way. Ta start oH with, it urged the members of this Council to abandon the "Made in Holland Theatre" and to set up === [PDF page 238] === 228 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam an Indonesian National Committee (Mussaffa 1954:n. 5). Next it declared the Banjar Council and it's counterparts, the Councils of Dayak Besar (Great Dayak) and South-East Kalimantan, dissolved and replaced by Indonesian National Committees, as the local parliaments within the Republic were called (KB 23-8-1949). The Indonesian National Committee of Banjar was chaired by Burhanuddin. 12 Because the ALRI Div IV was opposed to people turning to the Dutch administration for permits or for other assistance except where absolutely necessary, its soldiers used threats against everyone intending to go on the pilgrimage to Mecca, for which a Dutch permit was required. The pilgrims were only used by the Dutch for propaganda purposes, the ALRI Div IV claimed (KB The ALRI Div IV, in its attempts to cripple the administration of the enemy, also intimidated and abducted civil servants working for the Autonomous Area of Banjar and employees of Dutch firms. It first tried inducing them to cooperate through friendly and peaceful persuasion. Some in fact, were sympathetically disposed towards the rebels. In general, however, the ALRI Div IV had to cope with the problem of poor relations with prominent administrators in the cities. When the method of gentle persuasion failed, the ALRI Div IV began using force to get civil servants to come to its headquarters. lts most spectacular action was staged on August 15th, 1949, when the guerillas abducted the three most prominent civil servants of the Autonomous Area of Banjar. They were Mr. Moh. Hanafiah, the Premier and chairman of the Banjar Council, Achmad Basuni (Akhmad Basuni), the kim' kepala or district head of Banjarmasin, and the latter's principal assistant, H. Raden, the kiai besar. 13 Moh. Hanafiah had just returned from Jakarta, where he had discussed the political and military situation in South Kalimantan, the day before. He had been scheduled to issue a joint statement with the Dutch resident about a cease-fire for South Kalimantan the next day. As a result of the kidnapping, along with a large-scale attack on Banjarmasin in the nigh t of August 15th, the Dutch resident forbade all public festivities in commemoration of the proclamation of independence of August 17th. In the following weeks more high officials were abducted or simply disapp-eared. They included M. Jusran (M. Yusran), who had just been appointed kiai besar of Banjarmasin in replacement of H. Raden, and Gusti Hidajat (Gusti Hidayat), who had taken === [PDF page 239] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 229 over Achmad Basuni's function as kiai kepala (KB 25-8-1949).14 Because of these many kidnappings, South Kalimantan, and in particular Banjarmasin, became known as the daerah cu lik, or kidnap area (KB 24-9-1949). To make things worse, in early September five members of the executive body of the Banjar Council announced their resignation as suCh. 15 The attack on the ci ty and the kidnapping of the three senior government officials caused much anxiety among the civil servants and among other employees of the Autonomous Area of Banjar and of Dutch firms. A number of organizations sent telegrams to Jakarta requesting the Dutch to give in to the guerillas' demands for negotiations about a cease-fire in South Kalimantan. These organizations included the Persatuan Pegawai Indonesia, or Indonesian Employees' Union, the Gabungan Buruh Kalimantan, or Kalimantan Labour Federation, and the Persatuan Pangreh Praja, Civil Servants' Union, of which latter the three officials kidnapped on August 15th were chairman, advisor and commissioner respectively.16 The Persatuan Pangreh Praja in its telegram pointed out that the Government apparatus was functioning under conditions of extreme stress and that the life of its members was in danger. The Persatuan Pegawai Indonesia, toa, pointed to the difficult situation, which, it said, was growing graver and more dangerous every day. It referred to an order issued by the ALRI Div IV to the effect th at all civil servants should leave their jobs and asserted that unless a cease-fire was reached civil servants would be afraid to carry on with their work (KB 20-8-1949). In addition the exetutive boards of the Banjar Council and the Great Dayak Council requested the Dutch Government to meet the ALRI Div IV's conditions. By that time the ALRI Div IV had become sa popular that it no longer had to resort to force to achieve its aims. At the end of August it called on all civil servants and other people working in the service of the Dutch to go on strike. Government employees in Banjarmasin received a letter, signed by P. Arya in his capacity as general representative for Banjarmasin, urging everyone employed by the Dutch in the administrative and economic fields to stay at home from August 30th onward. They should contact the Military Government or simply stay where they were until the successful conclusion of negotiations about a cease-fire. The Colonial Government tried to thwart the ALRI Div IV's plans by warning its servants that na salaries would be paid to people laying down their work in response to what was referred to as "threats" (KB 30.8-1949). The warning was to no avail. On === [PDF page 240] === 230 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam August 30th a virtually general strike was held. Only a few post offices remained open, as did hospitals and schools (KB 30-8-1949, 2-9-1949). All other government offices were closed, while at banks and commercial firms only the European and Chinese employees turned up for work. The educational institutions were able to remain open because, in view of the importance of education, the ALRI Div IV had made an exception for teachers (KB 3-9-1949).17 The strike soon spread to other parts of South Kalimantan. On September 16th over 150 white-collar workers and labourers in Hulusungai working for the Colonial Government in Kandangan, Rantai and Negara, issued a statement to the effect that they would leave every office and firm that obstructed the struggle for independence. They would only return to work on successful completion of the Round Table Conference (KB 17-9-1949). The strike continued until early October, when, following upon negotiations between the ALRI Div IV and the Dutch, the former made a call to the strikers to resume work. It ended definitively in the middle of that same month. 3. Peace Talks The ALRI Div IV had instigated the strike with a view to strengthening its position and lending force to its demands for treatment as a fuIl partner in the negotiations between the Dutch and the Republic. Although it endorsed these negotiations, it was of the opinion that where South Kalimantan was concerned it should be consulted. Shortly after the proclamation of the establishment of the Military Government on May 17th, 1949, a difference of opinion in this connection had arisen between Hassan Basry on the one hand and the Republican and Dutch Governments on the other. The conflict was occasioned by the armistice agreed to between the Republican and Dutch Governments, to take effect on August lst, as a follow-up to the Van Royen-Roem agreement. Both this agreement and the armistice were in essence agreements between the Indonesian Republic, with its territory in parts of Java and Sumatra, and the Dutch. Although the other States and Autonomous Areas which were to make up the United States of Indonesia were represented through a special organization formed by them, the Btjeenkomst voor Federaal Overleg (BFO), or Federal Consultative Meeting, the agreements only involved Java and Sumatra. === [PDF page 241] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 231 The armistice of August lst called for "A cease-hostilities order to be issued simultaneously by both parties on 3 August and to be effective in Java from midnight 10/11 August 1949 and in Sumatra from midnight 14/15 August 1949" (CoIlins 1950:186). It did not so much as mention the situation in the States and Autonomous Areas of the BFO. A central Joint Board set up to monitor the armistice, and made up of representatives of the Republic, The Netherlands, the BFO and the United Nations Commission for Indonesia (UNCI), had thirteen Local Joint Committees. Again, however, these loc al committees were formed only for Java and Sumatra, and not for the other regions of Indonesia (Collins 1950: 186-187). In spite of the fact th at the agreements only concemed Java and Sumatra, they had strong implications for the other islands. They involved the recognition of the right of existence of the States and Autonomous Areas by the Indonesian Republic, at least on paper. Moreover, as the hostilities there as weIl should cease, the Republican Govemment and Army also had to call all local guerillas fighting in the name of the Republic to order. In Kalimantan, Hassan Basry resisted the Republic's authority. As he controlled a large part of the region, he felt that South Kalimantan should be treated in the same way as the Republican territories in Java and Sumatra. Although the ALRI Div IV promised to obey the instructions of the Republican Govemment and Army headquarters in Java, its actual behaviour was in contradiction with this. Hassan Basry insisted that a cease-fire for Kalimantan should be reached through the mediation of a Central Joint Board. As long as such a board was not established, the ALRI Div IV would, as it was formulated by Gusti Aman on August 17th, "continue to act in the line of the revolution" (KB 30-8-1949). When after a long lapse of time the ALRI Div IV's demands still had not been met, this Division, as was mentioned above, started kidnapping important civil servants and called a general strike. It further intensified its attacks on Dutch troops. All this was calculated to demonstrate the strength of its position. South Kalimantan, which for some time had seemed fairly quiet, now witnessed a sharp increase in fighting. 18 In August attacks were launched in and around Kandangan, Martapura, Rantau, Barabai, Amuntai and Banjarmasin. Kandangan, whose hinterland harboured one of the guerilla's strongholds, was abandoned by its population af ter a rumour had been spread that the ALRI Div IV had ordered all civilians sympathizing with the === [PDF page 242] === 232 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Republican cause to move to Republican territory, those who remained behind making themselves liable to suspicion of Dutch sympathies. According to reports of September 3rd and 4th, some 30,000 people living within a radius of three kilometres from the city centre left the town, causing serious problems of overcrowding in the nearby villages, where some houses had to be shared by a score or so of people. An appeal by the Dutch resident and Army commander to these people to return to Kandangan was to no avail. People only went back on being ordered to do so by the ALRI Div IV in the middle of that same month. But even then some were hesitant because another guerilla organization, the White Skull Division, had warned them against returning (KG 9-9-1949,17-9-1949). Kandangan had been the scene of fighting for some weeks already before its evacuation. Shots were audible outside the town almost every day, and also inside at night, when it was infiltrated by guerillas (KB 26-8-1949). Banjarmasin was attacked, as we have seen, in the night of August 15th and the early morning of August 16th. One of the main targets here was the KNIL barracks. These were attacked again a week later, on August 23rd, when the barracks of the Military Police also came under fire. The result of the increased guerilla activities was that the Republican Government's intercession and assistance became necessary. This Government had already announced through its spokesman Major-General R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo (R. Suharjo Haryowardoyo), a senior officer of the Ministry of Defence, early in August, after the armistice agreement, that wherever outside Java and Sumatra a cease-fire agreement proved impossible to reach it would send officers to mediate. Now it was time to fulfil this promise. Not until after considerable pressure from the Dutch and the Autonomous Areas of South-East Kalimantan and Banjar, however, did it decide that R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo should visit South Kalimantan to talk to representatives of the ALRI Div IV. R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo's arrival was planned for August 24th. Before he was able to depart for Kalimantan a number of formal obstacles still remained to be removed, however. Tbe Dutch and the Republic were at first unable to agree about R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo's status. The Indonesian Republic demanded th at the latter's mission be granted formal status and that it should take place under the auspices of the UNCI, but this was rejected by the Autonomous Areas (KB 22-8-1949, === [PDF page 243] === V Sou th Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 233 26-8-1949). Then, when R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo at last arrived, he was accompanied not only by two officers of the Republican Army but also by Colonel Neals, an Australian military observer of the UNCI, against which the Dutch resident, A.G. Deelman, protested. The latter issued a statement that the presence of Colonel Neals might create a false impression, and reiterated that R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo's visit was an informal one for the purpose of promoting the restoration of peace and order. R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo, on the other hand, insisted that he was officially under orders from the Commander in Chief of the Republican Army, General Sudirman (KB 26-8-1949, 29-8-1949). It was admitted one day later, in a joint statement by R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo himself, the resident and the commander of the Dutch troops in South and East Kalimantan that the former had, in fact, come on the orders of his Government (KB 29-8-1949). On August 31st contact was established between R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo and Hassan Basry through couriers, and on September 2nd the two met face to face at Munggu Raya. 19 The meeting was witnessed by Colonel Neals, by senior Dutch military and civit officers, including the assistant resident, A.R. Holmann, and by members of the Banjar Council. Hassan Basry was accompanied by eight members of his military staff. He told R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo that he had 30,000 men under his commando At Munggu Raya the official status of the ALRI Div IV was formally confirmed, as were the military ranks of its officers. Major-General R. Suhardjo Harjowardojo, in a solemn ceremony, stated that: "Herewith I in the name of the Commander in Chief, pronounce as official the constitution of the Fourth Navy Division as [part of] the Republican Army [... and... ] formally convey the order for all fighting and other acts of hostility between the Republican Army's ALRI and the Dutch Army to cease" (KB 3-9-1949). Hassan Basry was once more entrusted with the responsibility for all the armed guerilla bands in the area and had to see to it that all hostilities ceased within a fortnight, before September 16th. He was furthermore invited to choose a representative to negotiate with the local authorities. With this task he charged P. Arya. On the Dutch side assistant resident Holmann was appointed chief negotiator. It was some time before the guerillas were really prepared to cooperate, however. For a while it looked as though they might === [PDF page 244] === 234 Rebellion under tbe Banner of Islam refuse to even start negotiating. The ALRI Div IV officers adopted the view that, where they had received an official order to end the hostilities, the way in which a cease-fire was to be achieved should be an official one as well. Towards this end a Central ] oint Board for Kalimantan should be set up, along with Local ] oint Committees. To lend their arguments extra force they accused Dutch troops of trying to occupy positions which before September 2nd had been held by the ALRI Div IV. On September 12th the Dutch commander of South and East Kalimantan, H.]. Veenendaal, expressed his disappointment at the fact th at so far no ALRI Div IV negotiators had come forward. He warned, rather pompously, th at if they continued to fail to do so Hassan Basry would be in violation of the order of September 2nd and thus make himself an outlaw (KB 13-9-1949). Resident Deelman, too, was anything but pleased with the guerillas' reaction. What particularly upset him was that, although the ALRI Div IV had ceased most of its military activities, it was showing no signs of preparedness to relinquish its authority. The ALRI Div IV continued acting as though it constituted the legitimate Government of South Kalimantan and disregarding the Autonomous Areas. Both Deelman and Veenendaal pointed out a number of times that the Indonesian Government on September 2nd had only confirmed Hassan Basry 's status as commander of the ALRI Div IV, and not as military governor of South Kalimantan. They further stressed that although Hassan Basry might have complied with the order to stop firing, he had certainly not ceased all hostile acts (KB 4-9-1949, 12-9-1949), between which two concepts in their view there was a vast difference. They deplored the guerillas' persistence in exercising the de facto govemment in the areas under their con trol, if not in others as weU, where possible. So when Hassan Basry, accompanied by his lieutenants Gusti Aman and Subandi, at last, on September 14th, conferred with Deelman and Veenendaal, the principal subject of their discussions was the interpretation of the term "hostile act". It was concluded that the term meant not only "to shoot at one another", but involved much more. As interpreted by Deelman it denoted: 1) aU acts aimed at disrupting the functioning of a free economy, such as, for example, the obstruction of food transports and the use of coercion to in duce people to strike; 2) the levying of illegitimate taxes, such as on the sale of latex or other market commodities or on market transactions in generaI, and of a contribution, in money or in kind, for the benefit of a === [PDF page 245] === V South Kalimantan - thc RcbclIion of thc Opprcsscd 235 guerilla army; 3) the unlawful capture of citizens, especially government employees; and 4) the violation of the prevailing law in the political field, such as by liquidating the Banjar Council and similar institutions (KB 15-9-1949).20 Af ter a consensus was reached on the interpretation of "hostile act", with as the most important result the ALRI Div IV's pledging itself to end the strike and to stop collecting all kinds of taxes, negotiations were able to start in earnest. The chief ALRI Div IV negotiators were P. Arya and Gusti Amam, assisted in questions concerning non-military affairs by Burhanuddin and Dr. Gambiro. At these negotiations it was agreed that a Panitya Penyelenggara Keamanan, or Security Committee, would be instituted, with a number of local sub-committees in various towns, such as Banjarmasin, Amuntai and Kandangan. Both sides rightly submitted that these committees bore no comparison with the Local Joint Committees of Java and Sumatra. No UNCI representatives sat on them, and they were made up only of representatives of the ALRl Div IV, the Indonesian Republic and the Dutch. At the same time it was pointed out, however, that the authority of the committees in Kalimantan was actually greater, because they were also authorized to discuss political matters (KB 27-9-1949). With the successful completion of the negotiations, the atmosphere in South Kalimantan improved greatly. At the end of September Moh. Hanafiah was released by the guerillas, soon to be folIo wed by the others who had been kidnapped. Early the next month the strike was called off and soon thereafter joint patrols by the Dutch Army and the ALRl Div IV were instituted. 4. Jakarta Assumes Contral For the ALRI Div IV the agreement spelt the beginning of the end. Gradually its strong military position and its influence among the population declined. This process had started at the time Major-General Suhardjo Harjowardojo had been sent to Banjarmasin by the Republican Government. The object of his mission had not been to help the ALRI Div IV reach a favourable agreement with the Dutch, but to assist the Duteh, who did not know how to deal with the AL RI Div IV. He had probably also had instructions to pave the way for a take-over of the command in South Kalimantan by officers from Java, and to make it easy for them to establish firm Republican Army con trol over troops whom in their hearts they distrusted. === [PDF page 246] === 236 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Suhardjo Harjowardojo, who had left South Kalimantan af ter the official recognition of the ALRI Div IV, returned here on September 21st. This time he brought with him from Java not two but thirteen officers as members of what was referred to as a military delegation, which was headed by Lieutenant-Colonel K. Sukanda Bratamenggala, who was soon to become Territorial Commander of Kalimantan. Suhardjo Harjowardojo helped to work out a final agreement between the ALRI Div IV and the Dutch, and tried, in vain, to end the strike. The strikers would only go back to work on the orders of the ALRI Div IV. Suhardjo Harjowardojo left Kalimantan again on September 27th, taking with him to Java P. Arya, who was later to become communications officer in Y ogyakarta, thus depriving Hassan Basry of one of his most trusted lieutenants and advisers. After Suhardjo Harjowardojo's departure South Kalimantan came under the command of Sukanda Bratamenggala. The latter made ajoint tour of the region with Hassan Basry to see that all kinds of matters in connection with the conclusion of the agreements were settled. Hassan Basry in addition sent orders to all his officers to get the local guerillas in line, and drew up instructions designed to put an end to the independent image which the ALRI Div IV had hitherto projected. On October 4th the ALRI Div IV announced th at from that day on its seal would no longer have legal force (KB 4-10-1949), and Sukanda Bratamenggala made a statement to the effect that the ALRI Div IV had agreed to all of its written orders and circulars issued in the past being declared null and void (KB 4-10-1949). The next step followed on October 11 th, when the Panitya Pembantu Tentara Nasz'onal lndonesia (PPTNI), or National Army Relief Committee, was set up in South Kalimantan with the aim of collecting contributions from the population for the maintenance of the guerilla bands, thereby supplementing the sums already promised by the Dutch Army at the time of its agreement with the ALRI Div IV. Sukanda Bratamenggala, who made the announcement of the institution of the new committee, asserted th at the money collected by the PPTNI together with the contribution promised by the Dutch would from th at time onward have to constitute the Army's sole source of income. The ALRI Div IV was forbidden to collect contributions direct from the population any longer, he said. This meant the end of the Military Government set up by the ALRI Div IV and of its tax-collecting activities in name of the revolution (KB 13-10-1949).21 === [PDF page 247] === V South KaIimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 237 Moreover, on October 27th Republican officers from Java began the medical examination of the ALRI Div IV guerillas. Under the supervision of Dr. Suharsono the latter were checked to see who was physically fit enough to stay on in the Republican Army, and who should be demobilized and "returned to society". The guerillas who had the misfortune of being classified in the second category would, it was promised, be given an honourable discharge (KB 29-10-1949, 3-11-1949). As elsewhere in Indonesia, these tests and the imposition of strict military rules aroused feelings of resentment among the members of the guerilla organizations. Not only the ordinary soldiers of the ALRI Div IV, but also their officers had to submit to the discipline and norms imposed by the Republican officers from Java. So the ALRI Div IV commanders were instructed to follow a training course evolved by the J avanese officers. These professional soldiers of the regular Republican Army for their part looked upon their Kalimantan colleagues with scorn and contempt. They inclined to the view that the ALRI Div IV had been formed at a time of revolution when the norms and regulations governing the formation and functioning of an army had been made rather light of. Now that the fighting had ended, however, the time had co me for the ALRI Div IV to be converted as quickly as possible into an efficient and weIl organized army unit, it was argued (KB 3-11-1949). The definitive end of the ALRI Div IV came on November 10th, 1949, the day of the commemoration of the Battle of Surabaya, or Heroes' Day, when it was transformed into the Lambung Mangkurat Division in a brief ceremony at Kandangan. 22 Hassan Basry remained its commander. He did not become Commander of the Republican Army for the whole of Kalimantan, as he had hoped. On December 22nd the ninth Sultan of Yogyakarta, Lieutenant-General Hamengkubuwono IX, the then Indonesian Minister of Defence, visited Banjarmasin in his capacity as Security Coordinator and proceeded to appoint Lieutenant-Colonel Sukanda Bratamenggala, then still head of the Military Delegation, in that function, under the title of Commander of the Tentara dan Territorium (TT) (Army and Territory) VI. Hassan Basry was made commander of one of the four sub-territories created at the time, namely sub-territory lIl, comprising Banjar. As the state of war and siege still continued, the civil administration was subordinate to the military one. In civil affairs Hassan Basry was to be assisted by Moh. Hanafiah, it was announced (KB 24-12-1949). === [PDF page 248] === 238 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Thus the Lambung Mangkurat Division was made responsible for peace and order in the Banjar region. The state of war and siege notwithstanding, routine matters in connection with the maintenance of law and order were left for the Poli ce to deal with, who since November 25th had been under the jurisdiction of the Banjar Council. The principal duty of the Lambung Mangkurat Division was the take-over and continuation of the various tasks of the Dutch Army and the KNIL troops, who from November 26th onwards were gradually leaving the area, starting with Barabai, to be stationed in special areas. Quite possibly the Republican authorities, with formal independence definitely in view, wanted to move the Army troops to barracks and leave the Police in charge of the public order. This hypothesis does not, however, take account of the confused situation during the closing months of 1949. The ALRI Div IV, now the Lambung Mangkurat Division, as a division could be kept under con trol by the Republican Army leaders. lts individual members, and the members of other guerilla organizations - both those which at least in name had fused with the Lambung Mangkurat Division and those which had refused to do so - were much more difficult to keep in line. The situation was so precarious, in fact, that before the year was out Hassan Basry, in his capacity as commander of the Lambung Mangkurat Division, twice had to issue a warning th at his Division would take firm action against anyone disturbing the peace or continuing to act arbitrarily. He thus found himself in a situation very similar to th at of the Dutch a few months earlier, when the latter had had to deal with the Military Government of the ALRI Div IV. Now he in turn was obliged to take action against people refusing to recognize the Autonomous Area of Banjar. In an announcement made at the end of November he launched an attack on certain groups for trying to increase their influence in society by using the name of the ALRI Div IV or the Lambung Mangkurat Division (KB 1-12-1949). At the end of December, furthermore, he explicitely asserted th at the Lambung Mangkurat Division was the loyal instrument of the Autonomous Area of Banjar. As a consequence the Division would take firm steps against anyone troubling society, so he warned, including people doing so as soldiers or on behalf of the Army or the struggle for independence. As examples of the activities meant he cited the borrowing of cars ostensibly for military purposes, the use of threats to make people lend or sell goods, the levying of con- === [PDF page 249] === V Sou th Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 239 tributions from private citizens or firms, the imposition of taxes on the sale of latex, etc. At the same time he pleaded with the population not to interpret such firm action by the Army or Police against the elements concerned as an attempt at general repression. People should realize th at the Army was striving to give substance to the ideals of independence and security, as weIl as to stimulate social development (KB 30-12-1949). The groups the Republican Army saw itself obliged to keep under contral at the end of 1949 and the beginning of 1950 were numeraus. So it had to keep a variety of larger and smaller local guerilla units in check. Meanwhile the situation was complicated further by occasional clashes with KNIL troops. In the whole of Sou th Kalimantan - not only Banjar, but also to the east and west of that region - as weIl as in Central and South-East Kalimantan it was the Lambung Mangkurat Division that had to deal with the irregular guerilla units. These latter included, among others, its old enemies of the White Skull Division, who circulated pamphlets with the warning "Be careful, the White Skull is coming" all over South-East Kalimantan (KB 29-1-1950).23 There was also trauble with Warouw's and Kahar Muzakkar's Brigade XVI, which, consisting as it did of people from outside Java and Sumatra, also included youths from Kalimantan fighting both at home and in Java. The former constituted the so-called Komando Grup Kalimantan of Brigade XVI and the Kinibalu or Panglima Batur Battalion. 24 There were indications that the Brigade XVI guerillas in Kalimantan might prove difficult to con trol as early as September 1949, when the Army Command contemplated sending one of the Brigade commanders, Kamaruddin Noor, to that region. Later, in early December, four officers of the Brigade XVI were sent to Kalimantan to work out a merger of the Kalimantan section of this Brigade with the Lambung Mangkurat Division. Upon failure of their attempt yet another o fficer, Firmansjah, went to Kalimantan to try and appease the Brigade XVI guerillas. 25 The problems with the Brigade XVI guerillas increased when after the official recognition of independence the officers and soldiers of the Brigade who had been stationed in Java returned to Kalimantan, in particular after the dissolution of the Brigade. As in the case of other guerilla units, the returning soldiers of this Brigade we re also ordered to report to the authorities and to stop acting independently or in name of the Brigade. The order did not have the desired result, however. So the Army Command of Kalimantan was constrained to contact the military governor of === [PDF page 250] === 240 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam East Java, the area where the troops had previously been stationed, and ask him to see to it that a stop was put to what it called the "smuggling", that is, illegal entry, of Brigade XVI soldiers into Kalimantan (KB 27-1-1950). The use of the term "smuggling" is once again indicative of the disregard, or even contempt, in which the regular professional soldiers of the Republican Army held the former irregular guerilla fighters. This, coupled with the central Army Command's attempts at streamlining the Lambung Mangkurat Division into a modern army unit, with the inevitable attendant process of demobilization, was only calculated to increase the prevailing tension. The bad feeling was the more aggravated by the extension of central authority over troops who for years had fought independently and for a just cause. Not only did they now have to obey the orders of the central Government and Army Command and its representatives in Kalimantan, but, what made matters worse, the most important military and civil functions either continued to be held by those who, in their eyes, had cooperated with the Dutch, or were given to people from outside the region. Many guerillas did not understand, and Hassan Basry was obliged to make a public announcement to the effect that the civil servants and police personnel formerly working for the Dutch had retained their positions as such, but had become employees of the United States of Indonesia instead (KB 30-12-1949). A few months af ter the formal recognition of the ALRI Div IV, and only a few weeks af ter Indonesian independence, the situation got out of hand. Within the Lambung Mangkurat Division itself there we re a number of soldiers and officers guilty of insubordination. As early as January 14th, 1950, Lieutenant H. Damanhuri was arrested on charges of extortion of goods and money for the purpose of building up and maintaining his own Army in the area of Barabai. On the same day a more important personage, Achmad Zakaria, the former commander of the ALRI Div IV, was arrested. He was accused of sedition against the United States of Indonesia by making inciting speeches in mosques and Islamic training institutions and trying to persuade former guerillas to rebel (KB 17-1-1950, 18-1-1950). Therc was also trouble in Birayang, north of Barabai, where the Lambung Mangkurat Division arrested about 300 people. These were alleged to have tried to infiltrate the Army with rebel elements and to have organized military training courses in the villages (KB 22-1-1950). === [PDF page 251] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 241 In the beginning the Republican authorities pretended th at there was nothing wrong in Kalimantan. They even so admitted that there had been some fighting, and that the Government had decided to transfer former KNIL units from the area as aresult of this and in order to prevent further trouble (M 24-1-1950). At the same time, however, they played the problems down by asserting that nothing serious was wrong. Both Hassan Basry and Sukanda Bratamenggala, for instanee, stated on being questioned about the activities of the White Skull Division that only a sm all section of this Division was continuing to fight. lts activities, they assured, posed no threat to the peace and order of the area. The "re al " White Skull Division had become integrated into the Army (KB 1-1-1950, 27-1-1950). Because of the precarious situation the citizens of South Kalimantan formed a Committee for the Preservation of Unity and the Prevention of Dissension, or Panitya Penyelenggara Persatuan Pencegah Perpecahan (P5), in January 1950. This committee subsequently sent a delegation to Jakarta to try and convince President Soekarno that the best way of en ding the disorders in Kalimantan was to give the command of the Kalimantan section of the Republican Army to Hassan Basry and Firmansjah. To lend force to its arguments it stated that the committee had the backing of 10,000 soldiers (KB 18-1-1950,20-1-1950). The committee's suggestions were not followed. On the contrary, Army headquarters adhered to its policy of destroying the ALRI Div IV's special identity. The Lambung Mangkurat Division was composed in such a way that it comprised not only former ALRI Div IV soldiers, but also members of other guerilla units and former KNIL soldiers who had expressed the wish to enter the Republican Army. Notably the latter were viewed with distrust by the ALRI Div IV guerillas. The former ALRI Div IV and KNIL soldiers, who in the past had been enernies, now, since the end of 1949, had to share the same quarters. Moreover, after the institution of the Army and Territory of Kalimantan and its sub-divisions the name Lambung Mangkurat Division gradually feIl into disuse, finally to disappear altogether, and a proportion of its members were stationcd in other parts of Indonesia. Hassan Basry's troops we re therefore simply referred to as the troops of the Third Sub-Territory.26 Units of these comprising former ALRI Div IV guerillas were sent to East, South-East and West Kalimantan. Others were dispatched to West Java to assist in the suppression of the Darul Islam movement there. The Division further lost many of its officers when forty === [PDF page 252] === 242 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam to fifty of them we re sent to Y ogyakarta to follow a special course for officers at the National Military Academy (KB 1-1-1950). Probably owing to faulty communications - rather than malicious intentions - these officers arrived in Y ogyakarta only to discover that the National Military Academy had been closed for over a year, ever since the occupation of the city by Dutch troops during the second "military action". A number of them thereupon travelled on to Surabaya, where a military training centre did exist. Only one of them eventually completed his course. The others returned to Kalimantan, where af ter a while they joined the guerillas in the bush who refused to join the Republican Army or to be demobilized. Hence this time they had taken to the jungle to oppose the Republican Army. The latter included Ibnu Hadjar, whose original name was Haderi. Born in Kandangan in April 1920, he was said to have had a fierce, pugnacious disposition even as a child, and to have been a real ring-leader in any conflict (IB 20-3-1954). Haderi had assumed the name Ibnu Hadjar on joining the fight for independence against the Dutch. He later became an officer with the ALRI Div IV in the rank of second lietenant, commanding guerilla units around Kandangan. In the initial period af ter his defection in the first quarter of 1950 he had a following of only about sixty men. For about the first three months they lay low and did not undertake any actions. The first attack on Republican troops was launched in mid-1950. By that time Ibnu Hadjar's force had swollen to about two hundred men armed with about fifty guns (IB 27-2-1954, 20-3-1954). In spite of this quick growth as more and more disgruntled former guerillas joined his band, the possibility of an agreement was still not excluded. Early in October, in response to a Republican attempt to find a peaceful solution to the problem, Ibnu Hadjar reported to the authorities at Kandangan. Af ter being released in order to try and persuade his troops to surrender too, he disappeared into the bush for good. 5. The Rebellion Ibnu Hadjar called the new guerilla organization headed by him the Union of the Oppressed Indonesian People, Kesatuan Rakyat lndonesia Yang Tertz'ndas (KRIYT).27 The name is indicative of the feeling of the former guerillas. The Republican Government blamed them for the troubles in Kalimantan, but they for their part accused that Government of treachery and oppression. === [PDF page 253] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 243 There were two factors contributing to this feeling: the way the demobilization of former guerilla fighters was managed in Kalimantan, and the Republican Government and Army's treatment of thc rural population of the area. According to official figures provided by Sukanda Bratamenggala for the period until February, when the troubles with the former guerillas in Kalimantan began, approximately 16,000 former gucrillas entered the Army. In the subsequent period they received training and awaited medical examination and other tests to see whether they met the standards for admission to the Republican Army. According to Sukanda Bratamenggala many of them soon left the Army again, and in March only 6,000 were still left. One of the reasons for this mass defection was the paltriness of the allowance of Rp. 3.- a day. As Sukanda Bratamenggala points out, a rubber tapper could earn much more Those remaining in the Republican Army who eventually were demobilized felt discriminated against by the treatment they received in comparison with that of their fellows in Java. In Kalimantan this category was fobbed oH with a gratuity of Rp. 50.- on demobilization. The Government argued, in justification of its niggardliness, that the guerillas should be content with the spiritual reward for their sacrifice to the nation, a sacrifice which surely God would not forget (Sulawesi 1953: 157). To add insult to injury, the men thus demobilized, in contrast to the demobilized guerillas in Java, were not even recognized as veterans and as a consequence were not entitled to a penSIOn. A proportion of those who had left the Republican Army of their own accord and of those who had been compulsorily demobilized joined Ibnu Hadjar's force in the jungle. In contrast to their January statement, the authorities now were forced to admit that something very serious was wrong. In South Kalimantan, as in various other parts of Indonesia, discontented former guerillas experiencing diHiculty in returning to civilian life resorted to acts disturbing the peace. In Martapura, Banjarmasin, Rantau and Kandangan there were moreover a number of desertions from the Army and Poli ce Force to the side of the guerillas. These deserters took their arms with them, thus augmenting the rebels' military potential. The task of solving the problem was assigned to the man most qualified for this: Hassan Basry, the guerillas' former commander. On September 20th, 1950, he was given the command === [PDF page 254] === 244 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam of the Komando Penyelesaian Hulusungai, or Hulusungai Solution Commando The following month the region was given Military Assistance (;Hilitaire Bzjstand), and Republican Army units moved in again to restore the peace. Hassan Basry first looked for a peaceful solution. Accordingly he issued an order to all guerillas who had not yet surrendered to do so before October 10th, and got in touch with guerilla leaders in order to try and find out their wishes. As we saw above, Ibnu Hadjar was among those who responded. But he disappeared, never to return again, on being given the opportunity to return to the bush to get in touch with his followers and persuade them to surrender as well. The rebels' demands contained a number of now familiar themes. Among other things they requested the replacement of certain functionaries in the Civil Administration, the Army and the Police Force (N 30-9-1950).28 The guerillas feit that too many important posts were occupied by people from outside Kalimantan, notably from Java, and by individu als who had collaborated with the Dutch. Because the Government and Army had no intention whatever of giving in to the guerillas' demands and replacing some of the higher regional civil servants and officers, the two parties reached total deadlock. When the guerillas in the bush persisted in their refusal to surrender and continued their actions, at first in the area of Barabai, Birayang, Batumandi and Paringin and later also around Kelua and Kandangan, Hassan Basry's patience ran out. AIthough he must have felt some sympathy for their demands, he decided to take militaryaction against them. Accordingly on October 16th the Hulusungai Solution Command announced that a peaceful solution was now ruledout, and th at the Army and Police had begun a purge of the area. At the same time a curfew was imposed - in North Hulusungai from 2 a.m. till 5 a.m., and in South Hulusungai, where the situation was considered to be especially dangerous, from 8 p.m. till 5 a.m. So far (namely between October 10th and 15th) only about 670 guerillas, carrying about 50 firearms, had reported to the authorities. According to Sukanda Bratamenggala, who made these figures public, 13 of these guerillas stated the wish to enter the Civil Service, 30 the Army Police Force, and 130 the Army. Of the latter 130, only 10 eventually satisfied the requirements (I 10-12-1950). Ibnu Hadjar reacted to the purge launched by the Government by stepping up his own activities. Within the ten days following === [PDF page 255] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 245 the commencement of the Army and Police campaign the rebels attacked the town of Kandangan three times (N 2-11-1950). Even so, the Military Assistance for Hulusungai, which had lasted for just one month, was withdrawn at the beginning of November. So the Hulusungai Solution Command's efforts had come to naught. On November 11 th the command was dissolved, its methods, in particular Hassan Basry's use of force, being repudiated by the authorities. These argued in justification of their move to dissolve the command that what was needed was a peaceful solution. The responsibility for peace and order was now entrusted to the Northern Defence Command Section, or Komando Petak Pertahanan Utara, comprising Hulusungai and Barito (N 15-11-1950). Not long af ter that Hassan Basry resigned his command of the Republican troops in South Kalimantan - now called the F Brigade - which was taken over by Major H. T. Si tom pul. 29 The decision to dissolve the Hulusungai Solution Command and to try again to persuade the guerillas to lay down their arms through negotiations was taken just a few days before the Central Government's announcement of its amnesty offer, in November 1950. As we saw above, the offer did not apply to South Sulawesi and Kalimantan, for which areas separate solutions were to be worked out. In Kalimantan the term within which rebels were to have the opportunity to surrender ran from December 5th, 1950, to January 15th, 1951. The guerillas giving themselves up were first screened as to criminal record. If th is record was clean, they were given a choice of service with the Armed Forces or the Civil Administration, or a return to civilian life (N 25-11-1950). The result of the appeal was disappointing, however. Although there had been rumours that Ibnu Hadjar was prepared to surrender, this did not eventuate. Zafry Zamzam, the then chairman of the Regional Parliament of Hulusungai, was delegated to negotiate with him. He did, in fact, meet Ibnu Hadjar and explained the terms of the Government offer to him, but failed to persuade him to give himself up. Ibnu Hadjar reiterated his demands of a few months previously, stating that he was prepared to cease his opposition and to surrender if certain civil and military officials were replaced. He also asked for time to rally his followers and discuss thc Government's offer with them (N 20-1-1951). As in October, the Government refused to meet Ibnu Hadjar's conditions, and af ter January 18th, 1951, operations against him === [PDF page 256] === 246 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam and his rebels were resumed. Only a few guerillas had surrendered - in Kandangan only eight, none of them carrying firearms. Outside Kandangan the results were a little better, with 1,063 guerillas surrendering. But the number of firearms handed in still was disappointingly small, namely only about thirty (I 19-1-1951, 27-1-1951). The majority of those surrendering (c. 400) belonged to a group styling itself Perkumpulan Banteng Borneo, or Buffalo Association of Borneo. 30 At the commencement of the renewed military actions Kandangan was declared a military zone, and army posts were set up all over the area. On February 26th the first large-scale battle with a group of about one hundred guerillas took place here, which lasted about three hours (N 2-3-1951). In the tense atmosphere prevailing in South Kalimantan the presence of Hassan Basry, who was still held in high esteem by the gueriIIas, was considered too dangerous. The Ministry of Defence therefore gave hirri a grant for study abroad. Hassan Basry hereupon left Kalimantan, first for Jakarta and th en for Egypt, in February 1951. His departure was encouraged by the authorities because they were apprehensive of his influence among the dissatisfied soldiers and demobilized guerilla fighters and considered him a security risk. Though Hassan Basry was to stay in Egypt for over four years, his trip was no great success. He failed to matriculate in Egypt, and was obliged to continue his studies at a lower level, doing courses in religion and military science (IM 20-9-1951,15-8-1952; IB 12-8-1953, 29-9-1955). The departure of Hassan Basry, who would remain absent from Banjarmasin until December 1955, strengthened the suspicion th at the military authorities were trying to undermine the influence of the former ALRI Div IV and to disperse its members. It further confirmed Ibnu Hadjar and his rebels in their conviction th at those who had sacrificed themselves for the Rcpublican cause in South Kalimantan during the revolution were now being put in a subordinate position. All this provoked a so-called "an ti-J ava campaign". The spon taneous character of th is campaign was denied by the authorities, who gave the blame for rousing anti-Javanese feelings to certain elements ambitious for power. The population itself did not be ar the Javanese a grudge, so the Banjarese Inspector of Police, Mahmud, claimed (ANP- Aneta v. 5, n. 40, 24-11-1950:383). The manning of the Civil and Military Administration in Kalimantan remained a major bone of bitter contention between thc Union of the Oppressed Indonesian People or KRIYT and the === [PDF page 257] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 247 Republic. The posting of government officials from Java to replace local civil servants continued to be a sensitive subject and a source of resentment and conflict. The Central Government's con trol over regional affairs and over the composition of the Regional Government was strongly resented not only by the advocates of a federal state structure, but also by people who, like the former ALRI Div IV guerillas, had from the beginning been in favour of a unitary Republic. The problem had already reared its head before the formal recognition of independence, at the time the ALRI Div IV and its successor, the Lambung Mangkurat Division, had been obliged to submit to the authority and instructions of Republican officers from Java. It was aggravated af ter the establishment of the unitary Republic and the dissolution of the Autonomous Areas of Banjar and South-East Kalimantan, when the changes the people of South Kalimantan had probably been hoping for failed to materialize. Far from such changes taking place, the command of the Army and Territory of Kalimantan remained in the hands of Lieutenant-Colonel Sukanda Bratamenggala, a Sundanese. He was replaced in November 1951 by Colonel Sadikin, also from West Java. Hassan Basry never obtained the coveted command, and in November 1950 was even replaced as Commander of South Kalimantan by Major Sitompul, a Batak. The latter was succeeded in due course by Lieutenant-Colonel Suadi Suromihardjo (Suadi Suromiharjo), from Central Java, who had gained counterinsurgency experience during the military operations in the Merapi-Merbabu Complex. The Civil Administration was headed by a Javanese governor, Dr. Murdjani (Murjani). Here it was particularly the many changes introduced in the lower ranks that aroused resentment. Existing functionaries were removed from their positions and replaced by Javanese, or by other people the Government felt it could trust. Most of these changes, as weIl as the import of Javanese, were ostensibly implemented for the sake of improvement of the quality of the government apparatus. At the continuing refusal of the Government, or to be more exact the Ministry of Internal Affairs, to change its policy in this respect, the criticism in Kalimantan of what was gene rally referred to as "the import of officials from Java" grew. The replacement of such officials in the Civil Administration, the Army and the Police Force was only one of a series of demands put forward by Ibnu Hadjar on the occasions when the Government made reconcili- === [PDF page 258] === 248 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam ation overtures to the guerillas and offered them an opportunity to surrender. Over the years the demand was regularly repeated by the KRIYT. So early in 1953 the latter adviced the Central Government to appoint Mohammad Noor, the very first Republican governor of Kalimantan, as governor to replace Murdjani. At the same time it urged that Hassan Basry should be made commander of the Army and Territory of Kalimantan, and that Zafry Zamzam, a former member of the Banjar Council from Kandangan, who had been arrested by the Dutch for a short time in 1949, be appointed head of the Civil Administration of South Kalimantan. It warned th at lndonesia would never be safe as long as "Dutchmen in Indonesian guise" continued to occupy important posItIOns m the Administration (IE 8-9-1953, 11-9-1953). Two other points besides which caused vexation, not only in Kalimantan but also in other parts of Indonesia, were, firstly, the incorporation of the guerillas into the Republican Army and the subsequent demobilization of a proportion of them, and secondly, uncertainty about the nature of the independence achieved. A sense of unfair treatment induced the demobilized ex-guerillas to take to the jungle. Once there, they hoped to be able to enforce their de mand for recognition as re gul ar soldiers of the Armed Forces of the Indonesian Republic. The guerillas in Kalimantan may have been inspired to go on fighting in the early years af ter their defection by the seeming success of Kahar Muzakkar in South Sulawesi in gaining the Central Government's recognition and by the widespread sympathy which his movement enjoyed. KRIYT leaders still made their men promises as late as 1953 that they would one day be officially recognized again as soldiers of the Republic, as during the fight for independence (IM 14-1-1953). The second vexatious point, as indicated, was the feeling which many people had, also within the Republican Army, that no true independence had been achieved. At first particularly the Dutchimposed federal state structure and the Dutch Government's refusal to ce de West lrian to Indonesia - and in some cases also the continuing Dutch economic presence - caused resentment. In addition people were being made to feel th at the formal transfer of sovereignty was a present from the Dutch. Accordingly the Government, first of the federal and later of the unitary Republic, was considered as having betrayed the original ideals of the Indonesian revolution. So groups of former guerilla fighters together with demobilized soldiers in many parts of Indonesia === [PDF page 259] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 249 proceeded to oppose the Republican Government and Army in the name of the revolution. Describing themselves as "defenders" or "adherents" of "August 17th, 1945" and of the Pancasila, or sporting nam es to that effect, they professed themselves to aim at social and political change. Ibnu Hadjar was one of those claiming to be acting in defence of the Pancasila. Until 1954 he solicited financial aid for the purpose of achieving a "one hundred per cent independence" (PR 16-12-1953). Generally the "defenders of August 17th, 1945" did not exactly specify their aims. They unquestionably wanted to see the Republican Government or its representatives replaced in the outlying regions, but the nature of the social and economic changes envisaged by them remained vague. Some interpreted freedom as freedom from all government interference in the widest sense of the word. To them independence meant a golden era, free from poverty and taxes and from government pressure. Certain KRIYT members were not free from these ideas either, or at least used them to gain popular support. In a KRIYT letter of 1952, sent from "the Kalimantan bush" and signed by two local commanders by the name of Rasjaidi (Rasyaidi) and Mardjajana (Marjayana), the Republican Government was alleged to be worse than the colonial one. Conveniently overlooking the fact that people were obliged to pay a contribution to KRIYT as weIl, the writers criticized the Republican Government for continuing to collect taxes. That was why the KRIYT would intensify its struggle to achieve the objective of a society that was truly inspired by the Pancasila (KB 2-12-1953). Later, in another letter, the KRIYT's aim was described as being the perfection of the freedom of the country, the people and religion (IB 15-9-1953)_ 6. The Ups and Downs of the Guerilla Movement Af ter Hassan Basry's failure to crush the rebellion, the Freedom Operation, led by his successor Major Sitompul, was launched by the Army in early 1951. Although on the one hand resulting in an increase in public safety and a drop in the number of robbings and killings of local civilians, on the other hand the connected military operations stirred up existing feelings of discontent. The Republican Army was not exactly gentle in its treatment of civilians, either, whom it did not shrink from harassing and killing in the pursuit of its enemy. The effect of the Republican Army's pacification campaign in === [PDF page 260] === 250 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Kalimantan is difficult to assess. Regionalists claim that it provided former KNIL soldiers and federalists with a good opportunity to take revenge on the ALRI Div IV and to regain the economically superior position they had lost between 1945 and 1950. I t is also alleged that in the Army operations scores of villages were set afire and thousands of people were killed, while at one time there were about half a million refugees in Banjarma· It is probable that the objectives of the Republican Army campaign were not solely military and political. The guerillas' struggle had been quite successful, achieving one of the main aims of guerilla warfare: con trol of the rural are as and the isolation of the enemy in urban centres. The ALRI Div IV, morover, had established a Military Government which according to P. Arya was based on democracy, respected all religions, and was bent on eliminating the capitalist bourgeoisie and eradicating colonialism, corruption, crime and other evils (KB 23-8-1949). Besides, the ALRI Div IV, by founding rural co-operative societies and checking the approaches to the cities, had succeeded in preventing or at least decreasing, the sale of rural products to the towns, thereby disrupting the urban trade network reaching down into the villages. During the period of the ALRI Div IV's con trol South Kalimantan, again according to P. Arya, experienced some economic improvement, as the co-operative idea won wide support. The rubber trade had come for one hundred per cent into the hands of the people, he claimed, while the Military Government had closely supervised the functioning of the co-opèrative societies. The co-operative principle had met with so much enthusiasm from the people because of the monopoly on forest produets hitherto exercised by a few big firms such as Bruynzeel, according to him (KB 1-10-1949). One of the effects of the military campaign af ter 1950 was the destruction of the co-operative system introduced by the ALRI Div IV and the re-establishment of the urban traders' control over rural areas. Although the mushrooming of co-operative societies after 1948, notably in the kabupatens of Hulusungai, Kapuas, Barito and Banjar, had not gone unnoticed by the Republican Government, the latter tended to question the motives behind this, pointing out that these attcmpts had been inspired by people "who fished in troubled waters". In addition it noted how strange it was th at the system flourished especially in insecure areas. From all this it concluded th at thc founding of === [PDF page 261] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 251 co-operative societies and the construction of "illegal cooperative as weIl as private rubber smoking plants" must have taken place at the instigation of "certain people with certain In this climate Ibnu Hadjar and his Union of the Oppressed Indonesian People came into prominence. Compared with the rebellions in West Java, South Sulawesi and Aceh th is movement was only a minor one. With an initial following of only a few hundred, it grew steadily in the first years, but nevertheless remained a small movement. It never operated in groups of more than a hundred men, whereas in other parts of Indonesia concentrations of bands of between three and six hundred were no exception, especially in the early period. The local KRIYT units mostly operated independently. As a rule they only comprised five to fifty guerillas. They were, moreover, poorly armed and constantly pursued by Republican troops and the Police. At the time Ibnu Hadjar took to the jungle the rebels were estimated to have in their possession four Bren and six Sten guns and a few scores of ri fles (N 19-10-1950). Later estimates speak of a total of respectively fifty (IB 27-2-1954) and 148 (IB 26-11-1953) firearms for the early period, which are still low figures. The remainder of Ibnu Hadjar's men were armed with weapons such as knives, swords, spears and the like. Partly because the KRlYT groups were so poorly armed and so small in si ze the Republican Army campaign initially was a success. Most of the rebels' few arms were seized, so that it looked as though the KRlYT would not survive. The Republican Army's tactics were directed at isolating the enemy in the mountains and starving them into surrender. Accordingly it closed all roads leading to the areas to which the guerillas had retreated, allowing anyone wishing to travel along them to take with them only enough food for one day (IM 25-10-1951). Consequently many rebels gave themselves up because of lack of food (KB 13-12-1951). Others were captured by the local population, who were promised a money reward for every guerilla turned in. This provided a welcome source of extra income. It also led to a situation where people tried to keep the location of guerilla hiding-places to themselves. In some instances there was even fighting over who could claim a captive as his own and so rake in the reward (KB 23-3-1952). For obvious reasons a request to hand out arms to the population in its resistance against the KRIYT was refused (IM 4-11-1951). Only in Rantau were some arms distributed. When at the end of 1952 the people of Riam === [PDF page 262] === 252 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Kanan put in a request for weapons, this was dismissed with the remark that, if during the revolution it had been possible to defeat the Dutch with no more than bamboo spears, why could not the rebels, who were obviously criminals, be defeated with such weapons (IM 6-1-1953). At the end of 1951 the Govemment had reason to believe that the KRIYT bands had been isolated in Hulusungai (IM 4-11-1951, 22-11-1951, 8-1-1952). East and West Kalimantan (the latter area with the exception of Ketapang) were both considered safe and free from guerillas and bandits. The responsibility for maintaining law and order here was accordingly transferred to the Police and the Civil Administration by the Republican Army (IM 1-2-1952). In Hulusungai, on the other hand, the situation was still feit to be critical. A Staat van Oorlog en Beleg (SOB) or State of War and Siege, was proclaimed for the entire region on November Ist, 1951. The other kabupatens of Sou th Kalimantan, in particular Kotabaru, were regarded as being in an intermediate position. There were guerillas operating here, too, but on a smaller scale than in Hulusungai. Over the years, Kotabaru enjoyed the special attention of the authorities because of the landings here of reinforcements for Ibnu Hadjar sent by Kahar Muzakkar. The KRIYT even so survived the pacification campaign, and af ter the lifting of the SOB in July 1952 gradually recovered from the first blows. This was due in part to a miscalculation on the part of the authorities. At the time of the termination of the SOB they decided, in view of the continuing guerilla activities, that the Republican Army should go on providing military assistance. Six months later they revoked this decision, however. The damage caused by the KRIYT in the two and a half years of its active existence up to then was considerable, although it seemed nothing compared with that in West Java and South Sulawesi. According to official estimates 1,656 houses had been bumt or looted, bringing the total damage to around Rp. 6 milliard, while some 1,055 people had been kidnapped, killed or wounded. The number of refugees was estimated at 35,000 (IM 21-2-1953). The civil govemment, which after the termination of military assistance became solely responsibie for the maintenance of law and order, embarked on its task with enthusiasm. The govemor of Kalimantan, Dr. Murdjani, immediately initiated a series of talks with the most important members of the civil service and Police Force, Muslim scholars, representatives of political parties, and other social leaders of South Kahmantan. During these he === [PDF page 263] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 253 tried to persuade the religious leaders to issue a religious instructi on (fatwa) to their followers to resist the KRIYT, and announced th at he was drawing up a battle plan against the rebels. Alluding to the lack of communication and understanding between the Republican Army, the Police and the Civil Administration in previous operations, Murdjani stated that he personally would direct all future operations. He finally disclosed his plans, after days of talks, on February 24th, 1953. Although it had been rumoured that priority would be given to a peaceful solution now th at the military had been withdrawn, Murdjani's scheme, which he named Konsepsi Kz·ta (Our Plan), placed strong emphasis on military methods. The supreme command of the projected operations was to be held by himself jointly with the Chief of Police, Sulaiman. Special headquarters were to be established at Kandangan under the supervision of the bupati of South Hulusungai, Sjarkawi (Syarkawi), and of the Police commissioners Nafiah and Tjokrodiningrat (Cokrodiningrat). Units of the Police Mobile Brigade, whose number was to be increased, were to be stationed in the most strategic areas around Rantau, Kandangan and Barabai (IM 11-2-1953, 13-2-1953, 14-2-1953, 20-2-1953). Appeals to the Government to grant the rebels an amnesty, as was advocated by, for example, social leaders in Banjar and the Kalimantan branch of the Persatuan lndonesia Raya (PIR), were ignored. Murdjani was of the opinion that people who had committed crimes should not simply be pardoned, even though he still professed himself to believe in a peaceful solution, pointing out that "the door to surrender was still open". If the rebels surrendering asked God for mercy and truly regretted their misdeeds, the Regional Government of Kalimantan would, Murdjani promised, intercede with the Central Government for leniency towards them (IM 20-2-1953). By the end of one month, however. Murdjani had become convinced that the persuasive method had failed and that militaryactions were the only means left (PR 28-3-1953). The Police Force, which now had to conduct the operations against the KRIYT on its own, proved too small for its task. It had in addition the full responsibility for the maintenance of law and order at a time, in early 1953, when areas which for a while had been relatively safe, such as Riam Kanan and Martapura, were again becoming troubled (IM 6-1-1953). Members of the KRIYT and its Police Force were emerging from the jungle once more to collect taxes and impose fines. From Riam Kanan there were reports of people being forced to pay a tax of Rp. 5.- a === [PDF page 264] === 254 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam month (IB 22-12-1953). Special tax officers styled market or tax mandurs (supervisors) were moreover visiting the villages to collect a kind of sales tax (IB 24-12-1953). In other are as where they had been operating for a long time as weU the KRIYT rebels were intensifying their activities. Ibnu Hadjar himself was operating between Kandangan and Barabai. He had established his headquarters on a mountain not far from the first-named town, in the village of Datar Laga. This was commonly referred to, because of its shape and possibly also because it accommodated the KRIYT headquarters, as Gunung Hantu (Mount Ghost). It provided an ideal hiding-place, being accessible from only one direction, from which, moreover, an advancing enemy had to march through three kilometres of tall grass and thus was easily spotted (IB 20-7-1954). From any of the other directions the place could only be approached through mountainous country, harbouring many KRIYT camps. From these headquarters Ibnu Hadjar travelled all over Hulusungai to confer with his commanders or to personally lead attacks, and frequently made incursions into the kabupaten of Kotabaru. Further to the north, around Tanjung, there was a group headed by Kartoio operating sin ce the beginning of 1950. Kartolo, whose real name was Asmuni,31 had Tanjung as his base but also made forays into Hulusungai and ranged as far south as Alabio. He was captured af ter a joint operation by Army units and the local population in January 1953 (IM 7-1-1953). In the Balangan River area the principal KRIYT leader was Utuh Tjilik (Utuh Cilik), while to the south of this, in the Batumandi area, Kurdi, alias Subrata, and Dahlan were operating (IM 20-2-1953, 1-3-1953). Dahlan, who had a bad name for cruelty, was killed by the local population in early 1954. Bis head and hands were thereupon severed and presented to the authorities (IB 26-2-1954). Other guerilla commanders of these early years were Daeng Matelo, operating in the Amandit River area, Rasjaidi and Mardjajana in Rantau, Tamberani in Sei Pinang, Chairul Muis (Khairul Muis, succeeded after his death in 1954 by A.K. Munsi) and Gusti Surjah (Gusti Suryah) (who, along with many others, was "shot while trying to escape" in August 1954) in Banjar, and Mawardi and his deputy Raden Mochtar Djaja (Mokhtar Jaya) between Martapura and Pleihari. Tamberani was shot at the end of 1953 and was succeeded by his deputy, Ipul, who in turn shortly afterwards was executed by one of Ibnu Hadjar's lieutenants, Djumberi Oumberi), for alleged terrorization of the popula- === [PDF page 265] === V Sou th Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 255 tion (IB 19-2-1954). Mawardi was killed in 1954, but livcd on among the population as a ghost, onc villager, for example, describing the appearance of a ghost with a big body and long fangs growing out of its mouth which introduced itself in a deep voice as Mawardi (IB 22-6-1954). There were, for th at matter, many other superstitious beliefs surrounding dead rebels. So in the case of the burial of Masri the grave kept filling up with earth because the sides caved in. At a second attempt to dig a grave, the hole almost c10sed completely. In a united effort, whcreby some of the people present did the digging while others forced the body into the grave, it was finally possible for the body to be buried, even though the hole still tended to collapse. This macabre incident was interpreted as a sign that even the earth refused to accept Masri because of the crimes he had committed in his lifetime (IB 23-7-1954). The intensification of rebel activities in 1953 may have been intended by the KRIYT as an indication that it still existed. The rebels were stimulated in this not only by the termination of military assistance, which could be interpreted as a sign that in the authorities' view the security problem in South Kalimantan had faded into insignificance, but by two other pos si bie factors. The first of these was internal dissension, the second an ill-fated visit to Kalimantan by Soekarno. As a consequence of the new appeals by the authorities to the guerillas to surrender, and because of the difficult position the KRIYT units had got into as a result of the Republican military actions, the guerillas were divided among themselves. One group, which after fighting a losing battle for more than two years, was in favour of surrender included one of the rebels' chief commanders, Haji Machfudz Sidik (Makhfudz Sidik). The latter at the beginning of the rebellion had been one of Ibnu Hadjar's most trusted assistants and was believed to be almost as powerful as Ibnu Hadjar himself. In December 1950, at the time of Zafry Zamzam's negotiations with Ibnu Hadjar, it had been Haji Machfudz Sidik and not Ibnu Hadjar who had issued an order to the KRIYT soldiers not to surrender. Two years later, however, af ter suffering a loss of influence in the KRIYT, he became the main advocate of surrender. As a result he was shot by one of Ibnu Hadjar's men on the latter's orders while taking a bath on February 16th, 1953 (IM 29-2-1953). He was subsequently replaced by Dardiansjah (Dardiansyah), a younger brother of Ibnu Hadj ar, who in his capacity as deputy KRIYT commander occasionally directed the KRIYT troops in Hulusungai whenever === [PDF page 266] === 256 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Ibnu Hadjar was away in the kabupaten of Kotabaru (IM 28-11-1953,4-3-1954). Soekamo's visit to Kalimantan took place within the framework of an inspection tour of trouble-spots in Indonesia at the end of January 1953. In Kalimantan he visited among other places Banjarmasin, Negara, Barabai, Kandangan, Martapura and Amuntai. The keynote of the entire visit to South Kalimantan was provided by the place of Islam in society and the controversial issue of whether or not Indonesia should become an lslamic state. These and the problem of security were the main themes of all Soekamo's speeches. The President was able to see the effects of the KRIYT rebellion with his own eyes while travelling from Martapura to Kandangan. In Kandangan some KRIYT rebels had stopped an army truck and set it afire just before Soekamo's arrival and the bumt wreck had not yet been removed when Soekarno passed. Soekarno repeatedly pleaded for the restoration of peace and unity. At Kandangan he observed that "murder and arson as weIl as the disturbance of order are clearly in violation of the principles of Islam", adding that, "unless we are destroyed by our own people, lndonesia will survive" (PR 29-1-1953). A great deal of commotion was provoked by Soekarno's remarks on the subject of religion and the ideological foundation of the state. That a proportion of the Muslims of South Kalimantan were opposed to Soekarno 's position on the role of Islam and his propagation of Marhaenism became clearly evident on his arrival in Hulusungai. In what was described as a ten se atmosphere a Koranic verse was presented to him, which ran: "Be faithful to God and be faithful to the Messenger and the authorities among The climax came at Amuntai, where Soekarno held a speech that was bound to enrage many devout Muslims, not only in South Kalimantan but also in most other parts of Indonesia. The speech was improvised, with Soekarno reacting to the slogans displayed by the crowd, which read: "Please explain: [do you want] a national state or an lslamic state?" and: "Bung Karno, what is the meaning of Marhaenism?". The passage of this notorious speech that most infuriated Indonesian Muslims was that in which Soekarno expounded his views on the Islamic state, the subject which from 1945 on had preoccupied Muslim and secular politicians alike. Here Soekarno put forward the argument that if an lslamic state were founded, many regions whose populations were non-Islamic would break away from the Republic. As === [PDF page 267] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 257 examples of such regions he mentioned the Moluccas, Bali, Flores, Timor, the Kai Islands and parts of Sulawesi, adding that West Irian might not want to join Indonesia, either (PR 13-2-1953). Soekarno, in fact, was using the same argument which Mohammad Hatta had advanced in August 1945, with a view to gaining Islamic support for the Constitution of 1945. At first Soekarno's speech, delivered as it was in a remote corner of Indonesia, did not draw much attention. Later, as the contents became more widely known, it drew a flood of protests. Soekarno was attacked not only for supporting the constitutional argument in favour of a secular state, but also for failing to differentiate between those who wanted to achieve an Islamic State by peaceful means and those who tried to bring it about by violent methods. Moreover, some accused him of expressing himself against the propagation of Islamic ideals. The South Kalimantan Masyumz' branch was one group which reacted angrily to these words of Soekarno's. It pronounced the speech one-sidedly propagandistic, as it failed to put forward the alternative choice of a political party with an Islamic ideology or with the ideal of founding an Islamic State (IM 8-2-1953). There were also indignant reactions in Aceh, where Soekarno had to give an explanation for his words at Amuntai on his visit to North Sumatra a few weeks later, and in Jakarta, where a mass demonstration was staged at Lapangan Banteng. Also in Jakarta protests were voiced by M. Isa Anshary of the Masyumi, who branded to speech as "undemocratic, unconstitutional, and in conflict with the ideology of Islam", and by such Muslim organizations as the Nahdatul Ulama and the GPII (Feith 1962:281). Moreover, Dachlan Ranuwihardjo (Dakhlan Ranuwiharjo), chairman of the Islamic student organization (HMI), wrote Soekarno a letter urging for an explanation. Soekarno gave his replyon May 7th, 1953, in a lecture at the Universitas /ndonesz'a in Jakarta. Here he explained that: "When I stood at Amuntai facing the question: 'Bung Karno, we want an explanation of whether we should have a National State or an Islamic State' - when I stood there at that time as President of the Republic of Indonesia, I did not for a moment harbour the idea of prohibiting Muslims from putting forward or propagating Islamic ideals" (Soekarno 1953:45). He continued that as President, and hence in duty bound to defend the constitution, he had had to reply th at Indonesia was a "national state", but had not, in so doing, belittled the citizens' right to propagate their own views and ideals (Soekarno 1953:46). === [PDF page 268] === 258 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Soekamo's words at both Amuntai and Jakarta, where he further stressed that the Pancasila constituted a compromise in which one had to acquiesce if one wished to avoid division, bear a close resemblance to the arguments advanced in 1945. But they also contain a new element which, although it escaped the attention at the time, may be indicative of the latent feelings and anxieties of the secular politicians of those days. In 1952 preparations for a general election, not only for Parliament but also for a Constituent Assembly which would have the task of drafting a new constitution, had begun in eamest. There was a general apprehension that the Islamic parties might emerge victorious, with as ultimate consequence the attainment of the Muslim ideal of an Islamic State. As Feith ob serves (1962:275): "Among members of non-Islamic parties the fear was widespread that elections would mean the end of the state based on the Pantja Sila and its replacement by an Islamic State". Soekamo, too, may have foreseen such an outcome. In 1945 he had exhorted the Muslims to strive for a majority on the representative bodies if they wanted Indonesian society to be based upon Islam. Now, however, he stressed that a majority did not count for everything: Indonesia was no "majorocracy". He impressed upon his audience, of whom the greater part may be described as devout Muslims, th at he had "never come across the word 'democracy' in Islamic terminology... only 'musyawarah'... never encountered thè term 'elections' in Islamic vocabulary" (Soekarno 1953:56). Democracy in his view was not synonymous with elections but with musyawarah. He further stated himself to be convinced that, rather than a simple vote on things, what Islam wanted was musyawarah, "to achieve what is aimed at by all of us... to the satisfaction of every party" (Soekarno 1953:57). In Kalimantan the KRIYT actions hereupon became more savage. The first major action was launched even during Soekarno's visit, when KRIYT units set fire to about fifty houses in a village whose entire population had turned out to see the President pass. In the evening the remaining houses in the same village we re bumt down, this time by the Republican Army as a reprisal for alleged KRlYT support (IM 28-1-1953, 4-2-1953). The following month the guerillas set fire to over sixty houses and a mosque in a village near Telaga Langsat. In March, moreover, a concentration of about three hundred rebels - a size of force which the rebels had not been able to rally for years - was reported at a few miles' distance from Martapura (IM 21-3-1953). === [PDF page 269] === V Sou th Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 259 By attacking isolated Police posts and engaging in minor skirmishes with Police units the KRIYT had, what was more, come into possession of some arms again. As it gained in strength it also became more daring. KRIYT bands ventured out of the mountains and began attacking smaller and more isolated towns with only small Police detachments or none at all. So in September the understaffed Poli ce posts of Pengaron and Karang Intan were attacked by a force of about one hundred guerillas (IB 8-9-1953, 29-9-1953). Bigger towns were not safe, either. In September Rantau and Pengaron were both attacked on the same day (PR 10-9-1953); in November it was Negara's turn, while Kotabaru also was occupied for a short while by the rebels (IB 29-11-1953). In the night of December 12th, 1953, Kandangan was attacked from four directions. Judging from the tone of the voice shouting the commands this attack was presumably led by Ibnu Hadjar in person (IB 15-12-1953). In Banjarmasin, too, the population was growing nervous. In July and August governor:\lurdjani had begun a series of talks with political party representatives to discuss the city's infiltration by guerillas, claiming that the situation had deteriorated steadily since KRIYT soldiers had broken through the cordon at Hulusungai and had entered not only Banjarmasin but also the kabupatens of Banjar and Kotabaru. The political parties used the opportunity to air their grievances against the government. Their representatives asked not only for firm action against the KRIYT, but also for internal disciplinary measures in the government apparatus against what was described as "robbery behind the desk" (PR 18-8-1953). There were moreover rumours spreading that Ibnu Hadjar intended attacking Banjarmasin on August 17th and 18th, when large-scale manifestations in celebration of Indonesia's independence were scheduled. This attack never took place, however. Towards the end of the year there was a report from the national news agency Antara that Ibnu Hadjar had been planning attacks on Banjarmasin, Rantau and Kandangan simultaneously on New Year's Day, but that the Mobile Brigade had succeeded in nip ping these plans in the bud (IB 29-12-1953). Although the attacks on Banjarmasin never eventuated, the city nevertheless did not rcmain free from acts of sabotage. In early December a KRIYT unit reportedly consisting entirely of women set fire to a rattan warehouse belonging to a big Dutch firm, Internatio. At the place of the fire a note by the KRIYT Defenee Command of Banjarmasin was left, saying: "This is the revenge of the Union of the Oppressed People" (IB 5-12-1953,6-12-1953). === [PDF page 270] === 260 Rebeliion under the Banner of Islam In the same period the KRIYT tried to increasc its influcncc over the population by appointing new village heads, much in the tradition of the ALRI Div IV. It conccntrated these efforts in areas where it had been strong at the beginning of its rcbcllion in 1950 and early 1951. According to the he ad of police of South Kalimantan, Commisioner Kampono, the KRIYT was relatively successful in this attempt (IB 4-9-1953). Because of the increased KRIYT activities the Army was again called in to assist, while the Mobile Brigade was reinforeed with a fresh company from East Java. Even the institution of a volunteer corps was contemplated. But this idea was generally received with much reserve (IB 1-9-1953), as its opponents feared that such a volunteer corps might become an instrument whereby former guerillas might yet enforce their demand for recognition as regular soldiers of the Republican Army. 7. The Islamic Kingdom One of the outs tanding features characterizing the ALRI Div IV during the revolution had been its strict adherence to the tenets of Islam. lts Military Government, besides ai ming at radical social and economie reform in the rural areas, devoted much of its energy to the promotion of Islam and the enforcement of its laws. It proudly observed that under its rule Islam flourished. Religious education and Koran reciting experienced a revival, it claimed, while there was also a marked improvement in people's observance of their religious duties and an increase in attendances at mosques and religious training centres. It further alleged that as a consequence of all this such crimes as theft, gambling, adultery and prostitution had disappeared (KB 22-9-1949).32 The KRIYT, too, including as it did many guerillas from the ALRI Div IV, professed to be acting in the interests of Islam. Besides a general Information Department, it soon also established a special organisation for the diffusion of religious in formation (IM 25-10-1951). KRIYT guerillas wcre observed to be very conscÎentious in the performance of their daily prayers, while Ibnu Hadjar was said to fly into a temper if his soldiers were neglectful in this respect (IB 29-1-1954). Whenever KRIYT soldiers visited a village, they would urge the people to obey Islamic law, to pray five times daily and to visit the mosque regularly. People who were remiss in this were threatened, and sometimes fined. So there was a report in 1953 of villagers neglecting the performance of the daily prayers being === [PDF page 271] === V South Kalimantan - the RebeIlion of the Oppressed 261 made to pay a fine of between Rp. 900.- and Rp. 1,000.- (IM 6-1-1953). On other occasions KRIYT rebels singled out for attack people who had failed to pay the rcligious tax (zakat) or had paid too little, looting their houses by way of "punishment" (IM 25-1-1955). The penalties with which the KRIYT threatened potential wrongdoers were far from light. In an appeal to Islamic law, it warned that persons found guilty of theft would have their hand cut off, gamblers would have an ear severed, and adulterers would be stoned to death. Nowhere does it appear that such sentences were actually carried out, however (IB 30.12-1953, IM 1-6-1953). The Republican Regional Government of Kalimantan, in reaction to the rebelling guerillas' appeal to religion, made efforts to enlist the support of the Islamic scholars and rcligious leaders of the area in its campaign against the KRIYT. It asked all religious leaders sympathizing with the Republic to publicly condemn the KRIYT and its activities, and to issue a fatwa, or authoritive Islamic instruction, to th at effect (IM 16-2-1952). In this the Government scored some measure of success. On November 16th, 1952, a group of Islamic leaders of Hulusungai published a statement at Amuntai in which they expressed the hope that the rebels would repent of their error, and censured the rebels' attempts to lead astray people whose religious knowledge was still very slight, as they put it. The statement concluded with the pronouncement: "By Allah, here tics are they who are continually plaguing and disturbing their neighbours" (IM 3-12-1952). To thus speak out against the KRIYT was not without danger. In March 1953 two of the Islamic scholars supporting the statement, Haji Fadhli from Kandangan and Haji Kusan of Rantau, were killed (PR 20-2-1953). In view of this Islamic foundation of the local rebel organization it is not surprising that there were from its beginning rumours and speculations about Darul Islam infiltration in Kalimantan, notably the southern regions, in which the KRIYT was operating and where during the struggle for independenee the ALRI Div IV had been most infIuential. These rumours became more persistent af ter the arrest of certain people with a Darul Islam background and af ter Darul Islam pamphlets and letters began circulating, be it on a small scale. 33 In June 1952, for example, a man named Anang Sulaiman was arrested on a charge of maintaining relations with leaders of the Islamic State of Indonesia in West Java (IB 4-9-1953).34 At the end of th at year a fugitive from the Angkatan Umat Islam of === [PDF page 272] === 262 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Central Java who had fled to Kalimantan af ter the said organization's suppression was captured in West Kalimantan. His escape to Kalimantan was alleged to have been arranged by prominent citizens of West Kalimantan who sympathized with the Darul Islam movement in Java (IM 8-1-1953). All this was still of only minor significance, however, and the scant reports of Darul Islam activities reaching the area originated from outside South Kalimantan and Hulusungai. In February 1953 there was a PC] (Dutch World Service) radio report that Kalimantan was intended soon to become a second Java. In the light of the actual situation this news, and in particular the statement th at the interior of Kalimantan was a den of Darul Islam sympathizers, was a gross exaggeration (IM 5-2-1953). The same is true of the demands to crush the Darul Islam in South Kalimantan which were frequently to be heard in mid-1953. People in Kalimantan were simply stirred up by the current protests in West Java to join in the chorus de man ding a dec ree banning the Darul Islam as a movement that was dangerous to the state led by the nationalist and communist parties. At Banjarmasin a committee "for the security of Kalimantan" was formed. It organized meetings at which slogans such as "DI-TIl and other rebels are enernies of the State and the People", "The rebels are responsible for greater unemployment", and "Crush the rebels, black marketeers and corruptors", were displayed (IB 20-8-1953). As was rightly remarked by Zafry Zamzam, it was most curious that the demonstrators did not demand the suppression of the KRIYT, rather than of the Darul Islam, which at that time was still almost non-existent in Kalimantan (IB 25-8-1953). There nevertheless were some indications th at the thought of joining the Islamic State of Indonesia was being played with in Kalimantan, particularly af ter Kahar Muzakkar had gone over to it in Sulawesi. Shortly after Kahar Muzakkar's declaration of Sulawesi as part of the territory of the Islamic State of Indonesia, pamphlets stating that the areas controlled by the KRIYT had entered the Darul Islam territory were discovered in Hulusungai (IB 4-4-1954). There were some signs of Darul Islam activity also on the east coast of Kalimantan. Here Imbran Kamarullah, styling himself Chief of Staff of the Panglz"ma Batur Division of the KRIYT, had founded a Darul Islam branch (PR 27-10-1953). He signed all his instructions in the name of the KRIYT and the Islamic Army of Indonesia, using an oval seal showing the crescent and star. Imbran Kamarullah was said to have joined the Islamic Army in === [PDF page 273] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 263 the hope of becoming its commander for Kalimantan, over Ibnu Hadjar's head. This Darul Islam branch never amounted to anything, however. Imbran Kamarullah was soon arrested (in August 1953), and in the course of his trial it became apparent that his force existed only on paper. By the time of his arrest he had done no more than select the members of his staff. Imbran Kamarullah 's dream of becoming leader of the Islamic State of Indonesia for Kalimantan was a mere idle fantasy (IB 5-8-1953, In Java, meanwhile, Kartosuwirjo still considered Ibnu Hadjar and his KRIYT as a potential ally. He accordingly instructed his first lieutenant, Sanusi Partawidjaja, in February 1954 to step up the efforts to bring Kalimantan within the de facto territory of the Islamic State and to establish a Sixth Territorial Command of the Islamic Army of Indonesia there (PR 4-9-1954). Ibnu Hadjar himself only made up his mind about joining the Islamic State definitely at the end of 1954. This was af ter Kartosuwirjo offered him a seat on the Government of this State, which included ministers from the rebel movements of West Java, Aceh, Sulawesi and Kalimantan. The relatively small scope of the KRIYT rebellion in Kalimantan in comparison with the insurrections in West Java, Aceh and Sulawesi is reflected in the composition of this Cabinet. For Ibnu Hadjar was not assigned a fuIl portfolio in it, but was only appointed Menteri Negara. a minor function comparable to that of Minister without Portfolio. He was also appointed Commander of the TIl for Kalimantan. Thereupon Ibnu Hadjar proceeded to reorganize his forces. He began styling himself ulul amn: (or what would have been more correct, its singular form wali al-amri), meaning "The Authority", i.e. of the Kerajaan Islam or Islamic Kingdom (IB 23-6-1955). He likewise renamed his headquarters, bestowing such fanciful epithets as Istana Islam Merdeka (Free Islamic Palace) or Istana Agama Islam Agung (Great Islamic Palace) on them. His troops gradually assumed the name Angkatan Perang Tentara Islam (APTI), Islamic Army War Force, while they were sometimes also referred to as Pasukan Islam, or Islamic Troops, both nam es with or without the addition of KRIYT. Commander of these troops (Kepala Pasukan Islam) (KAP AI) was "His Excellency" (Paduka Yang Mulz'a) Ibnu Hadjar. To underline his rupture with the secular Republic, Ibnu Hadjar further had an alternative version of the national anthem composed. To this end Indonesia Raya was rewritten and adopted to the Islamic context of the KRIYT rebellion. 36 === [PDF page 274] === 264 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Aside from these new names nothing much changed, however. No fresh offensive was launched. Even the general elections of 1955 were not seized on by the KRIYT to step up its activities. The latter raided na villages, nor did it harass the organizers or voters. It refrained from obstructing the elections in spi te of threats to do so expressed by it in early 1955, and contended itself with urging the population to va te for an Islamic party (IB 4-9-1955,25-9-1955). The command remained firmly in the hands of Ibnu Hadjar, who by this time had become a legendary figure. He was reported from "reliabie sources" to be invulnerable to "iron and bullets " (IB 30-4-1954). There were moreover tales circulating about the fabulous riches he had allegedly amassed as a result of the looting raids of his troops. The speculations were that he had accumulated gold and polished and rough diamands to a total value of Rp. 5 million over the years. This treasure was reportedly hidden somewhere in the bush on the border between South and Southeast Kalimantan. He was further supposed to possess a map showing the location of rich deposits of gold and diamonds. These, according to the stories, lay somewhere in the depths of the jungle and could be reached only by passing some very steep slopes and den se undergrowth (IB 9-11-1955). Ibnu Hadjar's alleged wealth provoked the envy not only of outsiders. Within the KRIYT or APTI itself conflicts arose about its distribution, as well as about the division of the proceeds from looting raids and taxes. Junior' commanders felt that their superiors kept too much for themselves. The KRIYT band in Katingan, in the kabupaten of Kapuas, which was commanded by A. Adjai (A. Ajai) and Idjun (Ijun), even split over the issue. Of this group's receipts only twenty-five per cent was divided among its members. The remaining seventy-five per cent was supposed to be kept in reserve for the KRIYT's general expenditures. A. Adjai and Idjun, however, were later accused by their followers of embezzling these funds and using the money to buy clothes and the like with (IB 30-1-1955). Ibnu Hadjar, too, was alleged to think first and foremost of his own and his family's good. What is more, the latter gradually came to dominate the movement. As is evident from the execution of Haji Machfudz Sidik in February 1953, Ibnu Hadjar was moreover a harsh and stern commander, who issued his orders in an extremely blunt manner. Surrendering subcommanders complained that they had been continually spied upon and we re liable to punishment by Ibnu Hadjar for even the smallest error. === [PDF page 275] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 265 This severity in their chief commander actually induced two KRIYT leaders, Balhum and Aman, in north Amandit, near Kandangan, to surrender af ter their immediate commander, Samsi (also called Samsuardi), being taken prisoner by Ibnu Hadjar (IB 9-3-1955). At the end of 1954 there was even a report of an abortive attempt on Ibnu Hadjar's life, and of a purge among the KRIYT rank and file (IB 16-9-1954; PR 11-11-1954). After Ibnu Hadjar's joining forces with the Darul Islam movement the KRIYT, as it was still referred to, or APTI, as its new name ran, continued operating in small groups. Raids were conducted by extremely small bands consisting of at most a score or so of men. Nevertheless, by 1955 a more precisely defined command structure had developed. Thus regional commanders had been appointed, who doubled as heads of the rebels' Regional Government Administration and each had their own specific area of operation. In North Hulusungai, for instance, Bahranu was head of the Defence Command of Paringin and Batumandi (IB 1-7-1955). In North Amandit, aside from the earlier-mentioned Balhum, Aman and Samsi, Dardiansyah, the younger brother of Ibnu Hadjar, was the most prominent KRlYT commander (IB 9-3-1955). In South Amandit Djohansjah Uohansyah), whose real name was Djahri bin Bako Uahri bin Bako), was commander, until his arrest in 1954 (IB 17-4-1955).37 Another well-known KRIYT commander of those days was Djarman Uarman) in Pleihari (IB 5-2-1955, 13-4-1955, 15-4-1955). Riam Kanan was the operational base of Guru Budjanab (Guru Bujanab) and Djenggot Uenggot or Beard) (IB 19-1-1955, 21-5-1955). Much more notorious than the above-mentioned leaders were the two KRIYT commanders Djumberi and Raden Mochtar Djaja. Djumberi, who was Commander of the KRIYT Garuda Putz"h or White Garuda Battalion, operated around Riam Kiwa and feIl in action in August 1955 (IB 17-7-1955, 24-8-1955, 27-9-1955, 18-10-1955). Raden Mochtar Djaja, who had started his career with the KRlYT as lieutenant to Mawardi, operating around Martapura, in time became KRIYT commander for the whole kabupaten of Banjar, commanding the Mobile KRIYT troops. In the latter capacity he was one of the most wanted guerilla leaders and one of the principal targets of the Government's security operations. Once, in 1952, he was captured, but managed to escape again. The following year he was almost caught a second time while participating in a soccer match in the village of Sungai Ulin. As the Army troops were approaching the === [PDF page 276] === 266 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam soccer-ground, he just managed to escape in the nick of time (IB 28-4-1953). These men were responsible for the minor KRIYT actions which nevertheless disturbed life in South Kalimantan considcrably. Especially troubles ome were the guerillas' frequent holdups of cars, buses, and even ambulances, which completely disrupted the traffic in South Kalimantan. By 1955 these actions had become so frequent that the Kalimantan Association of Bus Operators threatened to suspend services if the Government did not take measures and the security situation did not improve (IB 20-2-1955). As in the preceding years, there were still sporadic attacks on the smaller towns and raids on plantations. So in April 1955 a group of about fifty rebels entered Barabai (IB 28-4-1955). In November Kotabaru was attacked after rebel activities had been reported in the whole kabupaten for months (IB 23-7-1955, 25-11-1955). In various areas where the Police and the Mobile Brigade still could not cope with the situation military assistance had to be called in again. The lack of well-trained personnel was one of the gravest problems here; notwithstanding, a request to the Central Government to send sixteen fresh Police companies to Kalimantan was refused. Military operations were conducted in Kandangan from May till August. A proportion of the Government troops brought into action were local troops who had gained experience in anti-Darul Islam operations in West Java. Occasionally the population would assist in these actions, participating particularly in mass battues in the jungle and mountains. Special mention should be made of the Dayak in this connection. They founded their own defence organization, the Laung Kuning, to fight the KRIYT or APTI. This was in mid-1954, near Barabai, after increasing harassment by KRIYT troops of the Dayak living in Hulusungai. In July 1955 the Laung Kuning was o fficially recognized by the Regional Government and transformed into a village security force (IB 6-5-1955, 5-7-1955, 7-7-1955,2-8-1955). The Laung Kuning was relatively successful in the pursuit of its objective and, for instance, fatally wounded Djumberi (IB 24-8-1955). 8. Decline and End Civilians meanwhile continued pressing for a general amnesty. At the end of 1953 the Amandit PNI branch urged that President === [PDF page 277] === V South Kalimantan - the Rebellion of the Oppressed 267 Soekarno should publicly request Ibnu Hadjar to eease his resistance. All those surrendering should be given the opportunity to enter the Armed Forces or some other Government organization. The Amandit branch further pressed for Murdjani's replacement as governor by Burhanuddin, the former ALRI Div IV negotiator (IB 8-1-1954). It expressed the view, which was shared by others, that President Soekarno should make a similar appeal to Ibnu Hadjar as he had made to Kahar Muzakkar during his visits to Sou th Sulawesi in 1953. It took Soekarno a long time in fact to do so. Only on another visit to Banjarmasin at the end of 1955 did he appeal to Ibnu Hadjar in one of his speeches to lay down his arms (IB 10-12-1955). But there was no positive response to th is from the side of the guerillas, and KRIYT activities did not decrease. On the contrary, the next year military assistanee was again necessary for South Kalimantan. To enhance the chances of the army operations' success Hassan Basry was recalIed to active service to lead them. It was hoped that he might take advantage of the influence he still enjoyed with the guerillas to quash the rebellion onee for all. Hassan Basry himself, too, was optimistic about the success of his mission, for whieh he had been given a year in all. The operations actually lasted from May until the end of the year. One of Hassan Basry's first steps was to launch "a mouth to mouth campaign" to eonvince the rebels that they would be treated weIl and in accordance with the prevailing law if they surrendered. Besides he appealed to them to surrender through the medium of pamphlets and radio broadcasts. To increase the moral pressure, visits to South Kalimantan by two other "sons of the region " - Firmansjah, the former Chief of Staff of the Kalimantan Pesindo, and Idham Chalid (Idham Khalid), a well-known Nahdatul Ulama politician - were arranged. The latter tried to enlist the support of the religious leaders for the Government's efforts to put an end to the rebellion. These leaders responded by issuing a request to the rebels to give themselves up (PR 7-5-1956, 18-5-1956, 14-6-1956). The reaction was overwhelming. Within one monthabout four hundred rebels reported to the authorities, among them some well-known guerilla leaders, such as Raden Mochtar Djaja (PR 14-5-1956). In August these were followed by Dardiansjah, Ibnu Hadjar's younger brother, and Tjinaby (Cinaby), the rebels' Chief of Staff and Attorney General. Both were sent to Jakarta for talks with the Republican Army Chief of Staff, Major-General === [PDF page 278] === 268 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Nasution, on ways of definitively solving the conflict. Dardiansjah, a few days previously, while still in Banjarmasin, in a radio broadcast had spoken in praise of the Central Government's intentions of bringing the rebellion to an end (PR 3-8-1956, 6-8-1956, 28-8-1956). For a while it looked as though the rebellion in South Kalimantan had, in fact, ended. Ibnu Hadjar had lost his most trusted associates, such as Dardiansjah and Tjinaby, and there we re strong rumours, encouraged by these facts, that he, too, was seriously contemplating surrender. In September Hassan Basry even travelled to Pegatan, on the coast of Kotabaru, to negotiate personally with him about surrendering (PR 14-9-1956). In the end these hopes of Ibnu Hadjar's surrender were dashed, however, and he continued to offer resistance for another seven years. He was even able to profit by the general up swing in regionalist sentiment outside Java in the late 1950's. Although in Kalimantan this did not culminate in an open rebellion as in Sumatra and Sulawesi, dissatisfied people here did proceed to establish a regional council, the Lambung Mangkurat Council, headed by the regional commander. As a consequence the military in the area directed much more of their time and energy to their conflict with the Central Government and the Army Command than to the suppression of the Darul Islam movement, thus providing Ibnu Hadjar with an opportunity to intensify his activities once more (Miles 1976: 120). This resistance movement came to an end only in July 1963, at the end of which month Ibnu Hadjar and his men officially surrendered to the authorities at a brief ceremony in the village of Ambutun in South Hulusungai. The next day he attended a mass meeting in Banjarmasin organized within the framework of the Malaysia Confrontation that was going on at that time. While in Banjarmasin, he stated to the press that if the country needed him he was willing to serve the Republic anywhere he was needed. He and his "14,000 soldiers" were also prepared to participate in the Malaysia Confrontation. In addition he expressed the hope that he might be pardoned. Promises to that effect may, in fact, have been made. At the time of his surrender it was still thought likely that he might be sent out of the country for a while to go on the pilgrimage to Mecca. In early September he was put under arrest, however. In March 1965 he was tried by a Special Military Court and sentenced to death. At his trial Ibnu Hadj ar ware an Army uniform with the insignia of second lieutenant (DM 1-8-1963, 23-3-1965, 24-3-1965). === [PDF page 279] === CHAPTER SIX ACEH, THE REBELLION OF THE ISLAMIC SCHOLARS The last area in Indonesia in which a rebellion against the Indonesian Republic broke out, and where the rebels joined Kartosuwirjo's Islamic State of Indonesia, at least in name, was Aceh. This rebellion erupted in September 1953, when one of the most influential Islamic leaders of the region, Daud Beureu 'eh, declared Aceh and adjacent areas part of the Islamic State of Indonesia. His followers simultaneously attacked a number of towns, for a while occupying some of them, and seized contral of the surrounding rural areas. In the first weeks the rebels gained contral of almost the whole of Aceh. Only the major towns and cities, such as Banda Aceh (or Kutaradja, as it was still called at the time), Sigli and Langsa in the north, and Meulaboh on the south coast remained in Republican hands. Within a few weeks the Darul Islam troops were driven out of t~e urban centres again, however, and were forced to continue their struggle in the rural areas. For years they were especially strong in the northern part, in the kabupatens of Greater Aceh, Pidie and North Aceh. Contrary to the other Darul Islam-inspired revolts, this particular rebellion ended peacefully thrQugh conciliation instead of military defeat. This was af ter the Central Government in 1959 finally gave in to a persistent demand of the people of Aceh and granted the region the status of a Special Province, with autonomy in the fields of religion, customary law and education. Moreover, the most important leader of the rebellion by far, Daud Beureu'eh, who was one of the last rebels to return from the bush in 1962, was not killed in combat orexecuted, but was granted a pardon. As with the other Darul Islam movements, the origin of the Acehnese one can be traced back to the struggle for independence - when Aceh constituted one of those parts of the Indonesian Republic that was never occupied by Dutch traops - and, after the achievement of independence, to the problems created by the compromise that had to be struck between the conflicting === [PDF page 280] === 270 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam demands of regional autonomy and Central Government interference. In Aceh the situation was complicated by the bloody confrontation between two opposed social groups: the traditional elite and the religious leaders. 1. The Acehnese Islamic Scholars ' Association In May 1939 the Persatuan Ulama-ulama Seluruh Aceh (PUSA), or Acehnese Islamic Scholars' Association, was founded. One of its founders was Teungku Mohammad Daud Beureu'eh, a prominent Islamic leader, bom around 1900 at Beureu 'eh, in the district of Keumangan (present-day Mutiara), near Sigli. Cofounders were Teuku Haji Chik Djohan Alamsjah Oohan Alamsyah), Teuku Mohammad Amin and Teungku Ismail Jacub (Ismail Yacub). Daud Beureu 'eh was elected general chairman of the Association. In time the PUS A developed into the main vehicle of the Acehnese Islamic scholars (ulama), who styled themselves Teungku (Tgk), in their fight against the traditional elite - the district chiefs or ulèëbalang - who used the title Teuku (T.). When af ter the Second World War the ulama dealt their adversaries a decisive final blow, it was particularly the former founders and prominent members of the PUS A who played a key role and took over the administration of Aceh. These included Teungku Amir Husin al Mudjahid (Amir Husin al Mujahid) and Husin Jusuf (Husin Yusuf), chairman and secretary respectively of the Pemuda PUSA, the youth sec ti on of the PUSA, and Teungku Ismail Jacub, Teungku Mohammad Nur el Ibrahim (son-in·law of Daud Beureu'eh) and Teungku Said Abubakar, all three of them teachers at the Perguruan Normal Islam, a teachers' training college founded by the PUSA. At first the PUSA did not look like becoming astrong anti- Dutch and anti-ulèëbalang bulwark. There were ulèëbalang among its founders or acting as advisors, and for a time the PUSA was merely a modernist Islamic organization. Soon, under the influence of Amir Husin al Mudjahid, however, it grew more radical. In the latter days of the Dutch East Indies it developed into a genuine nationalist organization, aiming at ousting not only the Dutch, but also the local adat chiefs, the ulèëbalang, through whose instrumentality the Colonial Government ruled the area. The PUSA in those years was, in fact, the only nationalist movement of importance in Aceh. A secular nationalist move- === [PDF page 281] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 271 ment was lacking. Few of the ulèëbalang, rooted as they were in the colonial system, could be expected to provide the leadership for such a secular anti-colonial movement. Those ulèëbalang who we re opposed to the Colonial Government had the PUSA to turn Another alternative was provided by the Muhammadiyah. In Aceh this had been in existence for longer than the PUSA, but, like the latter had a modernist Islamic origin. In contrast to the situation in other parts of Indonesia, and because of the absence of a nationalist movement in Aceh, the Acehnese Muhammadiyah branch functioned partly also as a political organization, and not solely as a religious or educational one. Vet it did not appeal to the Acehnese Islamic leaders and their followers. This was partly because it lacked roots in Acehnese society and remained an urban phenomena. lts members came mostly from outside the region, or were Acehnese with a formal education who had outgrown their traditional environment. And it was partly also because, having links with many other parts of Indonesia, it extended beyond the local boundaries, thus possessing the character more of an all-Indonesia than of an all-Aceh movement. The PUSA, on the other hand, was strongly rooted in Acehnese society. It could count on the support of the Islamic scholars there, and through them could exercise an int:luence in the villages. lts leaders had an open eye for the advantages of modern education in the attempt to bridge the gap in knowlcdge and administrative experience th at separated them from the ulèëba lang. At the same time they were careful not to lose touch with their Acehnese cultural and religious background and to avoid thc mistake of putting up a barrier between themselves and the people. The PUSA remained "purely Acehnese", as it is put by Pluvier (1953:84). lts frame of refcrence was Aceh, not IndoneSla. The PUSA's adoption of an anti-Dutch and anti·ulèëbalang policy coincided with thc extension of japan's hegomony in Southeast Asia. In japan the PUS A sought and found an ally against the Dutch. Through the agency of Acchnese living in Malaya contacts were established with the j apanese, and plans laid for an anti-Dutch rebellion on the eve of the japanese landings in the Dutch East Indies. Instrumental in the execution of these plans was to be the so-called F-Organization, named thus after the japanese Fujiwara family. The core of this F-Organization was made up of Acchnese living in Malaya who gradually re-infiltratcd into Aceh, where === [PDF page 282] === 272 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam they co-ordinated their actions with those of other movements of malcontents. In February and March 1942 this F-Organization did, in fact, initiate a rebellion against the Dutch. Telephone wires were cut, train services disrupted, and a number of Dutch citizens killed. Members of the organization appeared in public wearing a whÜe arm-band with the letter Finscribed on it. AIthough primarily an Acehnese, and moreover ulama uprising, other groups participated as weIl, such as people from the Minangkabau and Batak areas, and ulèëbalang. The leadership of this rebellion was provided predominantly, though not exclusively, by Islamic scholars. It included not only Tcungku Said Abubakar, a leading PUSA figure who was later to play an important part in attempts to supply Acehnese Darul Islam rebels with arms, but also Teuku Nja' Arif (Nya' Arif), Member of the Dutch East Indies Parliament and af ter the war first Republican resident of Aceh, and Teuku Panglima Polim Mohammad Ali, who after August 1945 became deputy resident of Aceh. The uprising made Aceh the only area in Indonesia where the Japanese invasion drew active armed support from the population. It was not exclusively inspired by anti-Dutch feelings. The Islamic leaders hoped that by staging and participating in a rebellion they would be rewarded by the J apanese with appointments to functions in the administration hitherto occupied by ulèëbalang. To some extent their expectations were fulfilled. The ulèëbalang's monopoly was broken. Nevertheless, as in other parts of Indonesia, the Islamic scholars, although benefiting from the J apanese occupation, did not manage to secure a position of supremacy during it. The ulèëbalang lost their hold over the administration of justice, no longer presiding over the law courts, including the Islamic ones, but were kept on as local officials in the Civil Administration. The Japancse upheld the former Dutch colonial policy of dealing with the population through the ulèëbalang and leaving routine affairs to them. The Islamic schol ars of Aceh even so emerged from the japanese occupation much strengthened and very confident, waiting for a chance to deal their adversaries a final blow. In this they were able to rally widespread popular support. The ulèëbalang, because of their position in the Colonial Administration, wcre identified with the much hated infidel colonial power. Therc wcre apprehensions that after the J apanese surrender they would go over to the Dutch to try and regain and preserve their former position in society. They moreover constÏtuted the === [PDF page 283] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 273 wealthier segment of society, many of them owning considerable are as of land. In Pidie, for instance, ulèëbalang, according to Siegel (1969:27), owned between a third and half of the total ricefields. So where the ulèëbalang hoped for the return of the Dutch, the ulama, on the other hand, were quick to side with the Indonesian Republic, styling the Indonesian revolution a holy war against the Dutch. 2. The Sodal Revolutz'on of Aceh Civil war erupted in Aceh a few months af ter the J apanese surrender. Ulèëbalang were attacked by ulama and their followers all over the province. An explanation of the upheaval merely in terms of a conflict bet ween custom and religion or between the lackeys of the Dutch and the advocates of Indonesian independence is too facile. In the former case too sharp a distinction is drawn between custom and religion, which are actually both conceived of as being Muslim in a society of which all members profess to be Muslims. A classification of the two opposing parties into a group of adherents of a purer or stricter form of Islam and one of persons professing more heterodox ideas would be more to the point, but still not absolutely appropriate. Likewise the distinction between advocates and opponents of the Republic cause, although of some use, does not explain everything. In the conflict in question economic and political motives even so did play a major part, and were actually even more important than the religious ones. As Boland (1971: 70) writes: "It was in fact in no way a religious conflict, merely a political and social one". Be that as it may, through the social revolution the ulama definitely succeeded in eliminating the ulèëbalang's social, political and economic lead. Within two months, namely from December 1945 and January 1946, the latter were virtually exterminated, while the survivors were made to renounce their hereditary rights and had their possessions confiscated. By the end of another three months all ulèëbalang who had come to occupy important positions in the Indonesian Republic's Civil and Military Administration in Aceh had been forced to resign. The positions vacated by the ulèëbalang were mostly seized by the ulama, in particular the PUSA leaders. The same probably happened with the ulèëbalang's land and other possessions. It was evidently the Islamic leaders, and not the common people, who benefited by the confiscation of the ulèëbalang's wealth. Accord- === [PDF page 284] === 274 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam ing to Alers (1936:90-91), "Their property and prerogati"es were divided among the yictorious ulamas... a feudal adat class was destroyed, a priestly class substituted... ". In retrospect the "social re"olution in.-\ceh of 1943", as the event is commonly referred t~, is frequently justified by describing it as a punishment inflicted on traitors to the lndonesian Republic. This is only partly correct, however, as the branding of all ulèëbalang alike as opponents of the lndonesian struggle for independence is of course a distortion of the facts. In the first months following the declaration of independence many ulèëbalang actively supported the Republic. Because the Republican Government, like the J apanese and the Dutch before it, in Aceh looked to the better-educated and more experienced ulèëbalang to represent it, ulèëbalang, in fact, assumed a leading role in the initial stages of the struggle for independence here. The first Republican governor of Sumatra was Teuku:\luhammad Hasan, who had represented Sumatra in the lndonesian lndependence Preparatory Committee. The first Republican resident of Aceh was Teuku Nja' Arif, a former leader of the F-Organization, who was later replaced, first unofficially and in January 1964 officially, by Teuku ~Iohammad Daudsjah (l\Iohammad Daudsyah). Deputy resident of Aceh in those early months, moreover, was Teuku Panglima Polim l\lohammad Ali, while the National Committee of Aceh was headed by Tuanku Mahmud, a member of the Sultan 's family. As a consequence of the important position occupied by the ulèëbalang in the - still rudimentary - Republican Administration, the first steps towards the formation of a Republican Army in Aceh were also taken by them. About one week after the proclamation of independence, which in Aceh did not become known until af ter August 20th, Nja' Arif, in his capacity as resident of Aceh, invited officers of the Gyu Gun, an lndonesian volunteer corps dating from the Japanese occupation, to discuss the constitution of a Republican Army here. Subsequently, on August 27th the Angkatan Pemuda lndonesia (API), or lndonesian Youth Force, was founded. According to the latter's first commander, Sjammaun Gaharu (Syammaun Gaharu), the word pemuda was deliberately chosen. For the japanese, responsible as they were for public order, would never have permitted the formation of an army. Later, as soon as conditions became more favourable, the name of the organization might be changed without much trouble from Angkatan Pemuda lndonesia to Angkatan Perang Indonesia, Indonesian War Force (Gaharu 1960:31). At === [PDF page 285] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 275 the time of its foundation, API headquarters announced that the API was to constitute "the cornerstone of the Indonesian Republican Army" in Aceh. In the same proclamation it invited the Acehnese population to form auxiliary units to assist the API in its struggle (Dua Windhu 1972:83-84). In December 1945 the API officially changed its name to Tentara Keamanan Rakyat, the current name of the Republican Army. Still under Sjammaun Gaharu's command it became the Fifth Division of the Sumatra Command. 1 Meanwhile other armed organizations had also been founded. Because the API represented the official Republican Army, however, these other armed units operated independently of it, and became the lasykars of Aceh. The two most important of these were the Mujahidin (Fighters in the way of Allah) and the Barisan Pemuda /ndonesz·a (BPI), Indonesian Youth Corps. The Mujahidin was formed by leading Islamic scholars around the time of their declaration of the struggle against the Dutch as a Holy one. lts most important commander by far was Amir Husin al Mudjahid, viz. Amir Husin, the Fighter in the Way of Allah. He was the same person who bcfore the war had been leader of the PUSA Youth. The Mujahidin was obviously a PUSA and ulama organization. The political and social colouring of the BPI is more difficult to assess. Barisan Pemuda /ndonesia was the name bestowed on November 6th on the /katan Pemuda /ndonesia (IPI), or Indonesian Y ou th League, which had been founded in Banda Aceh a mon th previously. In an account of its genesis BPI leader A. Hasjmy (A. Hasymy) (1960:56) writes: "Youth from the Gyu Gun, Heiho and Tokubetsu Keisatsutai [Special Police Force] formed the APl... others formed the IPI (Ikatan Pemuda Indonesia), which subsequently became the B.P.!. (Barisan Pemuda Indonesia), P.R.1. (Pemuda Republik lndonesia), and finally the Pesindo with its Kcsatria Dipisi Rencong". Hasjmy does not specify who these "others" wcre, however. The information on the background of the BPI membcrs in other sources points in two different directions. A contemporary Dutch report, written by the thcn governor of Sumatra, Spits (NIB II:519), statcs that "the Ulèëbalang are [or 75% members of the PRI... ". Nasution (1956 I: 79), on the other hand, writes that, "Besides the API, there also existed the Barisan Pemuda Republik Indonesia, mainly as a result of the cfforts of PUSA people". 2 The supposition that the BPI may have been a PUSA organization is strengthened by the personal background of its commander, A. Hasjmy, === [PDF page 286] === 276 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam who before the war had been a PUSA Youth leader in Greater Aceh. The BPI's other leaders, too, came from the circle of Islamic scholars. lts regency representatives were, for instance: in Greater Aceh Teungku Abdul Djalil Amin (Abdul j alil Amin), in Pidie Hasan Aly, in North Aceh Teungku Abdul Gani, in East Aceh Teungku Usman Peureula, and in West Aceh Teungku Hasan Hanafiah antI Teungku Muhamad Abduh (Sumatera Utara 1953:30-31). Finally, the very first meeting of the BPI, at that time still called IPI, was attended by Amir Husin al Mudjahid, among others. The Acehnese Pesindo shared only the name with Pesindo groups in other parts of Sumatra and in java. The BPI or PRI followed suit when it was decided in java to change the name of the organization to Pesindo, but not when the Pesz'ndo elsewhere adopted a leftist course. In fact, in mid-1947 it dissociated itself from the mother-organization. 3 It is still asserted today that the Acehnese Pesindo was made up of Muslims, while in other are as it was Communist-influenced. The main source of arms for the API, the BPI and the Mujahz"dz'n alike was the j apanese. Arms were obtained from them in a variety of ways. In same instances individu al japanese were persuaded to hand over their weapons. In other cases important japanese civil and military authorities were sent threatening letters hy an organization styling itself NI COl (short for Nihilz's Communisme lndonesz'a), which in reality, however, formed part of API. These warned the addressees that, because of their past conduct, their safety was no longer ensured except on their way to and from work. Thereupon the telephone connections with their homes would be cut. Finally, groups of youths would call upon them demanding their arms - a demand that could generally not be refused with impunity. In other cases again small groups of j apanese soldiers were forced to hand over their arms in almost the same way. API followers would be directed to towns and cities where japanese were stationed in groups carrying all kinds of weapons - such as spe ars and sabres - to threaten the japanese. The latter, in fear of their lives, would beseech the API group for mercy, which would reply that they would not be harmed, but on the contrary, would be protected and provided with food if its demand for arms was satisfied. In some instances the weapons had to be seized from the japanese by force, giving rise to hand-to-hand fighting (Gaharu 1960:35-39; Dua Windhu 1972:88-102). This mode of disarming j apanese constituted the immediate === [PDF page 287] === VI Aceh, the RebelIion of the Islamic Scholars 277 cause of an armed conflict between ulama and ulèëbalang. A quarrel over weapons thus seized from ]apanese at Sigli at the end of 1945 set in motion a course of events which eventually led to the local ulèëbalang's downfall. The stories of what happened at Sigli are mutually contradictory. According to a number of Indonesian publications fighting started af ter Aceh Republican Army and lasykar units tried to disarm a group of ulèëbalang, who in turn had come by their weapons by seizing them from the] apanese. This version is given in a book published by the Regional Government of Aceh entitled Revolusi Desember '45 di Atjeh atau Pembasmian Penchz·anat Tanah Air (The December '45 Revolution in Aceh, or the Extermination of Traitors to the Fatherland).4 According to it a number of ulèëbalang, shortly af ter the ]apanese surrender, started preparing for the return of the Dutch with a view to strengthening their personal position. They established their own political organization, the Pembangunan Indonesz·a (Development of Indonesia), and their own army, the Ban·san Penjaga Keamanan (Security Guard).s Commander of the latter was Teuku Daud Tjumbok (Daud Cumbok), from the village of Cumbok, near the town of Lammeulo, about ten miles from Sigli. His name is also mentioned as that of the person who, through the agency of a former KNIL sol dier, Sukardi, together with another Indonesian, named Ibrahim Pane, contacted the former Dutch district officer Van Swier in Medan (Sumatera Utara 1953:64). Amin (1956:13), then deputy governor and at the time of the Darul Islam rebellion governor of North Sumatra, is of the opinion, on the other hand, that "no facts or circumstances have been discovered to justify" the accusation that the ulèëbalang were traitors. He mentions that people sympathizing with the cause of the Islamic scholars and defending the action taken by them against the ulèëbalang generally like to point to a letter from the ulèëbalang at Pidie to the Dutch at Medan asking the latter for help. This letter was allegedly intercepted by Pesz·ndo (BPI) soldiers checking train travelIers at Bireuen. According to the same account the persons carrying the letter had tried to destroy it by tearing it up. But thc Pesindo soldiers had discovered its contents by pasting the pieccs together again. Those referring to this incident only knew of it from hearsay, however, and never saw the letter. It is further likely that the story of Daud Tjumbok's contacts with the Dutch is a later concoction. The fighting in and around Sigli began as one of the many instanccs in the early history of the Indonesian Republic of riyal === [PDF page 288] === 278 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam armed groups striving each to assert its authority in a particular area. In the earliest phase the principal rivals were the Barisan Penjaga Keamanan and local BPI/Pesindo groups, who engaged in skirmishes around Lammeulo, Daud Tjumbok's stronghold. Republican Army units did not participate in these fights, no Republican soldiers being stationed ne ar Lammeulo, because the Army command was fully aware of the strength of the Barisan Penjaga Keamanan and feared defeat in the event of an armed clash (Revolusi n.d.: 17-18). Serious fighting broke out after the Barisan Penjaga Keamanan left Lammeulo to march on Sigli with the aim of seizing arms from the J apanese - although their enemies accuse them of having had another motive as weIl, as the possession of Sigli meant control of all the roads in north Aceh and the certainty of a landing-base for a Dutch invasion force (Revolusi n.d.: 19-23) - and proceeded to occupy strategic positions in the town. The other armed groups, including the Republican Army units, could not tolerate the existence of a rival army, all the less one which by securing J apanese arms was becoming too weIl equipped. They in turn laid siege to Sigli in an attempt to disarm the Barisan Penjaga Keamanan. As aresult the Japanese forces in Sigli were confronted with two mutuaIly opposed forces, each pressing them to hand over their arms to it. In the town itself the ulèëbalang put them under pressure. The Republican Army units and other armed groups encamped all around Sigli tried to induce the J apanese to hand over their weapons to the representatives of the Republican Government of Aceh instead of to the ulèëbalang, threatening that they would otherwise attack Sigli. These other armed groups, as on previous occasions when they had wanted to seize J apanese arms, had directed their members to Sigli en masse. Here they posed a threat to the J apanese as weIl as to the ulèëbalang. The authors of "December Revolution" (n.d.:20-21) depict the situation as follows: "To prevent japanese arms falling into the hands of the Ulèëbalang, people in the end came in their hundreds of thousands and, because they were unable to enter the town, surrounded it on all sides so th at subsequently the Ulèëbalang army occupying the town appeared to be hemmed in by hundreds of thousands of people and in the end dared not leave the town". As the ulèëbalang tried to break through the beleaguering circle, firing at the enemy with carbines and machine guns, fighting broke out. Af ter a while a cease-fire was called. The Republican Army thereupon aIlowed the Barisan Penjaga Keamanan to retreat to Lammeulo on condi tion that === [PDF page 289] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 279 they hand all the arms taken from the ]apanese at Sigli over to it. The Barisan Penjaga Keamanan left Sigli, but without surrendering its weapons. According to the account in "December Revolution" (Revolusi n.d.:21-22) it in fact retreated to Lammeulo, murdering and plundering all the way. On arrival there it resumed its attacks on members of the other armed groups, notably the BPIIPesindo, and tried to occupy the surrounding villages. In the meantime the Markas Besar Rakyat Umum, or People's Headquarters, had been established by the other armed groups on December 22nd, 1945. These headquarters thereupon coordinated the operations of the Republican Army, the BPII Pesz'ndo and the Mujahz'din among others, A number of political parties, such as the PNI, PKI and PSI, also participated. It was these People's Headquarters which, in joint statements with the Republican Government of Aceh, first declared the ulèëbalang traitors of the Indonesian Republic, and on ] anuary Bth, 1946, issued an ultimatum, signed by Teuku Panglima Polim Mohammad Ali in his capacity as deputy resident of Aceh and Sjammaun Gaharu (Syammaun Gaharu) as chairman of the People's Headquarters, demanding that the ulèëbalang at Lammeulo surrender before no on on ]anuary 10th. On expiry of this term Lammeulo was attacked and three days later occupied, thus putting an end to the hostilities which had lasted twenty-two days. Daud Tjumbok fled, but a few days later was captured and killed. In commemoration of the battle, Lammeulo was renamed Kota Bakti, City of Devotion. The battle around Lammeulo provided the starting-signal for the persecution of ulèëbalang all over Aceh. Many of them were killed, and others thrown in prison or taken into protective custody. Nevertheless, the top officials of the Republican Regional Government and Army, who had provisionally sanctioned the actions against the ulèëbalang at Lammeulo, were not for the time being dismissed. The Central Republican Government, as yet unaware of what was happening in Aceh, in fact even strengthened their position. For in ] anuary it proceeded to appoint Teuku Nja' Arif to the staff of the Republican Army general headquarters in Sumatra in the rank of major-general and at the same time to make him Republican Army "organizer and coordinator" in Aceh. It furthermore consolidated Sjammaun Gaharu's position as commander of the Fifth (Acehnese) Division, making him chief of defence for Aceh. Teuku Nja' Arif and Sjammaun Gaharu were not destined to === [PDF page 290] === 280 RebeIlion under the Banner of Islam hold these functions for long, however. In March 1946 they were seized by Amir Husin Al Mudjahid and his Mujahidin. The latter's coup was preceded and triggered oH by ulèëbalang risings around Lhokseumawe in North Aceh and around Langsa in East Aceh in February. Af ter the suppression of these risings most of the ulèëbalang who had so far escaped death or imprisonment were put under arrest (Revolusi n.d.:30-31). A short time after this units of the Mujahidin - about one thousand men in all - marched on Banda Aceh, making for the headquarters of the Republican Army's Acehnese Division. According to an "Insider" [S.M. Amin] (1950:20), Amir Husin al Mudjahid felt that there were still too many members of the traditional elite left in the administration, and began a campaign to root them out in his place of residence, Idi, where he formed the Tentara Perjuangan Rakyat, or People's Struggle Army. Starting oH with only a few men, this army grew in size as it marched along the coast to Banda Aceh. On this march, according to the same "insider", it killed or captured every person crossing its path who was believed to belong to the traditional elite. In Banda Aceh Amir Husin al Mudjahid's troops continued taking so-called "corrective measures" against senior members of the Administration and the Army (Dua Windhu 1972: 113). The Republican Army surrendered without a blow, Nja' Arif giving orders not to oHer any resistance. This course of action was of litde avail to him, however. Nja' Arif was captured and imprisoned at Takengon, a pi ace where other ulèëbalang had also been taken. There he died early the next month, March 1946; the cause of his death was identified as diabetes. Amir Husin al Mudjahid 's action represented the final blow to the ulèëbalang. In August 1946, the resident of Aceh, T.M. Daudsjah, assigned a special residential area to the persons suspected of involvcment in the Daud Tjumbok incident, ostensibly to protect them against the revenge of the masses (Sumatera Utara 1953:90). The arrests of these people were ordered by him because "It is impossible at present for relatives or close friends of the victims of the social revolution to remain amongst thc rest of the population ", and "it is the Government's duty to maintain public order and ensure the safety of the people as weU as of the afore-mentioned party". He thus ordered the arrests of 62 people and their relativcs (Ke te tapan Rcsiden Atjeh 13 Augustus 1946 in S.M. Amin 1975:69-70), including Sjammaun Gaharu, who according to the list attached to the resolution in question had alrcady fled === [PDF page 291] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 281 Ulèëbalang who were not kiIled, voluntarily resigned their functions and renounced their hereditary rights for fear of repercussions. 6 Their places were taken mostly by PUSA men. In the words of the Central Government af ter the outbreak of the Darul Islam revoIt, "A large majority of important functions came into the hands of PUSA people and their foIlowers... Only to positions requiring expert skilIs were people from outside the area appointed" (Keterangan Pemerintah 1953: 100). Nja' Arif's function as resident of Aceh was taken over by the above-mentioned Teuku Mohammad Daudsjah, also an ulèëbalang, but since long a loyal PUSA member. Another ulèëbalang PUSA member, Teuku Mohammad Amin, was appointed deputy resident. The same function was also given to Daud Beureu'eh, who later in addition became head of the Religious Department of Aceh. Nja' Arif was replaced as member of the Republican Army General Staff in Sumatra by Amir Husin al Mudjahid, who promoted himself from the rank of major to major-general in early March, when he issued a statement announcing a number of changes in the composition of the Republican Army Command of Aceh. His close associate, Husin Jusuf, former secretary of the Pemuda PUSA, for instance, was promoted from the rank of major to colonel, replacing Sjammaun Gaharu as commander of the Fifth Division. These changes were introduced at the wishes of the population as represented by the Tentara Perjuangan Rakyat, so it was emphaticaIly stated. 7 At the end of 1946 Amir Husin al Mudjahid himself feIl victim to a plot. He was kidnapped from the "Hotel Atjeh" in Banda Aceh and taken to Sigli. AIlegedly his kidnappers intended handing him over to alocal Islamic scholar by name of Husin Sab, who wanted to revenge the murder of his brother on the orders of Amir Husin al Mudjahid. In the end, however, he was handed over to the authorities and was sentenced to imprisonment by a military court (Insider 1950: 25-26; Amin 1975: 79), but was soon released again. Teungku Amir Husin al Mudjahid's intention had been not only to take over the command of the Republican Army in Aceh, but also to join the Military and Civil Administrations together. Opposition from non-ulèëbalang and non-PUSA organizations, and perhaps also from wi thin the PUSA, 8 thwarted these plans. For a proposal by the Army, now hcaded by himself, to bring the Civil Administration undcr military con trol was rcjected af ter being discussed at a meeting attended by, besides the new resident, represcntatives of the Army, the Komite Nasional === [PDF page 292] === 282 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Daerah, Pesindo, Mujahidin, Masyumi, the PSI, the PKI and a number of minor organizations on April 6th, 1946. They decided that for the moment the situation was such th at "the Civil Government need not yet be replaced by a military one" and that "the time had not yet come for a proposal to be made to the authorities to change the Civil Government into a military one" Although the Civil Administration remained separated from the military one and some of the principal civil administrators still originated from ulèëbalang circles, the ulama and the PUS A had gained firm con trol of both. They had also made considerable advances in the economic field. The possessions of the defeated ulèëbalang were confiscated and divided up, most of them probably going to the ulama. These latter further claimed the most lucrative positions in the economy for themselves. Said Abubakar, for instance, became a manager of both foreign- and stateowned estates, while Amir Husin al Mudjahid was rewarded with the function of general director of the North Sumatran oil company. Another PUSA leader, Njak Neh (Nyak Neh), carved out a career for himself in commerce (Meuraxa 1956:261). The changes aroused much opposition on the part not only of relatives of the deceased ulèëbalang whose possessions had been confiscated, but also of commoners and Islamic schol ars who did not belong to the inner PUSA circle. Two of the latter, Teungku Hasan Krueng Kale and Teungku Hasbullah Indrapuri, proceeded to condemn the appropriation of the wealth of the ulèëbalang as haram, or forbidden by Islamic law. To placate the critics of the redistribution of power and wealth somewhat, the Regional Government of Aceh instituted Majelis Penimbang, Councils of Review, in the kabupatens. These Councils had to see to it th at the distribution of the confiscated goods was fair and just. Their institution was provided for and the rules for the distribution of the confiscated goods laid down in the "regulations for the con trol and ownership of the property of deceased traitors to the State of the Republic of Indonesia in Aceh" (Keresidenan Republik Indonesia daerah Atjeh. Peraturan daerah no. 1). The Councils were put in charge of all the former possessions of the late ulèëbalang, from the proceeds of which the damages inflicted by the ulèëbalang in the past as weIl as in the months immediately before and during the social revolution were to be compensated. Goods unrightfully seized by the ulèëbalang were to be returned to their righ tful owners. Likewise the original owners of goods purchased by the === [PDF page 293] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Schol ars 283 ulèëbalang at unrealistically low prices were to be given the opportunity to buy these goods back at the price originally received. The balance, according to the regulations, was to be shared out among the heirs of the deceased ulèëbalang. There does not seem to have been much money left to return to these heirs at the end of 1949 when the Councils began to function properly, however. For at the time of their institution the Councils faced the problem not only of the difficulty of collecting the ulèëbalang's possessions - which in many cases had already been seized by the people in the course of the "social revolution" - but also of a shortage of funds resulting from a resolution that allowances should be paid to all invalids as weIl as to the wives and children of those killed during the social revolution out of the ulèëbalang's collective wealth. So little money was left, in fact, that especially the Council of Review of Pidie, where the "social revolution" had been most violent, was obliged to ask the Government to take over responsibility for the payment of the allowances. The institution of the Councils of Review in July 1946 did not fail to arouse opposition, either. For one thing they were made up almost entirely of Islamic leaders. Secondly, they appear to have failed in the performance of the task for which they were appointed (Alers 1956:92; Meuraxa 1956:20-21).9 The Councils' failure is admitted by their own members, by whom a number of factors are cited in extenuation, e.g., the war against the Dutch and the fact that registration of the property of the ulèëbalang commenced almost a whole year after the social revolution, making a reconstruction of events and the determination of what goods had been illegally seized extremely difficult, as weIl as the galloping inflation, which made determining the amounts of the compensation for damages virtually impossible. 10 The confiscation of the ulèëbalang's possessions and the functioning of the Councils of Review continued to be controversial issues in later years as weIl. At the outbreak of the Darul Islam rebellion in Aceh in 1953, the Republican Government and those political parties which disapproved of the rebellion continually harped on these two issues to put the leaders of the rebellion in a bad light and to drawattention to the supposedly still strong popular opposition to them. Passive sympathizers of the uprising, on the other hand, disputed the allegations that the confiscations and redistributions had been unfair and in turn accused the ulèëbalang of wrongful dispossession of the people ever since their integration into the Colonial Administration, and === [PDF page 294] === 284 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam of misappropriation of the bait al-mal (funds of the Islamic community) and mismanagement of the wakaf (religious foundations) entrusted to their care. 11 3. Opposition to the PUSA Administration Even if the redistribution of the property of the ulèëbalang had taken place in a fair way and the Councils of Review had functioned properly at an earlier stage, opposition would still have been inevitable. Criticism was levelled not only at the ulama's seizure of the ulèëbalang's possessions, but also at the advance of leading PUSA members in the Military and Civil Administration. Many of the new administrators were accused of incompetence, which judgment, though not unjustified, was a litde on the harsh side. The problems with which the new, inexperienced administrators had to cope were manifold and complex. The transition from colony to independent state was not in any way an easy one. A new government apparatus had to be built up from scratch. And to make matters worse, there was a Dutch bi oe kade which led to a rapidly detoriating economie situation and rising inflation. The dissatisfaction both with the current economie situation and at the alleged ursupation of power by PUS A leaders found concrete expression in early 1948. In that year the opposition to the Regional Government of Aceh, led since August of the previous year by Daud Beureu'eh as military governor, reached a climax. Accusations of large-scale corruption - illicit trading, murder of political opponents, disregard of the Central Government's instructions and embezzlement of the proceeds from the oil-fields and plantations - were levelled against people who had recently acquired seats on the Regional Government. The opposition rallied around Sajid Ali AIsaqaf (Sayid Ali Alsaqaf) and Waki Harun. These two leaders in March and April 1948 sent letters to the governor of Sumatra urging for the introduction of measures designed to improve the quality of the Regional Government of Aceh. A few months later, in August 1948, in the course of Soekarno's visit to the area, they attempted to organize a demonstration. This attempt was frustrated by the authorities, however. In the intervening months the criticism of government officials had assumed such proportions th at Amin, the then governor of North Sumatra, saw himself obliged to announce that "The desire of a section of the population of the area for improvement === [PDF page 295] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 285 of the Regional Government through the replacement of existing officials coincides with a wish which the Government has since long entertained... ". "Nevertheless", Amin continued, "the Government cannot agree with a wish for immediate changes on the basis of accusations which are either unfounded or are founded on anything but clear, weIl attested evidence" Early in August Said Ali AIsaqaf and his associates were put under arrest and prosecuted for defamation of senior Regional Government officials. A few days later, following their release, they made their first attempt at a coup d'etat. They had stated their intention accordingly in a letter to the Regional Government of Banda Aceh announcing a "Revolution directed against unprincipIed persons, because the Government itself evidently would not purge them out" (Amin 1975:83). In the foIlowing night a crowd assembIed at Lam Baro to receive orders directing them to Banda Aceh to capture a number of officials. Before this plan could be carried out the Regional Government, which was informed ofit, sent Tjek Mat Rachmani (eek Mat Rakhmani) and Teungku Hasbullah Indrapuri to Lam Baro to placate the potential rebels and prevent them from going ahead with it. On November 4th Sajid Ali AIsaqaf and Waki Harun made a second attempt to seize the power. They tried to take advantage of the presence on that day of almost all the senior government officials of Aceh in Banda Aceh for the purpose of discussing government matters to arrest them all in one stroke. Again, however, the Government had been warned of these plans beforehand and so arrested the conspirators. They were released again and were temporarily banished from Aceh in November 1949, on the eve of the official transfer of sovereignty (Sumatera Utara 1953:202-209; Amin 1956:15-16, 262-266; Insider 1950: 26-32). The attempted coup of Sajid Ali AIsaqaf and Waki Harun has been described as an ulèëbalang affair as weIl as an affair of discontented religious scholars whose access to power had been blocked. Amin (1956:15) describes it as "the best organized of the many attempts hy the Ulubalang to seize back the power". Alers (1956:92), on the other hand, foIlowing the Government's statement in Parliament in 1953, writes: "Discontented Ulamas formed an illegal organization under the leadership of Sajid Ali... to gain con trol of the PUSA". Vet another explanation, put forward by Teuku Jusuf Muda Dalam (Yusuf Muda Dalam), is that the attempt was an intemal PUS A affair and is illustrative === [PDF page 296] === 286 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam of the divisions within that organization (Sekitar n.d. 1:292). None of these interpretations appears to be entirely correct, however. Although Sajid Ali AIsaqaf, in his confrontations with the regional authorities, did plead in the imprisoned ulèëbalang's favour, this does not imply that he headcd an ulèëbalang movement. It may just be that, like many others, he had more faith in the administrative talents of the ulèëbalang. Conversely, Islamic scholars we re in the majority in the leadership of the organization. 4. The Status of Aceh Within a few weeks of Sajid Ali AIsaqaf's arrest a new conflict broke out, this time over the Central Government's intention to incorporate Aceh into the province of North Sumatra. Like the "social revolution" and the quarrels over the distribution of the economic, political and military power, the difference about Aceh's administrative status remained to be a cause of discontent and division for many years. Opposition to the province of North Sumatra and to the growing interference of the Central and Provincial Governments was even to become one of the immediate causes of the outbreak of the Darul Islam rebellion here. Aceh had emerged from the japanese occupation as a virtually autonomous area. In 1945 it constituted one of the residencies making up the province of Sumatra. Although the Provincial Parliament of Sumatra - which included only ten Acehnese among its hundred members - resolved in its first session that Sumatra was to be divided into three sub-provinces, of which North Sumatra, comprising Aceh, Tapanuli and East Sumatra, was to be one, Aceh continued functioning as an almost independent area. In the confused years following the j apanese occupation the Acehnese conducted their own administrative and military affairs without much interference from outside. For a short time between August 1947 and j une 1948, after the launching of the first Dutch militaryaction, this situation was even officially confirmed through the declaration of Aceh, together with Langkat and Tanah Karo, as a military region headed by a military governor. The situation changed, however, as the administrative structure of the Indonesian Republic assumed a clearer outline and the influence of the Central and Provincial Governments was increasingly felt. In April 1948 the subprovinces were given provincial status, and the new province of === [PDF page 297] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 287 North Sumatra, likewise made up of Aceh, Tapanuli and East Sumatra, had as first governor S.M. Amin, hitherto deputy governor of the sub-province of N orth Sumatra. Hence at first sight nothing seemed to have changed. The move was, however, an indication of the normalization of administrative life and of the growing influence of the Central Government. Governor S.M. Amin, in his opening speech at the first meeting of the Regional Parliament of North Sumatra, testified to a sound insight into the problems inherent in the creation of this particular province by stating: "The changes which will be introduced in the administration will be radical, fundamental changes. Up to now the basis of the Regional Government has been the unity of the residency, this unity of the residency in turn being based above all on ethnic factors. So the residency of Aceh was founded on the unity of the Acehnese, the residency of Tapanuli on the unity of the Batak and the residency of East Sumatra on the unity of the Malays. It is obvious th at this kind of unity is defined by a restricted sense of national unity, which is no longer valid in our Republic. That is why the formation of the projected province will no longer be based on the old foundations but on new ones, namely foundations connected with economic and political unity, and so on" (Sumatera Utara 1953:188-189). He further remarked: "Our State is based on amongst other things the nationalist feelings of a united Indonesian people; there is no room in it for an Acehnese people, a Batak people or a Malay people. As far as the State is concerned there is only one people, the Indonesian people, which is made up of a number of groups, namely of people from Tapanuli, from Aceh, from East Sumatra, and so on. Religious difference should not become a problem for us, as we shall be free to adhere to whatever religion we believe in. Religious differences shall not destroy the unity of our nation" (Sumatera Utara 1953:1901). The two factors to which S.M. Amin drew attention in this address, namely the ethnic and religious differences between Aceh and the other two regencies of North Sumatra, were, in fact, to play a key role in Aceh's demands for regional autonomy. The regional government issue was temporarily relegated to a place of secondary importance when in December 1948 the Dutch launched their second military action and put the entire Republican Government in Yogyakarta under arrest. In the arrangements for the area's defence against Dutch attacks Indo· nesia's administrative division of the end of 1948 was abrogated and the system in force prior to that re·introduced. Under this === [PDF page 298] === 288 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam latter system Indonesia was divided into military regions, one of which comprised the regencies of Aceh, Langkat and Tanah Karo. In 1947, and so again at the end of 1948, Teungku Daud Beureu'eh was military govemor in the honorary rank of majorgenera!. A major change which this involved was that Daud Beureu'eh as military govemor now was head of the Civil Administration as weIl as the Army, whereas in 1947 the military govemor had only possessed authority in military affairs and those civil affairs which were connected with defence. The new arrangement was officially confirmed in May 1949 by an Emergency Govemment headed by Sjafruddin Prawiranegara (Syafruddin Prawiranegara) which had been formed after the arrest of Soekamo and his Cabinet and which had its se at first at Bukit Tinggi and later in Banda Aceh. This Govemment announced on May 16th that in the special military regions all civil and military powers would be vested in the military govemors (Keputusan Pemerintah Darurat Republik Indonesia no. 21). The next day the function of provincial govemor was abolished in Sumatra, and changed into that of govemment representative (Keputusan Pemerintah Darurat Republik Indonesia no. 22). Upon the old Cabinet's resuming office in July 1949, after the release of its members by the Dutch and the dissolution of the Emergency Govemment, a special deputy premiership for Sumatra was created. This function was given to Sjafruddin Prawiranegara. In view of the still very poor communications between Java and Sumatra he was given wide powers. So he had the right to enact regulations having the force of laws after due consultation of an Advisory Council, whose members were to be appointed by the President. He could also issue "ordinary" govemment regulations without consulting the Council (Undangundang no. 2, 1949). Sjafruddin Prawiranegara visited Aceh in August 1949, and was immediately confronted there with a number of problems, such as the aftermath of Sajid Ali AIsaqaf's attempted coup and the strong demands of PUSA leaders to grant Aceh provincial status. The pressure was so great, in fact, that he was foreed to commit himself to the creation of the province of Aceh. As it is put in the Govemment's statement to Parliament in 1953 (Keterangan Pemerintah 1953:101), "the autonomous province of Aceh was created through force majeure". Exercising his special powers, Sjafruddin Prawiranegara on December 17th, 1949, issued a regulation having the force of a govemment regulation in which North Sumatra was divided into === [PDF page 299] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 289 two new provinces: the province of Aceh (including a part of Langkat), and the province of Tapanuli/East Sumatra (Peraturan Wa kil Menteri Pengganti Peraturan Pemerintah no. 8, 1949). The preamble to this regulation stated th at the creation of the province of Aceh had been a matter of urgency in which the usual legal procedure had not been followed. So it pointed out that, whereas the creation of a new province should normally have taken place by Act of Parliament, in the present case this had been substituted by a regulation of the Deputy Prime Minister without consultation of the Advisory Council, firstly because no such Council had as yet been formed, and secondly in view of the urgency of improving the administrative structure. The appointment as govemor of the new province of Aceh was at first refused by Teungku Daud Beureu 'eh, who suggested Teuku Mohammad Daudsjah, who during Daud Beureu'eh's term as military govemor of Aceh, Langkat and Tanah Karo had held the function of resident of Aceh, for the position instead. The reason stated by him for his refusal was that he found it imp ossible to judge his own qualifications, although the real reason may weIl have been th at he foresaw considerable opposition. In any case, he changed his mind the next day. He was instalied as govemor of Aceh on January 30th, 1950. In the light of the developments in Aceh from 1945 to 1950, it is not surprising th at there was considerable opposition to the installation of Daud Beureu'eh as govemor, and astrong suspicion that the creation of the province of Aceh was just another attempt by PUSA members to consolidate and extend their hold on Aceh. Conversely, it is quite understandable that the Govemment and its supporters, af ter Daud Beureu'eh's proclamation of Aceh as a Darul Islam area, should have been drawn attention to the popular opposition to Daud Beureu'eh's appointment as govemor of Aceh. The Govemment statement of 1953 (Keterangan Pemerintah 1953: 101) claims, in fact, that the reaction of Acehnese society to the appointment was quite cool. It further points in this connection to the failure of the attempts of Zainuddin, one of Aceh's most prominent businessmen, to form a committee to organize festivities in celebration of Daud Beureu'- eh's installation, the meeting called for the purpose of forming such a committee being extremely poorly attended because of lack of interest and support. 12 In addition to intemal regional opposition to what was described by S.M. Amin (1956:28) as "a transfer of all the power in the region to the PUSA party, without any control or super- === [PDF page 300] === 290 RebeIlion under the Banner of Islam vision from a higher regional authority", the Central Government had the necessary reservations. Instead of endorsing Sjafruddin Prawiranegara's regulation and duly enacting a law declaring Aceh a separate province, it set up a Commission of Inquiry chaired by the Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr. Susanto Tirtoprodjo (Susanto Tirtoprojo). This Committee, during a visit to Banda Aceh, proceeded to inform the Acehnese leaders th at the Central Government had not made up its mind whether Aceh should, in fact, constitute an independent province. Naturally the announcement was not weIl received. The PUS A tried to lend force to their pleas for a separate province by threatening that if Aceh should again be made part of a province of North Sumatra they refused to be responsible for the maintenance of law and order any longer. In addition they tried, like Amir Husin al Mudjahid, to rally popular support for the continued existence of the province of Aceh (Amin 1965:30). Reportedly Daud Beureu'eh himself hinted repeatedly at a likely rebellion by publicly stating that he and his supporters would take the mountains to build up Aceh in their way (Keterangan Pemerintah 1953: 103). Notwithstanding Acehnese opposition, a new preparatory committee for the creation of the province of North Sumatra was formed on August lst, 1950. It was headed by S. Parman Reksodihardjo (S. Parman Reksodiharjo) and included Teuku Mohammad Daudsjah among its members. Again political developments beyond the con trol of the Acehnese had influenced the Central Government's attitude to the administrative division of Sumatra. One and a half years previously the second Dutch "military action" had prompted the Republican Government to postpone the creation of the province of North Sumatra. Now the negotiations between the Indonesian Republic and the United States of Indonesia provided an excuse to re-form this province. On August 15th, 1950, the United States of Indonesia were officially abrogated and the unitary Republic of Indonesia proclaimed. This had been preceded by the issuing of a number of regulations governing the administrative division of Indonesia into provinces by the Indonesian Government the previous day, among them government regulation no. 21 (Peraturan Pemerintah no. 21, 1950). This regulation stated in its first article th at the territory of Indonesia was to be divided into ten provinces, one of which would be North Sumatra. At the same time the government regulation in substitution of law no. 5 was issued, revoking Sjafruddin Prawiranegara's regulation whereby the === [PDF page 301] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 291 province of Aceh had been created (Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang no. 5). The legal basis on which the province of North Sumatra was created was very precarious. Again a province had been formed not by law but by govemment regulation. Moreover, both regulations - probably to take the wind out of the sails of any opposition - made reference to the agreements between the United States of lndonesia and the lndonesian Republic, including an agreement of July 20th regarding the division of Sumatra into three provinces. As Logemann (1955: 163) points out, this agreement was never made public, however. Acehnese reaction was prompt. Amotion rejecting incorporation into the province of North Sumatra was carried unanimously by the Regional Parliament. It was supplemented in September by an explanatory statement drawn up by the Regional Govemment of Aceh (Sumatera Utara 1953:400-409). The motion, and more especially the statement in explanation of it, was very lengthy, listing all the arguments for giving Aceh independent status. The area's special position and specific problems are described at length, and arguments are advanced for the need to treat Aceh differently in many respects. Aceh's distinctive situation and special pro bi ems in the educational, economic, legal and religious fields set it apart from the rest of North Sumatra, it argued. Thé region was different not only because of the special nature of these problems, but also on account of their magnitude. For Aceh had to cope with an enormous educational lag, while the irrigation system and the roads were in extreme disrepair, and the fishing industry in need of great improvement. It went on to claim that the problems were too enormous to be dealt with effectively by a regency administration, but required the aHention of a provincial-Ievel govemment. At the same time it stressed the necessity for the people working on the solution of these problems to be weIl aware of and familiar with Aceh's special situation, expressing the fear that, if Aceh became part of North Sumatra, the second of these conditions would not be met, so that as a consequence the problems would not be dealt with properly. The statement concludes with the threat th at "if Aceh does not become an independent province under the sovereignty of the Centra! Govemment, we, the Sons of Aceh, who currently occupy positi ons in the Administration and all share these same ideals, the day the Central Govemment rejects the afore-stated demands will leave the Govemment institutions and will ask for the return of === [PDF page 302] === 292 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam our mandate by the head of the Regional Govemment to the Central Govemment". Nevertheless Daud Beureu'eh intimated, stressing that the Acehnese we re no Moluccans, th at the civil servants would simply resign and that Aceh would not proclaim itself an independent state (N 21-10-1950). This threat was repeated on the occasion of a visit to Aceh by a Central Govemment delegation from Jakarta headed by the Minister of Intemal A ffai rs, Assaat, at the end of September. Here leading Acehnese administrators issued a statement at the conclusion of a meeting between the delegation and themselves at which the status of Aceh had been discussed that if the Central Govemment went on refusing to recognize the Acehnese people's claim to autonomy in the widest sense of the word, they would resign, as would a great many of their subordinates. Assaat's delegation failed to talk the regional leaders round. Nor did the Indonesian Vice-President, Mohammad Hatta, succeed in this on his visit to Banda Aceh in November. A solution was finally found in J anuary 1951 by the then Prime Minister, Natsir. On January 23rd he made a radio speech in Banda Aceh announcing the conclusion of an agreement in the matter. Here Natsir stated that the creation of the province of North Sumatra now no longer was regarded "by our brothers in Aceh as a bolt forever locking out all other possibilities" (Sumatera Utara 1953:422-430). Teungku Daud Beureu'eh issued a statement on the agreement reached at the same time. This statement adduced a number of reasons why Aceh had ceased its opposition to incorporation into the province of North Sumatra, including the fact that the Central Govemment was not rejecting Aceh's claim to autonomy, the agreement that the matter would be settled in a nation-wide context, and Aceh's reluctance to obstruct the functioning of the administration of North Sumatra. At the same time it indicated that the struggle for autonomy would be continued and that "the notion of resignation from office as one form of non-cooperation if Aceh's claim to autonomy is not satisfied is still resolutely adhered to" (Sumatera Utara 1953: 430-431). On January 25th, 1951, Abdul Hakim was instalied as govemor of North Sumatra, with Medan being made the seat of the Provincial Govemment, to which city the pers on nel of the former province of Aceh subsequently had to be moved. For the region of Aceh a resident-coordinator was appointed to supervise the functioning of the regional administration. The creation of the latter functÎon at first gave rise to some === [PDF page 303] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 293 misunderstanding. Daud Beureu'eh daimed not to have been informed of it. It is even possible that the Government had intended him for it, with or without his knowiedge. In any case, all letters addressed to the resident-coordinator of Aceh were returned to Medan unopened on Daud Beureu'eh's orders (Keterangan Pemerintah 1953: 104). The official appointment of R.M. Danubroto to the function of resident-coordinator of Aceh put a definitive end to this situation, however. Daud Beureu'eh was hereupon called to Jakarta by the Central Government to be appointed as governor attached to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, although he never went to Jakarta to take up this position. At the same time a number of other changes we re effected in the Civil Administration of Aceh - e.g. a number of bupatis were replaced - without this arousing opposition for the time being. 5. Causes of Dz'scantent The period of quiet in Aceh resulting from the solution worked out by Natsir and Daud Beureu'eh did not last long. As early as April the first indications of renewed unrest were to be noted as a new anti-PUSA movement gained momentum. On April 8th, 1951, the Badan Kez'nsyafan Rakyat (BKR), People's Awareness Organization, was founded in Aceh. It resembled in many ways the Sajid Ali Alsaqaf movement. Aiming to all appearances at the establishment of an incorrupt and capable government, the principal target was the PUSA leaders. Also as in the Sajid Ali AIsaqaf movement, ulèëbalang and Islamic scholars joined forces in it. The stated aims of the BKR were to assist the Government, "wherever necessary", in giving out information on its policies and strengthening the ties with the people. A more concrete programme was outlined in a resolution adopted by the BKR on April 15th. It opened with the statement that the population of Aceh had become alienated from the Government, "or, to be more exact, from the majority of those styling themselves representatives or leaders of the people, who at the moment hold seats in the Administration of Aceh, and that the people's awareness in this respect has become increasingly dear since their experiences during the time those same leaders were fighting for their own ideals and competing in the amassing of personal wealth". As a way of restoring the people's confidence the BKR urged === [PDF page 304] === 294 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam the Government to dismiss those of its officials who were obstructing the execution of Government decisions or who we re corrupt or incompetent. It further called on the Government to supply proof that it was indeed exerting itself to protect the citizens and their property. The measures proposed by the BKR included the restoration of the property administered by the Councils of Review to the orphans of deceased ulèëbalang, and a clarification of the Government's attitude to the crimes committed during the "social revolution" and its aftermath. The BKR in addition requested the Government to dismiss the - allegedly PUSA-dominated - committee set up for the preparation of the general election in Aceh, and to take steps to improve the economic situation. If necessary, finally, the Civil Administration should be replaced by a military one (Sumatera Utara 1953:439-440; Amin 1956:267-269). Although the BKR resolution mentioned no names, it was obviously directed against the PUS A and its leaders. Both the BKR and the PUS A had ample opportunity to attract the public attention during President Soekarno's visit to Aceh. On his arrival in Banda Aceh on July 30th, 1951, he was greeted by both PUSA and BKR demonstrators. The latter's signs read: "Do not try only the people, but also the embezzlers of the people's property", "The chicken thief goes to jail, the big thieves continue in office", and "Teungku Daud Beureu'eh, the sucker of the people's blood". All these slogans clearly alluded to alleged malpractices on the part of the Acehnese leaders, who exploited their positions as such to acquire personal wealth and cover up their crimes. The PUSA demonstrators carried boards displaying signs like "Aceh must not be treated as a stepchild", and "We love the President, but we love religion more". With this latter slogan the PUSA demonstrators were expressing their distrust of Soekarno, whom they believed to have betrayed Islam by propagating the Pancasila, instead of Islam, as the basis of the Indonesian State. The next issue that made feelings in Aceh run high was that of the Indonesia-wide mass arrests the next month. The Cabinet then in power, the Masyumi-PNI coalition Cabinet headed by Sukiman, was characterized by a strong anti-communist attitude. This reached its climax in the so-called "August razzias", in which on the pretext of the discovery of a plot to overthrow the Government about 15,000 people were put under arrest. These included a number of Masyumi politicians, presumably on account of contacts with Darul Islam groups. As Feith === [PDF page 305] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 295 (1973:189) points out, however, "Apparently the greatest number of those arrested were either Chinese or supporters of the PKI". Feith (1973: 190) further writes that "the choice of persons to be arrested had been made hastily, with a high degree of discretion being left to the local authorities, especially the bupatis, to arrest whomever they considered dangerous to security in their areas". His assessment is correct, generally speaking. There was indeed a high dec ree of discretion left to local authorities. But it was precisely this factor th at set the arrests in Aceh apart from those in the rest of Indonesia. In Aceh, as elsewhere, the military authorities were strongly anti-communist. But, unlike those in other parts of Indonesia, they felt th at they had a more dangerous enemy still to contend with: the PUSA. Another point on which Aceh differed was sharp cleavage between the military of the province of North Sumatra and the local Civil Administration in Aceh. The latter, in spite of earlier changes in personnel, was still PUSA-oriented. As a consequence it was in the main members of the PUSA rather than members or supporters of the Communist party, PKI, who were arrested or interrogated in Aceh. They included some of the PUSA's top leaders, such as Daud Beureu'eh, Teungku Sulaiman Daud, the current bupatz" of Pidie, and Teungku Hasan Hanafiah, he ad of the Office of Religion of West Aceh. Furthermore, it was alleged by the Council of Review of Pidie that its members were a special target of the August raids (Sekitar n.d. 1:240, III:83). The arrests were interpreted by the victims, in fact, as an ulèëbalang attempt to get even. As a State of War and Siege (SOB) still cbntinued in North Sumatra, the arrests were carried out by the Regional Military Commando Those arrested were described in a monograph on North Sumatra (Sumatera Utara 1953:448) as "elements who disturbed the peace and security, who engaged in activities of an anti-national nature, and who undermined the authority of the Govemment". The Army of North Sumatra, for its part strongly denied having acted on its own authority, without orders from or the prior knowledge of its superiors. In the subsequent situation again the troubles in Aceh were viewed in the light of the long-standing conflict between ulama and ulèëbalang. A distinction was drawn between the military and the Civil Administration of North Sumatra, or more precisely speaking of Aceh, which ran along the same line as that bet ween the ulèëbalang and the ulama or PUSA. In this interpretation, which itself contributed to the tension, the Civil Administration === [PDF page 306] === 296 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam was still PUSA-dominated, while the Army was increasingly becoming an instrument of the ulèëbalang. In 1953, during the parliamentary debates on the Darul Islam rebellion in Aceh, the arrests by the Army we re defended by PNI member Abdullah Jusuf (Abdullah Yusuf), who also referred obliquely to the cleavage between the Army and the Civil Administration of North Sumatra. Criticizing the Civil Government for ignoring the complaints lodged with and the information passed to it concerning the activities of Daud Beureu 'eh and other PUSA leaders in the early 1950's, he praised the Army as being the only institution to act on this information and again and again thwarting the PUSA in its designs (Sekitar n.d. 1:279). Another spokesman for the secular parties, PKI member Sarwono S. Sutardjo (Sarwono S. Sutarjo), likewise put the blame for the rebellion partlyon the laxity of the Civil Administration. According to him the governor of North Sumatra, Abdul Hakim, had put "more faith in his subordinates in Aceh - who were known to be PUSA/Masyumi champions - than in the actual facts... " The members of parliament representing the Islamic parties in the debate, rather than stressing the connection between the PUSA and the Civil Administration, like Abdullah Jusuf and Sarwono S. Sutardjo, laid emphasis on that between the ulèëbalang, or the Badan Keinsyafan Rakyat, and the military. A former secretary of PUSA, Nur el Ibrahimy, for instance, lodged the accusation that the BKR had actively cooperated with the Army during the August arrests (Sekitar n.d. I: 142). Amelz likewise hinted at the connections between the Army and the ulèëbalang. He claimed that the people's distrust of the Army had increased since observing that the Army and Police maintained contacts with persons whom they labelled obstructors of (Indonesia's) Even so, by identifying the Civil Administration with the PUSA and the military with the ulèëbalang one ignores the complexity of the problems involved. The conflicts in Aceh were not exclusively the outcome of a struggle for power between the two social classes of the ulama and the ulèëbalang. The Acehnese claims for regional autonomy and the Central Government's efforts to extend its influence also played a role here. The Central Government, in its attempts to extend its influence, looked to the enemies of the PUSA as possible allies, and tried to reduce the PUSA's grip over the Civil Administration and Army in the area. In the latter attempt it was far more successful with the Army === [PDF page 307] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 297 than with the Civil Administration. Although it had had a number of senior civil servants replaced after the creation of the province of North Sumatra, at the local level the Government had failed in establishing its con trol over the Civil Administration by appointing loyal pro-government officials. In the Army, on the other hand, the problem had been much easier to tackle. The Government had succeeded in purging the Army of PUSA influence through a policy of replacements, the dissolution of particular army units, and the stationing of troops from other regions in Aceh as early as 1950. Consequently the loyalties of the Army in Aceh at this time we re quite different from those in the period immediately following the social revolution. F or just af ter March 1946, af ter the replacement of Sjammaun Gaharu by Husin Jusuf as commander of the Division V, the Republican Army Division in Aceh, following Amir Husin al Mudjahid's coup PUSA control had been strongest. Husin Jusuf had subsequently become commander of the Gajah I (First Elephant) Division, as the Division V was renamed in February 1947, and a month after that commander of the Division X, in which the Gajah I Division merged with the Gajah 11 Division of East Sumatra, and of which Colon el Sitompul, a former commander of the Gajah 11 Division, was appointed Chief of Staff. 13 In June 1947 the Central Army Command had decreed th at the many irregular guerilla units should be incorporated into the Republican Army. This decision had been greeted with reserve if not outright refusal by the Acehnese guerilla organizations, which at first were strongly opposed to such integration. Their opposition was so strong, in fact, that, as Nur el lbrahimy later stated in Parliament (Sekitar n.d. 1:132), there had been fears of bloodshet. Only af ter the attempt at mediation of Daud Beureu'- eh, then military governor of Aceh, Langkat and Tanah Karo, had the guerilla organizations given in. The negotiations about integration had started in December 1947, with talks taking place not only between Daud Beureu 'eh and the commanders of the guerilla organizations, but also within the guerilla units themselves. So on December 14th a special internal meeting had been held by both the Mujahidin and the Dipisz" Rencong Kesatrz"a Pesindo (the continuation of the BPl), at which incorporation into the Republican Army had been one of the subjects of discussion. 14 Earlier, on December 8th, a commission for the preparation of incorporation had been formed in Aceh. As its head had been appointed Colonel R.M.S. Surjosurarso (R.M.S. Suryosurar- === [PDF page 308] === 298 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam so), one of Daud Beureu'eh's military advisors, while its members included Amir Husin al Mudjahid and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Teungku A. Wahab. At the end of December the Republican Army Provisional Command, or Dewan pz·mpz·nan Sementara TNI, had been set up in Aceh at the suggestion of this Commission, with A. Wahab as chairman, and R.M.S. Surjosurarso as deputy chairman. The latter in addition had become Chief of the General Staff, which further included the Commander of the Republican Army Division in Aceh, and the Commanders of the three local irregular guerilla organizations: the Dipz·si Rencong Kesatrz·a Pesindo, Dzpz·sz· X Teungku Chz"k dz· Tz"ro (formed in 1947, after a reorganization of the Mujahz"din), and the Dipisi Teungku Chik Paya Bakong (founded by Amir Husin al Mudjahid). It had taken six months for the merger to become a fact, and the institution of the new Division X had been officially announced on June 13th, 1948. lts first commander had been Daud Beureu'eh, in his capacity as military governor, followed in October by the old commander, Husin Jusuf. In November 1949 the Acehnese Division had changed its name to Komando Tentara & Terrz"torium Aceh, or Army and Territorial Command of Aceh, with Husin Jusuf remaining in command (Sumatera Utara 1953: 165-169; Dua Windhu 1972: 140-144). Thereupon some major changes had been effected. First of all, in December 1949, the Komando Tentara & Terrz·torium IfNorth Sumatra had been formed under the command of Kawilarang, who five months later had been succeeded by Sitompul, a Christian Batak. Subsequently the Komando Tentara & Terrz·torz·um Atjeh had become the Brigade CC of the Army and Territorial Command IfBukit Barz·san, under the command of Hasbullah Hadji (Hasbullah Haji), as HusinJusuf, af ter a conflict with Kawilarang, had by that time left the Army. Probably because of these changes the guerilla leaders of Aceh at the end of 1950 had revived the various irregular guerilla organizations, this giving rise to persistent rumours that a rebellion was afoot. In Aceh itself the move had been justified by saying th at these organizations had been called into being again so as to be prepared for a third World War (N 6-11-1950). The transformation of the Republican Army Division of Aceh into a brigade had brought a number of important personnel changes in its wake and greatly boosted the authority of the Central Army Commando The Acehnese army had fallen victim to the Republican Government's demobilization policy, with the === [PDF page 309] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 299 demobilized in Aceh including prominent commanders such as Husin Jusuf, Amir Husin al Mudjahid, Njak Neh (commander of the Dipisi Rencong Kesatria Pesindo) and Said Abubakar. To their great indignation the sacked Acehnese civil and military leaders had been openly described as "mere illiterates" (which in many cases was not true) and "madrasah party people" (Hu sin Jusuf 1954 in a letter to S.M. Amin in Gelanggang 1956:135). Moreover, the Central Army Command had stationed troops from Aceh in other parts of Indonesia and moved non-Acehnese troops into Aceh. The latter included Bataks and former KNIL soldiers. The Brigade CC, for its part, was ordered to East Sumatra and to Tarutung in North Tapanuli, while Acehnese troops were further sent to the Moluccas. Later, as the signs of an impending Darul Islam rising grew stronger, units of the Mobile Brigade were sent to Aceh. These moves on the one hand assured the Army Command of the presence of loyal troops in Aceh. At the outbreak of the Darul Islam rebellion, in fact, few regular soldiers stationed in Aceh participated. On the other hand, this assurance was paid for with a further alienation of the former guerillas in Aceh. There were suspicions th at the Bataks were trying to gain the upper hand in the North Sumatran army, and accordingly in Aceh the Batak soldiers were looked up on almost as enemies. It was further thought that the new commander for North Sumatra, Maludin Simbolon, wanted to gain control of Aceh, and was aided in his designs by fellow-Bataks in Jakarta, namely the generals Nasution and Simatupang. 15 Thus, where the Central Government was more or Ie ss successful in building up a loyal army in Aceh, it failed in its attempt to gain influence in the civil service. Estimates of the number of civil servants joining the Darul Islam movement here vary, but are all quite high. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Sutikno P. Sumarto, at the time a member of the security staff of Aceh, stated as early as October 24th, 1953, that about seventy per cent of the civil servants in Aceh were active participants in the rebellion (Sekitar n.d. I: 78-79). At about the same time Amin stated th at ninety per cent of them might quite reasonably be estimated to have sided with the rebels, because "they all came from the same === [PDF page 310] === 300 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam 6. Preparatz"ons for Rebellz"on During the first months of 1953 the tension steadily mounted in Aceh. There were rumours of new arrests, secret meetings, and contacts between Daud Beureu'eh and Kartosuwirjo circulating. PUSA members commenced their campaign for the general election and in their speeches stressed the need for regional autonomy and an Islamic State. The names th at crop up most frequently in connection with the preparations for a rebellion in this period are those of Daud Beureu'eh, Hasan Aly, Husin Jusuf and Amir Husin al Mudjahid. The latter two exerted themselves especially to enlist the support of demobilized guerilIas, towards which end they founded the Former (Islamic) Fighters of Aceh. This organization was headed by Husin Jusuf, and had Daud Beureu'eh as patron. Amir Husin al Mudjahid is said to have entertained relations with another organization of former guerillas, the Bz"ro Bekas Angkatan Perang, Bureau of Former Members of the Armed Forces, as weIl in an attempt to win over discontented former guerilla fighters in East Sumatra. 16 Contacts were also established with Acehnese troops with a view to inciting them to desertion (Gelanggang 1956:38). That there were connections between Daud Beureu'eh and the Darul Islam movement before September 1953 is certain. It is less certain, however, who had taken the initiative: the rebels in Aceh or Kartosuwirjo. According to a secret report, Daud Beureu 'eh and Amir Husin al Mudjahid allegedly had travelled to Java to confer with Kartosuwirjo in Bandung after a secrct meeting called by Daud Beureu'eh on March 13th, which was attended by Amir Husin al Mudjahid, Husin Jusuf, Sulaiman Daud, Hasan Aly (Director of Public Prosecutions in Aceh, at that time on official leave), Said Abubakar and A.R. Hanafiah (an employee of the Office of Religion of East Aceh), and at which the conspirators had delegated the two to go to Java to establish contact with leaders of the Darul Islam movement there (Sekitar n.d. 1:302-303). According to the same report, Amir Husin al Mudjahid on his return from Java had stayed a few days in Medan to meet representatives of other Islamic organizations there, such as the Masyumz' and its youth branch, the GPII. Daud Beureu'eh and Kartosuwirjo remained in touch with each other through envoys. So Kartosuwirjo decided to send Mustafa Rasjid (Mustafa Rasyid) to Aceh to discuss the integration of this territory into the Islamic State of Indonesia and to appoint Daud === [PDF page 311] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 301 Beureu'eh chief of the Aceh Commando Mustafa Rasjid, whose real name was Abdul Fatah Tanu Wirananggapa and who styled himself chargé d'affaires of the Islamic State of Indonesia for Aceh, had been arrested on his return to Java in May 1953. There an envoy of Daud Beureu'eh had also been captured (Meuraxa 1956:32; Sekitar n.d. 1:547-553; PR 28-9-1953). The Central Government, which tried to keep these arrests a secret, did not proceed to put Daud Beureu'eh under arrest, and only increased the number of Mobile Brigade units in Aceh. In North Sumatra, meanwhile, two important congresses had taken place in April 1953. First a congress of Islamic scholars was held at Medan from April 11 th to 15th. Secondly a congress to evaluate the results of the Medan congress was organized by the PUS A at Langsa from April 15th till 29th. Both meetings were chaired by Daud Beureu'eh, who was thus provided with an excellent opportunity to inform those he trusted of his plans and to discuss the possibility of a rebellion with them. The two congresses provided the starting-point for a comprehensive Aceh-wide campaign in which the Islamic leaders urged the population to vote for an Islamic party in the coming general elections (which at the time seemed close at hand), and for Islam as the constitutional basis of the Indonesian State. They moreover raised a number of issues which had for a long time aroused the resentment of an important section of the Acehnese population, viz. the alleged anti- or un-Islamic attitude of the Indonesian Government, the latter's neglect of Aceh, and the replacement of Acehnese with people from outside the region in the Regional Administration and Army. At mass meetings and in sermons they further accused the J a~anese and Bataks of harbouring intentions to take over Aceh, alleged th at the Republican troops sent to Aceh we re made up of former KNIL soldiers and infidels, and attacked Soekarno for wanting to promote Hinduism. One monograph on the Acehnese rebellion (Gelanggang 1956: 13) states that the Islamic schol ars "resolutely vowed... that on their return to their region they would leave no stone unturned to persuade the people to fight for an Islamic State in the coming elections for Parliament and the Constituent Assembly, and that if a victory was not won in this way, then they would not shrink from employing illegal means towards this end". The two congresses not only provided the starting-point for the Aceh-wide campaign to expound the Islamic leaders' view on the Islamic State and to incite the people to rebellion against the === [PDF page 312] === 302 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Central Government. It also provided the impetus for renewed efforts to extend the PUSA's influence in society. The latter's organizational structure was strengthened by the institution of mass organizations to mobilize its supporters. Thus the PUSA's youth branch, the Pemuda PUSA, which had for years been dormant, was revived, the above-mentioned Persatuan Bekas Pejuang Islam Aceh was founded, and the PUSA strengthened its hold over the Acehnese Boy Scout movement, the Pandu Islam, by appointing A.G. Mutiara as its head. These three organizations played an important part in the military preparations for the coming rebellion. Besides providing the Acehnese Darul Islam with the bulk of its troops, they greatly facilitated the planning for the coordinated actions at the outbreak of the rebellion, whereby the major towns of Aceh were attacked simultaneously. The former guerillas united in the Persatuan Bekas Perjuang Islam Aceh constituted the principal shock troops, supported by the youths from the Pemuda PUSA and the Pandu Islam as auxillanes. This Pandu Islam was more than just a Boy Scout movement. Apart from the normal quasi-military drill, it provided its members with a rudimentary military training. "The Pandu Islam grew healthier and gained more followers day by day. It then appeared that its members were receiving military training from speciaUy selected experienced soldiers and we re taught methods of attack and assault. They received this training not only by day but also by night" (Gelanggang 1956: 18). A proportion of the Boy Scouts, whose number was estimated by the Government at 4,000 (Keterangan Pemerintah 1953:107), were former guerillas, moreover. With the preparations weU under way, the moment finally arrived when a date for the start of the rebellion had to be fixed. From an ideological point of view the most suitable day would have been August 7th, the date on which Kartosuwirjo had proclaimed the Islamic State of Indonesia. There are, in fact, indications that the Darul Islam leaders of Aceh considered this an appropriate day. And according to the Singapore magazine Asia Newsletter (quoted in Waktu Vol. VIII, n.37, Oct. 10, 1953; Sekitarn.d. 1:493) the rebels had orginally decided to start the rebellion on August 7th, but had changed their mind after information reaching the Central Government, where upon Vice- President Mohammad Hatta, a devout Muslim, had persuaded the ring-leaders to give up this plan. Another possible date mentioned was August 17th, the anniversary of the declaration of Indone- === [PDF page 313] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 303 sian independence. According to the above-mentioned secret report (Sekitar n.d. 1:303), August 17th had been decided up on at a meeting of August Ist, at which twelve people, including i.a. Amir Husin al Mudjahid (but not Daud Beureu'eh)17, assem bied at the house of Zainy Bakri, bupati at Langsa. It had also been agreed at this same meeting, according to the report, to postpone the start of the rebellion until mid-September at the latest if the preparations were not yet completed by August 17th. To ease the situation in Aceh visits had been paid to the region by President Soekarno and Vice-President Hatta, the former in March 1953. His visit did not do much to decrease the ten sion, however, being too much dominated by his speech at Amuntai, which had also enraged devout Muslims in Aceh. As during his earlier visit in 1951, Soekarno was greeted by signs bearing such slogans as "We love the President but we love Religion more" (Feith 1973:346). More successful on the face of it was Hatta's endeavour. During his visit, which took place in July, he had conferred with, among others, Daud Beureu'eh. He had subsequently returned to Jakarta in an optimistic frame of mind, confident that he had worked out a solution and that the situation was still under contro!. Daud Beureu'eh and his associates we re not put under arrest, in spite of the Government's knowledge of their contacts with Kartosuwirjo. Later the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), the politica! party which was most critica! of the rebellion, accused Hatta of having personally interfered in the affairs of the Government by instructing Prime Minister Wilopo (who se Cabinet resigned at the end of July) not to take preventive action in Aceh. According to PKI spokesmen, Hatta's attitude had been no different before and after his visit to Aceh. Before setting off he had feIt confident about being able to deal with the problems in Aceh; after his return he had told Wilopo that nothing was going to happen and that he was sure peace and order could be preserved (Sekitar n.d. I: 178,281-286). The Government was attacked not only by the PKI for its lack of alertness. The Islamic parties toa, notably Masyumz', criticized it for failing to act upon information supplied it. Bath groups had, in fact, pointed to the growing unrest in Aceh, with the communists drawing attention to the preparations for the rebellion and the PUSA's efforts to extend its influence, and the Masyumi, on the other hand, trying to convince the Government that the mounting feeling of dissatisfaction was a resuIt of its own faulty policy. The Masyumi still pleaded for a change of policy after the outbreak of the rebellion, asking for greater === [PDF page 314] === 304 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam financial assistance for Aceh, the replacement of the troops from other areas by Acehnese soldiers, and the reinstatement of Acehnese officials in high military and civil functions. The Regional Govemment authorities in North Sumatra and Aceh followed the line of the Central Govemment in Jakarta and did their utmost to remove any impression th at a rebellion was brewing. They repeatedly denied that the situation was serious or that there was a rebellious movement taking shape. In some cases these statements we re made out of genuine ignorance, in others they were inspired by a desire to set people's mind at ease, while in yet other cases they were deliberately intended to deceive other govemment officials and to cover 1,lp the many intrigues. In early September a number of official meetings were held to discuss the security situation in Aceh. One of these took place at Medan on September 14th - exactly one week before the outbreak of the rebellion. It was attended by the bupatis of East Aceh, Zainy Bakri, of Pidie, T.A. Hasan, and of North Aceh, Usman Azis, who briefed the govemor of North Sumatra, Abdul Hakim, on the situation in their respective regions and assured him that all was weIl and th at there was no immediate threat to the peace. This meeting was also attended by Sulaiman Daud, acting resident-coordinator of Aceh (Gelanggang 1956: 19-25), who a few weeks later tumed out to be the commander of the rebel force in Greater Aceh. At that same time it transpired that the bupatis of Pidie, T.A. Hasan, and of East Aceh, Zainy Bakri, had gone over to the Darul Islam. 18 Of course Abdul Hakim also received information that contradicted the views put forward by the bupatis. Such information was passed on to him by, among others Nja' Umar (Nya' Umar), Police coordinator for Aceh, who judged the situation to be so grave that he had ordered the stationing of guards at important public buildings (Alers 1956:270). Abdul Hakim may actually have attached more credence to this latter kind of information, in fact. At the end of September, when he was free to disclose the truth, he admitted that the atmosphere had been "hot" in August, whereupon things cooled off again, only to reach a new climax in mid-September, at the outbreak of the rebellion (Sekitar n.d. In the month of August people began preparing themselves to flee Aceh or to go into hiding. While the Govemment continued to turn a deaf ear to wamings of growing ten sion by people from both the left and the right, private citizens began leaving the area for Medan and East Sumatra in large numbers. They were mostly === [PDF page 315] === VI Aceh, the RebeIlion of the Islamic Scholars 305 relatives of ulèëbalang and members or sympathizers of the secular parties, in particular the PKI. But members of the Islamie parties, including the PUSA, also felt insecure. Their fear of renewed repressive measures by the Republican Army, as witnessed by them in August 1951, mounted as rumours that the Government had compiled a list of names of prominent Acehnese who were earmarked for arrest circulated. This list according to some contained three hundred, according to others one hundred and ninety names (Sekitar n.d. 1:263). Some authors claim this list to have constituted the immediate cause of the rebellion. Boland (1971:73) writes, for example: "According to information acquired in Atjeh, left-wing politicians in Djakarta had earlier in 1953 begun to spread the rumour th at Atjeh was indeed organizing a rising. As a result of this rumour 'Djakarta' listed 190 prominent Atjehnese who were to be arrested. In July 1953 this became known in Atjeh; later on it turned out that this list of names had probably been leaked on purpose. As these leading Atjehnese had the feeling that they might be arrested, they decided to take to the mountains on September 19th, 1953. This was the official break with 'Djakarta', and the beginning of the so-called Darul Islam revolt in Atjeh." A similar view was put forward by Amelz in a parliamentary debate at the outbreak of the rebellion. Basing himself on an article in the lndonesian daily Lembaga, he put the leaking of the list at a much later date, however, namely after the occurrence of the first rebel actions on September 20th and 21st. But he shares Boland 's view that the presence of their names on the list induced a number of leaders to join the rebellion. Those who had intended not to act until the government did so first, now, af ter being informed of the list, according to Amelz, decided to defect Although there is some truth in Boland's and Amelz' assessment of the importance of the black list, both authors overlook, or underestimate, the difference of opinion between later Darul Islam leaders ab out the urgency of an armed rebellion. The confidence displayed by Hatta af ter his return from Aceh was in part due to a miscalculation of Daud Beureu'eh's position. The latter was regarded by Hatta as the leader of the discontended elements in the region, of which elements he believed him to be in full contro!. It is of course quite possible that Daud Beureu'eh was regarded by a large proportion of the Acehnese population as the only person suitable for and capable of leading a rising against the Central Government. It is also true, on the other hand, that === [PDF page 316] === 306 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Daud Beureu'eh had considerable difficulty in restraining the diehards impatient for action. Thus the rebellion may weIl have been triggered off by overhasty armed actions undertaken by agitated youths with the aim of stealing arms off the Police, thereby foreing the implementation of a plan devised in early 1953 wLose realization had been postponed afterthe talks between Hatta and Daud Beureu'eh. The latter, realizing that he would be among the first to be arrested at the first sign of a rebellion, th en was left with no alternative but to join and assume the leadership of the rebellion. That Daud Beureu'eh indeed experienced difficulty in restraining the young radicals was revealed by Amelz, according to whom there were voices demanding quick action to be heard in the month preceding the outbreak of the rebellion. This plea for action by the young had been prompted by the increasingly tense situation as weIl as by the fear of possible repressive measures on the part of the Government (Sekitar n.d. 1:262). The older leaders had succeeded in temporarily silencing these voices, however. The theory that some of the leaders themselves were caught unawares by the outbreak of the rebellion would explain some of the developments of the first weeks following this. Although seemingly weIl prepared, with simultaneous attacks being launched on towns eities all over Aceh, there are some facts testifying to a definite lack of preparation of this event. At the time of the attack on the police station at Peureulak by Darul Islam troops led by Chazali ldris (Khazali Idris) on September 19th, which marked the actual start of the rebellion, Daud Beureu 'eh was still in Banda Aceh. Other leaders had not yet returned from Medan, where they had been attending a national sports festival, moreover. 7. The R eb ellion During the first two weeks of the rebellion various towns and eities we re attacked, including Banda Aceh. Plans for the attack of the latter came to the notice of the Police only on the day preceding the night in which the insurrection started (Alers 1956: 271), namely th at of September 19th. On the east coast the attacks were concentrated on the towns and eities located on the railroad from Banda Aceh, via Seulimeum in Greater Aceh, Sigli and Meureudu in Pi die, Bireuen and Lhokseumawe in North Aceh, and Idi, Peureulak and Langsa in East Aceh, to Medan. === [PDF page 317] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 307 The small police post of Peureulak, which was manned by about ten officers, was among the first to be attacked. Both the police station and the town of Peureulak were occupied by a rebel force commanded by Chazali Idris without encountering any resistance within two hours. Guards were stationed at strategic points and the Darul Islam flag was flown from important buildings in the town. 19 On that and the next few days also the nearby towns of Idi and Bayeuen were seized, again without any resistance being offered. The occupation of all of these towns was much facilitated by the support lent the rebels by a number of local civil servants. At Peureulak it was the assistant wedana, A.R. Hassan, and in Idi police inspector Aminuddin Ali, who assisted the rebels. 20 Af ter capturing Idi, Bayeuen and Peureulak and bringing all railway traffic to a standstill, the different rebel forces linked up to march on Langsa, the capital of East Aceh. Towards this end buses and private cars were confiscated for the transportation of troops. Up to that moment the rebels had met with very little opposition, and had disarmed local Police units without much trouble at all. For a short while it looked as though it might be possible also to take Langsa without a shot being fired. For the population of this town, in the absence of the bupati of East Aceh (who would have sided with the rebels anyway) and of the chief of Police, who were both of them still at Medan, was strongly in favour of surrender. Accordingly delegates were sent to Peureulak and to Bayeuen to sound out the rebels as to their intentions and to discuss the terms of surrender with them. These returned with the message that the Darul Islam troops in any case would march on Langsa to collect the arms of the Army and Poli ce units stationed there. A stopper was put on these plans for surrender when the chief of Police returned from Medan and in turn imposed an ultimatum on the rebels to hand over their arms. Darul Islam troops approached Langsa from the west and the north and launched a concerted attack on the Military Police and Mobile Brigade barracks on September 21st. The Republican Army, supported by fresh troops from Medan, was able to repulse th is attack. The defeat of the rebels at Langsa marked the turning-point in the fighting in East Aceh. On September 23rd Republican troops recaptured Bayeuen, and in the next two days Idi and Peureulak. In North Aceh the regional capital of Lhokseumawe was violently attacked in vain a number of times, the first time on the morning of September 21st, when the rebels were obliged to === [PDF page 318] === 308 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam retreat after a battle of about four hours. They renewed their attack several times the next few days, but again without success, although at one point the situation became so critical that the evacuation of the civil population was contemplated. Another town in North Aceh, Bireuen, was occupied by them for a short time. So was Seulimeum in Greater Aceh, which was taken on September 21st. Upon the rebels' attacking it the Republican Police garrison offered no resistance. In Pidie the rebels failed to take the capital, Sigli. They were more successful at Tangse, Geumpang and Meureudu, which latter town gave them a lot of trouble, however. It only feIl af ter an assault by what may be described as the Acehnese Darul Islam's crack troops, af ter its de fenders ran out of ammunition, moreover. The troops occupying Meureudu comprised a unit of regular Republican Army soldiers originating from Aceh, commanded by Hasan Saleh, who at the outbreak of the rebellion had deserted and marched from Sidikalang in Tapanuli, where they had been stationed, back to North Aceh. Hasan Saleh himself had been sent on long furlough before the outbreak of the rebellion. In Central Aceh the Darul Islam forces occupied Takengon. As at Meureudu, they were able to enter the town only af ter the Republican troops had run out of ammunition. Another town that feIl was Tapak Tuan in Sou th Aceh (Amin 1956:48-61; Keterangan Pemerintah 1953; Ariwiadi 1965:3-7). The rebels did not accomplish a great deal by the occupation of these towns. Their leaders might have höped that they were st rong enough to drive the Republican Army out of at least a major part of the territory of Aceh and to repulse any counterattacks, but this proved an over-estimation of the strength of the Darul Islam forces. They were not able to hold the towns and cities they had taken [or very long. A counter-offensive by Republican Govemment troops drove the Darul Islam troops out of them with obvious ease. Some towns were reoccupied within days. Others held out longer. With the fall of Takengon, Tangse and Geumpang at the end of November, however, the rebels were definitively dislodged from the urban areas. They retreated to the countryside, where, notably in the kabupatens along the north coast, they put up a fierce resistance. The govemment officials showed themselves extremely pleased at the speedy success of the first military actions. So S.M. Amin (1953:4), who was soon thereafter to be appointed govemor of North Sumatra, stated that from a military point of view the === [PDF page 319] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 309 rebellion was over and that all that remained for the Government to do was to launch a pacification campaign. Even so, it must have been obvious at the same time, in the light of the situation in West Java, South Sulawesi and South Kalimantan, that pacification was no easy matter. This was certainly realized by the commander of the Bukit Barz'san Division of North Sumatra, Colonel Maludin Simbolon, who from the start expressed the opinion th at the situation was and continued to be very grave and that the rebels would be impossible to subdue by military means alone (Sekitar n.d. 1:37; ANP-Aneta 1954: 126). The outbreak of the rebellion had moreover made the administration of the area very difficult for the Republican Government, and had seriously disrupted the functioning of the regional government and economy. In the former it was the departments harbouring the most PUS A sympathizers which suffered most, owing to the defection of their personnel. Amin, in a tentative assessment of the situation (1953:7), estimated that about seventy per cent of the employees of the Regional Government Departments of Religion, Social Affairs, and Information had left their jobs and joined the rebels. The Department of Education had to cope with a different though equally serious problem, namely that a large proportion of the teachers had fled to Medan or had been evacuated. For the first few months of the rebellion they refused to return to Aceh, saying that they would rather be dismissed (Amin 1953:8). There were similar problems in the loc al administration. A number of bupatis, as we have seen, had sided with the rebels. The situation at a lower level was worse still. Many of the lowest-Ievel administrators, the keuchiks and the imeums (heads) of the mukims, had gone over to the rebels. 21 Worst affected by this was Pidie, where the bupati, all three wedanas, all but one of the twenty camats, and 99 of the 188 z'meums changed their allegiance (ANP-Aneta 1954:106). As in other areas affected by Darul Islam risings, it was the lowest officials who felt the impact of the rebellion most directly. The exercise of their function in areas where Darul Islam influence was strong was outright dangerous. So it is not surprising that the Republican Government, in its efforts to build up its local administration again, had difficulty in finding people prepared to represent it on the village level. Although it succeeded in filling vacancies and replacing officials whose loyalty was under suspicion in the higher administrative echelons, it failed to find enough loyal candidates for these lower positions. By April 1954 the Republican Government had succeeded in building up its === [PDF page 320] === 310 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam administration again from the camat level upwards, i.e. in the relatively safe urban areas. Even so, a parliamentary commission visiting Aceh in early 1954 was obliged to report that the newly appointed bupatis, wedanas and camats in Greater Aceh and Pidie were still not able to make inspection tours in their areas and were only safe in the towns and in places where Republican troops were stationed. Some camats had to be conveyed to their posts under armed escort in the mornings and taken back to the city in the same way at night (ANP-Aneta 1954: 107). At the same time twenty per cent of the functions of imeum mukim and keuchz'k were still vacant (Pendapat pemerintah 1954: 2). In a number of villages, more over, the Republican imeum mukz'm and keuchz'k were also secretly working for the rebels. Economically the region suffered greatly from the disruption of traffic. Many parts of Aceh showed the at that time very familiar scene of ruined bridges and impassable roads. Sometimes road travel was only possible under convoy. In other cases the permission of local Darul Islam troops was required, which was usually received only af ter payment of a fee. This applied not only to private travel but also to bus and truck traffic. Some entrepreneurs in fact paid the rebels regular sums of money just to be able to continue operating. 22 The railways also experienced difficulties. Apart from the hazard of train hold-ups, there were frequent damages to rail-tracks and stations. For a number of years it was impossible to have trains run to schedule, especially in Pidie (Keterangan pemerintah 1954: 11; Gelanggang 1956: 113-115; Junus 1955:3). The safest way to travel was by baat, but the shipping facilities were far from sufficient to compensate for the decrease in land transport facilities (Amin 1953:8). Initially the rebellion does not seem to have brought about any sudden shortage of food or drop in the productivity of the agricultural estates. There were same alarming reports circulating about the negative effects of the rebellion on the estate economy, such as that labourers had fled in large numbers and that the agricultural work and administration of the plantations had suffered badly. Foreign personnel were advised to evacuate the estates, while in same cases in addition the Indonesian management fled to join the rebels. There was one report of Said Abubakar, who had leased an estate at Langsa, having disappeared, taking with him Rp. 300,000.- in wages. In the East Acehnese oil-fields furthermore, the entire management, including general manager Amir Husin al Mudjahid, disappeared. === [PDF page 321] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 311 According to official govemment sources all this did not affect productivity, however. The oil fields were still functioning normally (which meant very poorly), while estate yields had even increased by 15 per cent, so Amin noted (Keterangan pemerintah 1953: 110; Amin 1953: 10). The problem which caused the govemment the most headaches at the time, apart from the military actions themselves, was that of the care and accommodation of prisoners. By the end of March 1954 a total of 4,666 persons had been arrested. The capacity of the existing prisons was far from sufficient to cope with this hu ge number, and schools and other public buildings had to be converted into internment camps. Even then there was not enough room and prisoners had to be taken to places outside Aceh (Pendapat pemerintah 1954:4-5). By this latter means the Republican Govemment also hoped to speed up the interrogation of prisoners, there being an insufficient number of qualified personnel for this in Aceh, but the measure failed to have the required result. The prisons and camps in Aceh continued to be filled to overflowing and the interrogation of prisoners to be an extremely slow process. When the interrogations got really underway, most of tbe prisoners proved to be innocent and to have been arrested on only the slightest of suspicions. By 1956 all but about 400 were released again (Amin 1956: 130-132). 8. The Islamic State of Aceh At the outbreak of the rebellion Daud Beureu'eh issued a proclamation in which, in the name of the Islamic community of Aceh, he declared Aceh and surrounding areas part of the Islamic State of Indonesia. He justified the proclamation and the repudiation of the Indonesian Republic by arguing that the Republican leaders in Jakarta had deviated from the right course. The Republic had not developed into a state based upon Islam, in his eyes the only possible implication of the principle of Belief in the One and Only God, the first pillar of the Pancasila. On the contrary, it had become increasingly clear to him that the Republican poli ticians were moving further and further away from this ideal. By this he was alluding to the attempts to place greater emphasis on another Pancast'la pillar: Indonesian nationalism, which he had discemed. Hereby he picked out some of the main elements of Soekamo's ill-fated speech at Amuntai. Taking up Soekamo's statement that he gave preference to a national state from fear lest, in the event of the creation of an Islamic State, some regions === [PDF page 322] === 312 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam break away from it, Oaud Beureu'eh posited that Aceh had taken the lead in breaking away from a state that was based only on nationalism. His words testify that, for some at least, the difference between a religious or Islamic and a national state was no longer a matter of terminology but had developed into an important factual opposition. Oaud Beureu'eh claimed that the people of Aceh understood the real meaning of the words "religion" and "nationalism", and th at anyone who believed th at religious people did not love their country probably misunderstood Islam. He further asserted that the Indonesian Republic did not, in fact, guarantee freedom of religion in the true sense of the word. It did not accept the fact of Islam 's non-differentiation between the religious and the secular fields or the Muslim view that Islamic principles should be applied in all spheres of life. If there existed real freedom of religion, then Islamic law would be operative in Aceh, considering that one hundred per cent of the population of Aceh were Muslims. In this sort of situation it would be absolutely imp os si bIe for the Attorney General to prohibit sermons with a political content, he claimed, as poli tics and religion were indistinguishable. Another point on which Oaud Beureu 'eh attacked the Central Government was that it had never acceded to any of Aceh's requests and that it now regarded Aceh, which during the revolution had been the Republic's "capitaI" area, as a wayward region. 23 Nor had it made any concessions to Aceh's pleas for autonomy, then still conceived within the framework of the Republic. Oaud Beureu 'eh wondered why a debate on this had had to await the formation of the Constituent Assembly, and whether this was perhaps because the Government and Central Parliament only wanted to shelve the issue. That the latter were capable of speedyaction had been demonstrated at the time of the conversion of the federal United States of Indonesia into the unitary Indonesian Republic. Daud Beureu'eh underlined the fact that the people of Aceh had patiently waited for the formation of the Constituent Assembly for years, but that the Government and Parliament had not realized this and had now even decided to postpone the general elections. He expressed the supposition that perhaps the government put its own interests before those of the people. He further wondered if the government might possibly be giving more help and encouragement to the small groupof believers in the One and Only God of another creed, or to people who did not believe in God at all, in flagrant con tempt of the ideas and wishes of the majority. === [PDF page 323] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 313 The people of Aceh did not want to become separated from their brothers, Daud Beureu'eh stressed, but neither did they want to be treated like a stepchild. In this connection he pointed to the lack of good educational facilities and job opportunities for the children of Aceh, while the absence of a satisfactory transport system was hampering people in their economic activities. His proclamation of the Islamic State of Aceh did not mean that a state within a state had been created, he added. In the past the Indonesian Republic had been regarded as a golden bridge towards the realization of an ideal of the state that had been cherished from the beginning. Now, however, the bridge was no longer looked upon as a means of communication, but rather as an obstacle. Loyalty to the Republic, based as it was on nationalism, had disappeared, while further the people no longer felt themselves united by a common legal system. In response to the claims that the proclamation of the Islamic State would give rise to chaos and was in conflict with the law, Daud Beureu 'eh asserted that on the contrary, the prevailing legal chaos had provoked the rebellion. He advised the Republican leaders not to use violence, but to tackle the crux of the matter and correct the foundations of their state as weIl as rectify their In other statements the rebellion was characterized as a movement to free Aceh from J avanese colonialism. Here the leaders in Jakarta were depicted as infidels out after the destruction of Islam, e.g. through reforms of the educational system. They were further branded as corrupt administrators, appointing their own friends to positions of importance, and allegedly firing or retiring at will anyone who did not belong to their circlc, "because their health was not one hundred per cent, because they had no education, there was something wrong with their appearance, in short, for a thousand and one reasons" (cited by Amin 1956:88). This latter quotation testifies, incidentally, that thc Central Govcrnment's policy of applying fixed standards for admission to the Civil Service and Army aroused strong resentment in Aceh as weIl. The Republican leaders in Jakarta were accused of trying to promote the interests of Java and the Javanese. Much was made of their alleged Hinduist background. In April 1954, for instance, Daud Beureu'eh dcscribed thc Republican Govcrnment as a Hinduistic one clothcd in a nationalistic jacket which very closcly rescmblcd Communism (Gclanggang 1956:54). lts chief desirc, in === [PDF page 324] === 314 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam the eyes of the Acehnese rebels, was to bring back the time of the Javanese empire of Majapahit in its hey-day. It was allegedly bent on disseminating its ideas through the medium of the laws, ordinances, etc., issued by the Indonesian Republic, which all breathed a spirit of Hinduism. The PNI and a number of smaller parties were accused of being instrumental in these efforts. For these parties all emphasized the Pancasila pillar of Indonesian nationalism as a political cover for their attempts to further Hinduism. Many Muslims had reportedly fallen into the trap and had supported individuals who were actually bent on the destruction of Islam. Besides identifying the Javanese Muslims with Hinduism, these statements expressed fear at and lashed out against the advance of Communism. The change of government of July 1953 was interpreted as a clear sign of the growing influence of Communism in the political sphere. This change had involved the replacement of the Wilopo Cabinet, supported by Masyumi and the PNI, by the first Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet, which included no Masyumz' ministers and had PKI's support in Parliament. The change was indicated as one of the immediate causes of the rebellion. With the Masyumz' being forced into the opposition, the government had fallen into the hands of the enemies of Islam. The rebellion was further represented to the people of Aceh as a continuation of their pre-war resistance to Dutch colonialism and their struggle for independence. The Indonesian Republic was explicitly stated to have forfeited the right to act in the name of the proclamation of independence. Not only had it failed to give Islam its due place in society, but worse still, it was actually a Dutch product. In the tradition of the other rebellious movements it was dubbed the "Round Table Conference Republic". The true heir of the August 1945 proclamation was the Islamic State of Indonesia, which had taken over the struggle for independence af ter the Indonesian Republic had ceased to exist as a result of the arrest of its Government by the Dutch in December 1948 (Amin 1956:87-94; Gelanggang 1956:33-34). In putting forward the latter argument, the leaders of the rebellion had some difficulty in explaining why they had joined the Islamic State of Indonesia only now and not from its inception in 1949. Hence the emphasis on the postponement of the general elections and on the change in government. Although the people of Aceh had continued to hope and had patiently awaited the granting of their requests by Jakarta, these two incidents had been the last straw. === [PDF page 325] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 315 Initially Aceh was envisaged as a province of the Islamic State of Indonesia with wide autonomy. Head of this province was Daud Beureu'eh, who, as during the struggle for independence, fulfilled the function of civil and military govemor and in this capacity was also commander of the Fifth Territorial Division of the Islamic Army of Indonesia, the Teungku Chz"k Dz"tiro Division, and representative of the Central Government of the Islamic State of Indonesia. In civil matters he was assisted by an Administrative Council, called Dewan Syura, alongside which the formation of a Parliament, the Majlz"s Syura, was announced. 24 In military matters he was assisted by a Military Council, the Dewan Mz1iter, which was made up of three persons: Daud Beureu'eh himself, Amir Husin al Mudjahid, as vice-chairman of the Dewan Syura, and Husin Jusuf, as Chief of Staff of the Teungku Chz"k Ditz"ro Division. At the lower levels, those of the kabupatens and the kecamatans, military and civil affairs for the time being remained separated, in principle at least. The commanders of local army units did not necessarily have to be the heads of the Civil Administration, and vice versa. Within the next two years the administrative structure was changed twice. The first adjustments were made upon the rebels' recovery from the shock sustained as a result of the failure of the plan to occupy the towns and eities and the driving back of the Darul Islam forces into the forests. They were prompted by the realization that the strategy had to be changed from one of frontal attacks on Republican troops to one of guerilla warfare, and the awareness that the number of people who in one way or another assisted the enemy was increasing day by day (Pendjelasan penting Komando Tentara Islam Indonesia Terr. V Divisi Teungku Tjhik Ditiro 5-4-1954). For the sake of waging a more effective guerilla war, the Military and Civil Administrations were brought together into the one hand through the institution of Komandemens. There was such a command for Aceh as a whole as weIl as for each of the kabupatens (divided into a number of subcommands) and kecamatans. The commander of the relevant military unit became the first commander of the Komandemen, and his Chief of Staff its Chief of Staff. The heads of the Civil Administration, the bupati or camat (and in the case of the kabupaten sub-commands the wedana), were made second commanders. These three functionaries, of whom the first commander was the supreme head, thus constituted the executive of each Komandemen. 25 These changes further strengthened Daud Beureu'eh's position, === [PDF page 326] === 316 RebelIion under the Banner of Islam as he now headed both the Civil and the Military Administration. For the Command of Aceh as a whole this meant th at he was almost the entire executive committee. Moreover, the Dewan Syura, Majlis Syura and Dewan Militer were dedared "passive", while the Komandemen was given legislative powers. Admittedly, it was decreed at the same time that all decisions of a legislative nature should be discussed with a newly instituted consultative body. This body, however, was made up of the Komandemen's executive, supplemented with the heads of the government agencies of the region concerned - who all belonged to the Komandemen staff and were subordinate to its first commander - and at most three outsiders, usually religious leaders To effectuate the changes, the structure of the Islamic Army of Aceh had to be changed as weIl. Originally the Teungku Chik Dz·tiro Division was made up of five regiments, each divided into a number of battalions. As early as the end of 1953 these regiments were styled bases (pangkalan), and were supposed in theory at least to comprise both mobile and territorial troops (Buku 1956:9), the latter being made up for the greater part of loc al people armed with machetes and knives and the like. Now, in June 1954, the division wa; redivided into six regiments, one for each kabupaten. Later on a seventh regiment, the Tharmz·him Regiment, was formed, to carry out guerilla operations in East Sumatra. 26 Further changes were introduced in September of the next year, when the rebels held a conference at Batèë Kurëng, in Greater Aceh. This conference was attended by ninety people, of whom two represented East Sumatra. It was organized a few months after Daud Beureu'eh's appointment by Kartosuwirjo as Vice-President of the Islamic State of Indonesia in January 1955. Other people from Aceh besides had been included in the new all-Indonesian Cabinet of the Islamic State of Indonesia. So Al Murthadla (Amir Husin al Mudjahid) was appointed Second Deputy Minister of Defence, Hasan Aly Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Teungku Nja' Tjut (Nya' Cut) Minister of Education. At the Batèë Kurëng conference the position of Aceh within the Islamic State of Indonesia and the region 's administrative structure were discussed. Originally Daud Beureu'eh had intended conferring only with his dosest advisors, the members of the consultative body of the Aceh Komandemen, about the area's relations with the Islamic State of Indonesia and the Indonesian Republic. He advocated the creation of a separate state of Aceh, === [PDF page 327] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 317 still within the framework of a (federal) Islamic State. The actual presence at Batèë Kurëng of a larger number of Darul Islam leaders in connection with the plans for celebrating the second anniversary of the proclamation of 1953 forced Daud Beureu'eh to convene a larger meeting. At this second meeting the leaders agreed on the formation of a separate state, though some, such as T.A. Hasan, did so with a certain reluctance. In return they pushed through their wishes for a more democratic structure of this state, in which the civil administration was again to be free from military supervision and in which a parliament would be formed. The conference culminated in the Batèë Kurëng Charter, whereby the status of Aceh was changed from that of a province to a state within the Islamic State of Indonesia. The Charter, which served as a kind of provisional constitution, again provided for a separation of the executive and legislative powers. The Head of State, or Wali Negara, who was to be elected by the people of Aceh, was to be the head of the executive. For the time being Daud Beureu'eh was designated as such by the delegates, however (par. 3). He was assisted in his function by a Cabinet headed by a Prime Minister. The Cabinet and ministers were to be accountable to the Head of State (par. 4). In this Charter the Majlis Syura made its reappearance. Although the members of this parliament were to be elected by the people, for the time being they would be appointed by the Head of State (par. 5). The MajHs Syura as agreed upon at Batèë Kurëng was to consist of aChairman (Amir Husin al Mudjahid), two vice-chairmen and sixty-one members. 27 No special provisions were made as regards the term of office of its members or its powers. Besides the Majlis Syura, the Majlis Ifta, a council for the deliverance of fatwas to be headed by Teungku Hasbullah Indrapuri, was created. On the subject of the relation of the area to the Central Government of the Islamic State of Indonesia, the Batèë Kurëng Charter stated th at the Acehnese State was to conduct its own affairs except in matters of foreign policy, defence and economic policy (par. 6). At the same time it emphasized that as long as the Islamic State of Indonesia was at war and went on fighting in the defence of Islam, the units of the Islamic Army of Indonesia operating in Aceh were to remain an instrument of the Acehnese State, as were the Police Force and lasykars (par. 8). In the newly created Cabinet, which was headed by Hasan Aly as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, Husin Jusuf occupied the function of Minister of Security, and T.A. Hasan held the portfolios of Finance and Health, while T.M. Amin was appointed === [PDF page 328] === 318 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Minister of Economic Affairs and Welfare, Zainul Abidin Muhammad Tiro of Justice, M. Ali Kasim of Education, and Abdul Gani Mutiara of Information. 28 The new Cabinet drafted a nine-point program me in which it undertook to re-organize and improve the Civil Administration, the Army and the Police Force, and to ameliorate the social conditions of its civil and military personnel, as weIl as of the population at large. Steps in this direction had already been taken through the foundation of a Militar~ Academy in East Aceh and the establishment of hospitals. 2 The new Cabinet further pledged in its programme to expand the judiciary, which was explicitly stated in the Batèë Kurëng Charter to form a power apart. But, as in the case of the Civil Administration, it made the reservation th at in concrete realization the fact th at the country was still in a state of (guerilla) war would have to be taken into account (Gelanggang 1956:202-207; Amin 1956:72; Meuraxa 1956:49-57; PR 4-1-1956). The Cabinet lacked a Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Charter leaving foreign affairs to the Central Government. Still, just as it had its own defence policy, so Aceh maintained its own foreign relations. In this respect it was much more fortunate than any of the other Darul Islam areas. Partly this was the result of its proximity to the Malaysian Peninsuia, which facilitated the smuggling of arms and other goods and money, as weIl as the maintenance of close relations with representatives and sympathizers on the opposite coast. From time to time rumours circulated that Daud Beureu'eh had crossed the Straits to enlist Malaysian support. Moreover, Said Abubakar was frequently mentioned as being in Penang or Singapore to solicit financial aid or even to establish contact with the Communist rebels in Malaysia (Sekitar n.d. 111: 127 -128).30 Most active in enlisting foreign support for the Islamic State of Indonesia, and later on for the United Republic of Indonesia, however, was Hasan Muhammad Tiro, a brother of Minister of Justice Zainul Abidin Tiro. Hasan Muhammad Tiro, described by an American journalist as "intelligent, weIl educated, weIl informed, and endowed with a seldom met combination of charm and firmness" (Burham 1961), was bom at the village Tiro, near Lammeulo in Pidie. In the Dutch period he was one of Daud Beureu'eh's pupils at the Blang Paseh madrasah in Sigli, while during the Japanese occupation he studied at the Perguruan Normal Islam, where he became a "favourite" of Said Abubakar. After the proclamation of === [PDF page 329] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 319 independence he went to Yogyakarta to study at the Faculty of Law of the Universitas Islam Indonesia. He returned to Aceh for a short while to work for the Emergency Government of Sjafruddin Prawiranegara. Back in Yogyakarta, he became one of the two students of the Universz"tas Islam Indonesia who in 1950 received a grant to continue their studies at Columbia University. In the United States Hasan Muhammad Tiro worked with the Department of Information of the Indonesian United Nations Delegation for a time (BI 13-1-1950, IB 11-9-1954). In the second half of 1954 he caused the Republican Government considerable embarrassment. Styling himself "Plenipotentiary Minister" and "Ambassador to the United Nations and United States" of the Islamic Republic of Indonesia, as he called the Islamic State, he sent an ultimatum to Prime Minister Ali Sastroamidjojo in early September of that year. In this he accused the "communist-fascist" government of leading the Indonesian nation to the brink of economic and political collapse, poverty, dissension and civil war, and of committing aggression against the people of Aceh, West Java, Central Java, South and Central Sulawesi and Kalimantan, and further of pursuing a policy of divide et imp era and colonialism, and of stirring up the various ethnic and religious groups against each other. He asked Ali Sastroamidjojo whether perhaps a new age of colonialism had set in in which only the Communists reaped the fruits of independence, while the rest would simply be killed oH. He then demanded th at the Ali Sastroamidjojo Government cease its aggressive policies, release its political prisoners, and start negotiations with the Darul Islam rebels. If not, then he personally would take a number of measures. For instance, he would open embassies all over the world - in the United States, Europe, Asia, and all the Islamic countries, as weil as at the United Nations - and expose the Republican Government's savagery and cruelty and its violation of Human Rights in Aceh before the General Assembly of the United Nations, and ask the latter to send a Committee of Inquiry to Aceh. Let the international forum be informed, he said, of the most vicious acts of cruelty committed in the world since the times of Genghis Khan and Hulagu (the latter's grandson, who ruled Iran from 1251-1265). Other steps Hasan Muhammad Tiro was contemplating were to bring a charge of genocide against the Republican Government before the United Nations, to inform the Islamic world of the cruelty committed against religious scholars in Aceh, West and === [PDF page 330] === 320 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Central Java, Kalimantan and Sulawesi and to fight for international recognition of and moral and material support for the Islamic Republic of Indonesia. He moreover announced th at if the Republican Government failed to satisfy his demands, he would try and effect an international diplomatie and economie boycott of the Republic, as weIl as discontinuation of the aid provided it through the Colombo Plan or by the United Nations and the United States (PR 7-9-1954; Sekitar n.d. 111:445-447). The Republican Government brushed Hasan Mohammad Tiro's dcmands aside and gave him till September 22nd to return to Indoncsia. When he disobeyed the order, his passport was withdrawn. Hasan Muhammad Tiro was thereupon taken into custody by the American Immigration Service and detained at Ellis Island. He was released again aftcr paying a bail of US$ 500.--. He retaliated by publishing a letter in the New York Times drawing attention to the advance of Communism in Indonesia since the Ali Sastroamidjojo Govcrnment had come into power, and by submitting to the United Nations a report on "Violations of Human Rights by the Sastroamidjojo regime in Indonesia". Thc Republican Govcrnment was unable to silence Muhammad Hasan Tiro, or to get him extradited from the United States. Hasan Muhammad Tiro thus was able to continue his anti- Republican propaganda campaign in Ncw York. Early in 1955 he sent letters to twelve Islamic countries asking them to boycott the Afro-Asian Conference, a Republican Government showpiece, which was to be held in Bandung in April. In justification of his request he claimed that Islamic leaders and their followers, except for those who bowed to the Commtinists, were being persecuted and killed by the Army and Police of the "communist-dominated" Ali Sastroamidjojo Government (Sekitar n.d. III:443-488; PR 18-9-1954, 30-9-1954,9-2-1955). 9. Conflicts and Negotiations Immediately following Daud Bcureu'eh's proclamation of the rebellion the governor of North Sumatra applied to the Central Government for military assistance. His request was promptly granted, and troops from Central Sumatra and the remainder of North Sumatra were brought into action. Later on units of the Central J avanese Diponegoro Division were also ordered to Aceh. The Government was detcrmined to dcal with thc situation with firmness and to quash the rcbcllion quickly. As it was put by Prime Ministcr Ali Sastroamidjojo: "When thc housc is on firc, === [PDF page 331] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 321 put the fire out without stopping to ask qucstions" (Sjamsuddin 1975: 63). Neverthelcss, thc ultimatc rcsponsibility for the security operations continued to lic with the civil authorities. This was because of the special character of the region, and more particularly in view of the strength of Islam, as Ali Sastroamidjojo eXplained in Parliament in 1955. No martial law, whereby the military would take charge, was declared. The Government morcover promised from thc start of the rebellion to study the question of autonomy for Aceh and to give more attention to the area's economic dcvelopment. Thc Government, in framing its policy, had to consider on the one hand the PNI and PKI demands for strongcr militaryaction, and on the other hand the voices pressing for ncgotiations and for giving in to some of the rebels' demands. Proponents of both views were to be found in Jakarta as weil as in Aceh. Some political parties and organizations in Aceh urged the Governmcnt not to discuss any of the rebels' demands until order was restored. In addition a number of Islamic scholars deplored the rebellion and branded it as prohibited by Islam and in conflict with Islamic law (Amin 1956:106-107; Sekitar n.d. 111: 1 7). These denunciations by Islamic scholars reached their peak in early 1955, when two of them, Teungku Haji Sani and Teungku Haji Ismail, founded the Gerakan Keamanan Rakyat Muslimin Daerah Aceh (Peace Movement of the Muslim People of Aceh). In Ieaflets dropped by plane over Banda Aceh and Lhokseumawe they explicitly denied th at Islam advocated in subordination against the legitimate government, however despotic th at government might be. And they pointed out, appealing to the Indonesian translation of Basic concepts of the Islamic State by the Pakistani au thor Khalif Abdul Hakim, that if one did not succeed in defending one's basic human rights by peaceful means, then the only course left open to one was hijrah. They further tried to convince the population that the Republican Government guaranteed all its citizens freedom of religion and attacked Hasan Muhammad Tiro for his activities at the United Nations (Gerakan Keamanan Rakjat Muslimin Daerah Atjeh, Siaran Kilat no. 1, 2,3 and 4). The Movement's campaign backfired, however. There were strong suspicions that it was actively supported by the Central Government, while some strict Muslims took offence at leaflets with Koranic texts written on them ending up in the gutter, seeing in this an insult to Islam (Sekitar n.d. 111: 193-200). Those people in favour of negotiations also organized themselves. In Aceh they instituted a Badan Kontak Pribadi Peristz'wa === [PDF page 332] === 322 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Aceh (Private Contact Committee in the Aceh Affair) for the purpose of keeping in touch with the rebels and transmitting the latter's grievances to the Central Govemment, on the initiative of a leading merchant, D.M. Djuned (D.M. Juned), in November 1953. 31 In Jakarta there was a strong pro-rebel lobby centered around the Members of Parliament Amelz, a former PSU member now acting independently, and Nur el Ibrahimy, a member of Masyumi and ex-secretary of PUSA, to plead their case. They were in general supported by the Masyumi politicians, who also urged the Govemment not to try to solve the situation through military measures alone, but to seek a political solution and remove some of the causes prompting the rebels to take up arms. The Govemment th us was advised to carefully investigate the pros and cons of granting Aceh some form of regional autonomy, and even of giving it the status of a special region. Because this latter was a question bearing upon the second of the Indonesian Republic's major constitutional problems, that of whether the Indonesian state structure should be unitary or federal, it had extrcmely wide implications. Those in favour of granting Aceh greater autonomy were the same parties and groups that advocated a federal state structure or greater decentralization. They included not only the Partai Sosz'ahs /ndonesz'a (PSI) but also a party with a regional basis like the Sen'kat Kerakyatan /ndonesia (SKI), or lndonesian People's Association, of South Kalimantan. Together they formed a group capable of rallying considerable support. This became clear in February 1954, when a parliamentary commission which had visited Aceh the previous month submitted its resultant report. This report extensively quoted the Acehnese Islamic scholars whom the members of the commission had talked to. Among the recommendations made by these scholars the report mentioned that for the adoption by the Govemment, with a view to the ideal of an Islamic State in Aceh, of part of the Islamic law, for instance the civil law, and so forbid everything that was in conflict with this law, such as gambling, dancing, and the sale of liquor. The report moreover quoted the Islamic scholars as being of the opinion that the Central Govemment should send a miss ion to Aceh to meet Daud Beureu'eh, and should pay attention to the demands for autonomy of many Acehnese (ANP- Aneta 1954:113-114).32 The commission remained completely impartial in its report, contenting itself with simply quoting the views put forward by === [PDF page 333] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 323 people in Aceh. However, its members, on their way back to Jakarta, had formulated a proposal of their own urging the Government to change the administrative subdivision of Indonesia and to make Aceh one of the nineteen (new) autonomous provinces of Indonesia (Sekitar n.d. 111: 14-15).3 Because the Government needed more time and had already started making preparations for a new provincial division the proposal was not tabled. Nevertheless, during the discus sion of the report another proposal was submitted, this time by a group of members of parliament headed by Djuir Muhammad Guir Muhammad) of the PSI. 34 It cited Aceh as an illustration par excellence of the artificial way in which provinces had been created in the past, and argued that the only way of solving the problems in Aceh was by granting it autonomy (Sekitar n.d. 111:2-4). In the subsequent de bate representatives of the PNI and PKI, both of which had their largest followings in Java, rejected the proposal. They argued th at the ordinary people in Aceh had not expressed themselves in favour of autonomy, and that it was not the question of autonomy but the ideal of the Islamic State that was behind the rebellion. The Government for its part rejoined that the proposal was superfluous as it was already preparing a provincial redivision of Indonesia and in this connection was considering granting Aceh the status of a province (Sekitar n.d. 111: 14-54). In the end the proposal was shelved, as it turned out indefinitely, awaiting the results of the debates on a bill on regional administration introduced by the Government which had ju st begun. Thcre continued to be great dissatisfaction at the Government's policy and its inability to subdue the various rebellions successfully. The Government's security policy thus remained under attack, prompting Jusuf Wibisono of the Masyumi party, for instance, to bring a motion of no-confidence against the Government. This motion, which was defeated with the slight majority of 115 against versus 92 for at the end of 1954, kept the controversy over Acch alive. Thc Government was criticized for the continuing insecurity of Aceh as well as for the misconduct of its troops there. Although militaryactions initiated by it had had some success, the situation was still far from satisfactory. The effects of the operations of the Republican Army and the Mobile Brigade had been such that by mid-1954 almost half of Aceh was safe enough for the military assistance to be withdrawn, leaving the maintenance of law and order to the regional Police Force. Only in the kabu- === [PDF page 334] === 324 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam patens of Greater Aceh (where the rebels were operating within a few miles of Banda Aceh), Pidie (where Daud Beureu'eh had established the centre of his civil and military administration), North Aceh and the region of Takengon in Central Aceh - the areas in which the rebels were strongest - was military aid continued. In these latter areas the Darul Islam remained extremely active. In the villages under its control here it imposed taxes - in some cases also on schoolteachers and officials of the Republican Government whom it continued in office -, registered marriages and divorces, and generally administered the law, adjudicating routine criminal cases and cases involving the violation of Islamic law, such as the breaking of the fast, and sometimes also passing sentences on waverers unable to make up their minds as to whether to side with the Islamic State or with the Republic (Soeyatno 1977: 71; Sekitar n.d. 111: 103). From their positions in the mountains and forests the rebels continued harassing traffic and attacking army patrols and outposts, operating in groups of sometimes a few hundred. Occasionally they also launched attacks on towns and cities. On the visit to Aceh of the parliamentary commission in January 1954 several exchanges of fire were noted by its mcmbers just outside Banda Aceh and Sigli. During the commission 's stay in Banda Aceh the rebels threw incendiary bombs and tried to start fires in the town (ANP-Aneta 1954: 105). On August 17th, 1954, furthermore, Darul Islam troops entered and occupied Lamno, holding the town for two days. Around the same time they attacked Seulimeum, also in Greater Aceh. The next year the rebels tricd to enter Idi and moreover fired on Sigli. The attack on Idi was one indication that these other parts of Aceh, too, still had to reckon with Darul Islam activities, which after 1954 became more frequent again. In West, Centra! and East Aceh as well- which areas thc Republican Government considered to be relatively safe - the Darul Islam became more activc, as a consequence partly of rcscntment at the behaviour of Republican troops and partly of Islamic Army troop movemcnts. In early 1955 Hasan Saleh moved from Pidie to West Acch. Af ter leaving his brother Ibrahim Saleh in command there, he then proccedcd to East Aceh, with as ultimate destination Tapanuli in East Sumatra. In East Aceh his troops were reinforced by units commanded by Banda Chairullah (Banda Khairullah), who also came from Pidie. Other troops from Pidie, commanded by A.G. Mutiari, marched in West Aceh (Sekitar n.d. 111: 130, 132). === [PDF page 335] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion ofthe Islamic Scholars 325 The Darul Islam in Aceh now also tried, more than ever before, to harm the Republican Government economically. It not only continued its attempts to disrupt communications, but also began to direct attacks at plantations and industrial plants. In Central Aceh a number of resin estates were attacked and set on fire. In East Aceh the oil-fields became a target of rebel attacks. The guerillas scored one of their biggest successes in March 1955, when they attacked the harbour of Kuala Langsa, setting fire to all the warehouses (only that of the Dutch KPM was mysteriously spared), and inflicting considerable damage (Gelanggang 1956:115-119; Sekitar n.d. 111:121-122; Abdul Murat Mat Jan 1976:37). The Republican Army had the greatest difficulty in suppressing the guerillas' activities. As late as 1956 the Military Command of North Sumatra was obliged to admit that the morale of the rebel army - whose strength was estimated at 1,400 - was high, and that the enemy had supporters and sympathizers in almost every village. In Aceh, it stated, the one major condition for waging a successful guerilla war was met, namely the support of the local population. Even people who at first had been opposed to the Islamic State of Indonesia, or had been neutral, had been won over to the rebels' cause by the propaganda made by them. The Army Command admitted th at the misconduct of its own soldiers had contributed to this success of the Darul Islam propaganda (Buku 1956: 12-13, 46). Soldiers from outside the region - Batak, Minangkabau and Javanese - had sometimes gravely offended the Acehnese by their conduct. To remedy this the Army issued ins truc ti ons to its personnel on the correct treatment of the local population, giving them information on Acehnese society as weU as advice on how to behave in this society. So it warned them against entering mosques wearing shoes and against gambling and drinking alcoholic beverages, exhorting them to respect local custom. In this connection it informed them on the proper conduct vis-à-vis Acehnese women, advising them, if they wished to marry alocal girl, to approach her parents and relatives and become acquainted with the relevant rules first (Buku 1956:54-63). The conflicts that occurred did not stem exclusively from sheer ignorance, however. There were also instances of deliberately offensive behaviour, as weU as cases of alleged torture and murderous assault. A number of accusations were in fact lodged against the Republican Army for aUeged war crimes and misconduct, and as early as February 1954 the Masyumi Member of === [PDF page 336] === 326 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Parliament Mohammad Nur ei Ibrahimy proposed the institution of a parliamentary commission to inquire into what he called the crueI and arbitrary behaviour of Republican soldiers (ANP-Aneta 1954: 124). Some cases involved violations of the (strict) moral rules of the region. In early 1955, for instance, some Minangkabau soldiers entered a village near Banda Aceh and ordered all the women to assembie, whereupon they lowered their trousers, exhibiting their private parts, and asked the women if they were not as fine as those of Acehnese men. On another occasion some Acehnese prisoners of war were forced to compare their genitals with those of Republican soldiers to show them th at there was no difference, and that the latter, too, were circumcised and hence should not be branded infidels (Gelanggang 1956:94, 103). Other incidents involved looting by Republican troops, the burning down of houses abandoned by thcir occupants on suspicion that the lattcr had gone over to the rebels, and the killing and torturing of prisoners and of innocent villagers (Gelanggang 1956:81-112). Reportcdly the two most serious of these incidents took place at Cot jeumpa and Pulot Leupung, two villages ne ar Banda Aceh in Greater Aceh, an area which was considered safe by the Republican troops, in February 1955. The two incidents were exposed by the ncwspaper Peristiwa which was published in Banda Aceh. According to the Peristiwa report, Republican troops on February 26th had taken all the inhabitants of Cot jeumpa prisoner and shot them dead. A similar incident had occurred at nearby Pulot Leupung two days later. Peristiwa alleged that in the two incidents about one hundred people in all had been killed, including children. The version put forward by the Army was different, however. Not denying the high number of dearhs, it tried to justify these by saying that the victims had all fallen in battle. A few days before the incidents, the Army spokesmen eXplained, shots had been fired at an army truck on a brigade near Cot jeumpa. One of the bullets had hit the petrol tank, setting the truck ablaze, as a result of which fifteen Republican soldiers had burnt to death. The ambush had been laid by one Pawang Leman, an ex-major of the revolution and a former local camat. Information gathered by the Republican Army had shown that the local population on the fateful day had turned all traffic - with the exception of the army truck - back on the pretext that the bridge was broken. Pawang Leman, according to the same source, had incited the population to start a holy war. The Republican commander had subsequently decided to act on this === [PDF page 337] === VI Aceh, the RebelIion of the Islamic Scholars 327 information, and sent apatrol to Cot Jeumpa. Here it had been shot at and attacked by Darul Islam troops (by which was meant the local population) armed with machetes and knives. Likewise at Pulot Leupung an army patrol had been attacked by the villagers. Another statement put out stressed that it had been almost impossible to teIl the guerillas apart from ordinary vil· lagers, as the former had mingled with the local population or forced the villagers to advance in the front line. The killings at Cot J eumpa and Pulot Leupung provoked a great many protests from Islamic and Acehnese organizations. The Front Pemuda Aceh (Acehnese Youth Front) threatened to report the incidents to the United Nations and the Afro-Asian Conference countries if justice was not done and an investigation instituted by the Govemment. In Parliament questions were asked by Mohammad Nur el Ibrahimy, Amelz and Sutardjo Kartohadikusuma. On the si de of the Govemment the Minisier of Intemal Affairs was sent to Aceh, while representatives of thc Central Army Staff and the Attorney General also visited the area. Furthermore, the govemor of North Sumatra, S.M. Amin, startcd an investigation. On his visit to the two villages he found Cot Jeumpa completely deserted, while in Pulot Leupung all the men who had escaped the massacre had fled into the mountains. FoIlowing this Prime Minister Ali Sastroamidjojo made a statement to Parliament on behalf of the Govemment in mid-April, the account of events in which was no different from that put forward by the Republican Army (Sekitar n.d. lIl: 272-442; Risalah 1955; ANP-Anc ta 1955:208-211). The Darul Islam forces for their part wcre also accused of crimes and mass murders. So they had allegedly killed over 200 prisoners near Lammeulo, the area in which the social revolution had begun, upon being forced to retreat here in October 1953. Speaking of this same incident, the parliamentary commission reported the cruel murder of 123 member of the PNI, 120 of the PKI and 28 of the Perti following its visit to Aceh (ANP-Aneta 1954: 115; Sekitar n.d. 111: 149). The incidents involving Republican Army troops were seized upon by those in favour of a peaceful scttlement to press once more for negotiations and for concessions to some of the rebels' demands. So far the attempts to persuade the Darul Islam rebels in Aceh to give up their struggle and negotiate with the Republic had failed. The new govemor of North Sumatra, S.M. Amin, had been engaged in an exchange of letters with prominent rebel leaders since the end of 1953. Although not himself an Acehnesc === [PDF page 338] === 328 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam (he was a Mandailing Batak), Amin's relation with Daud Beureu 'eh and his close associates was good. In fact, his appointment in the place of Abdul Hakim, who had alienated the Acehnese leaders by his attitude, had been partly prompted by his close acquaintance of these leaders. 3s For during the japanese period he had been headmaster of a secondary school at Banda Aceh, while later he had been a member of the court of justice at Sigli together with Usman Raliby and Hasan Aly. Af ter the proclamation of independence he had become first a member and later, in january 1946, chairman of the Republican Parliament of Aceh. Later still his appointment as gavernor of North Sumatra had followed. From the initial outbreak of the rebellion Amin had shown himself an advocate of negotiations with the rebels as a means of arriving at a peaceful solution (Sekitar n.d. 1:67). True to this principle, he had established contact with Said Abubakar. He had further entered into the said exchange of letters with Darul Islam leaders in secret, without at first informing the Central Govemment, in December 1953. In these letters, which he explicitly stated himself to be WTiting as a private citizen, he indicated that he agreed with the aims of the rebels as representing the ideals of all Muslims, and that he felt that the events th at had triggered off the rebellion had been a re sult of misunderstanding. The methods chosen by the rebels, however, were not approved of by all Muslims. He accordingly asked the rebels to put forward their ideas on how to end the bloodshed (Gelanggang 1956: 126, 129-130). Amin received replies from Husin jusuf and Daud Beureu'eh. Both underlined the duty of every Indonesian Muslim to participate in a jihad in defence of the Islamic State of Indonesia, which, they pointed out, had become a reality that could not be ignored. They thereupon indicated th at the conflict might end as soon as the Republican Government took note of the aspirations of the Islamic community. They denied that the social revolution or the de sire for autonomy had inspired their rebellion, asserting that its root cause lay in religion. Nor did they share Amin's view that the trouble had been caused by mis~nderstandings. The policies pursued by the Republican Govemment, its reaction to the Cumbok Affair and to the demands for autonomy, the Army reorganizations in Aceh, and sa on, constituted ample evidence to the contrary (Gelanggang 1956:132-157; Amin 1956:198- 200). Amin replied to this in August 1954. Refusing to meet the === [PDF page 339] === VI Aceh, the RebeJlion of the Islamic Scholars 329 guerilla leaders in person, he sent a draft of a letter for signing by Daud Beureu'eh and Hasan AIy, in which the two promised to end their resistance, to lay down their arms and to meet representatives of the Republican Government if the latter for its part was prepared to recognize their right to strive for an Islamic State in a non-violent way, to give more attention to the interests of Aceh in future, and to grant the rebels an amnesty. If Daud Beureu'eh and Hasan AIy signed the draft, then he, Amin, would personally go to Jakarta to fight for acceptance of the agreement by the Government. Daud Beureu'eh and Hasan AIy did not sign, however. They in turn drafted a government regulation for signing by AIi Sastroamidjojo, which they asked Amin to take to Jakarta with him. Herein the Republican Government undertook to open negotiations with the founders of the Islamic State of Indonesia in Java, Aceh, Kalimantan and Sulawesi, and to protect and assist the members of the delegation of the Islamic State for the duration of these negotiations. In their accompanying letter, dated October 5th, 1954, they made it clear that what they wanted was not an amnesty but negotiations (Gelanggang 1956:157-167). Amin sent all these letters on to Jakarta. The Government did not react, however. He thereupon discontinued his correspondence for the time being, to resume it af ter the fall of the Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet and its replacement by a new government headed by Burhanuddin Harahap of the Masyumi in August 1955 The formation of a new Cabinet under the leadership of a Masyumi Prime Minister, and in which the PNI was not represented, made the prospects of a reconciliation more likely. Burhanuddin Harahap, moreover, was known to be in favour of ending the rebellion in a peaceful way. He had already some months before come to an agreement with Vice-President Mohammad Hatta and Colonel Zulkifli Lubis, the highly controversial Deputy Chief of Staff of the Republican Army at the time, that everything possible should be done to find a political solu tion to the problem of the various rebellions. 36 He subsequently requested Daud Beureu'eh's son, Hasballah Daud, to go to Aceh to get in touch with his father and make him an amnesty offer. Hasballah Daud left Jakarta on July 5th, 1955, with letters from Hatta and from the Ministry of Information in his pocket, and accompanied by Abdullah Arif, an employee of the Ministry of Information. He returned at the end of August. Neither the AIi Sastroamidjojo nor the Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet took === [PDF page 340] === 330 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam official responsibility for the trip, and both stressed that it had been a private initiative. Nevertheless, Abdullah Arif went to Aceh once more to meet Hasan AIy in February 1956. This attempt, too, was futile. The Darul Islam leaders in Aceh were not yet to be tempted with amnesty offers, while the Republic refused the rebels' demand for negotiations on a govemment to govemment basis. The attempts at mediation, of which it was not clear to what extent they were backed by the Republican Govemment in Jakarta, only irritated the rebel leaders. The latter remained prepared to negotiate, but only on a forma! basis. The Republican Govemment's proposals were discussed by the Darul Islam leaders at Batèë Kurëng. They had, in fact, constituted the immediate cause of Daud Beureu'eh's wish to consult with his close advisors. The concrete outcome of the discussions, as formulated in one of the points of the new Cabinet's programme was the resolution that it should be tried to solve the conflict with the "Pancasz'la govemment" not only by force of arms but also by political means. As a consequence Hasan AIy in November sent a letter to Amin urging that the Republican Govemment publicly state its standpoint and in addition that all future negotiations be conducted by official delegations from both sides, and no longer be informal. Only if there were pressing reasons preventing the Republican Govemment from doing so would Hasan Aly be prepared to continue informa! discussions. In that case, ho wever, the Republican Govemment should make it known as soon as possible that there we re such pressing reasons (Amin 1956:301). 10. Settlement or Further Conflict? The Batèë Kurëng conference provided one of the most unmistakable signs of the existence of disagreement among the Darul Islam rebels in Aceh. It testified to dissatisfaction at the way in which all the decisions were made by Daud Beureu'eh with a small group of advisors, and at the subordination of civil to military affairs. Although there definitely existed rivalry and conflict among the leaders of the Islamic State in Aceh, here, in contrast to the other areas, this does not appear to have led to frequent clashes between troop commanders. 37 Where some of the leaders of the first hour had been removed from the centre of power, the Batèë Kurëng conference brought a certain redress. The concentration of power and the elimination of certain leaders went back to === [PDF page 341] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 331 1954, when the Dewan Syura, Majelis Syura and Dewan MUiter had been dissolved. At th at time Husin Jusuf had lost his functi on as Chief of Staff of the Teungku Chik Ditiro Division to Amir Husin al Mudjahid. Although he had been appointed security coordinator for Aceh, this promotion meant the loss of con trol over most of the combat troops. The same thing happened later to his successor, Amir Husin al Mudjahid, who was replaced by Hasan Aly. There had moreover been opposition to Daud Beureu'eh's reaction to the peace overtures from the Republican side. Some people disapproved of his outright rejection of a possible amnesty offer, and notably in the lslamic Army proper th ere was a large, powerful group in favour of accepting such an offer (Abdul Murat Mat Jan 1976: 39-40). In view of the above and of the large number of soldiers who had already returned to their villages, one of the regimental commanders, Iljas Lebai (Ilyas Lebai) from Central Aceh, in November 1955 issued a communique announcing th at no action would be taken against those soldiers of his regiment who returned home, provided this did not harm the struggle. He himself had also been invited to report to the authorities, he said, but he wanted to await the results of the elections. He was contemplating duly so reporting because the Cabinet currently in power, the Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet, came close in ideology to the ideals of the struggle in Aceh (Pengumuman 29 November 1955). Generally speaking the Darul Islam rebels in Aceh adopted a moderate attitude to the elections. At first, at the outbreak of their rebellion, they had taken an ambivalent view of them. On the one hand they had accused the Republican Government of trying to put them off indefinitely, while on the other hand they branded the elections as a Republican Government device for getting its own way. Now that the elections wcrc actually about to takepiace, they did nothing to obstruct them (Feith 1971:42). The satisfactory results of the elections in Acch, where thc Masyumi gained two thirds of the votcs, providcd thosc in favour of en ding thc rebellion with yet another argument in support of their cause. Their casc was further strengthened whcn, this timc again under an Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet, at thc end of 1956 a bill was passcd into law whcreby Aceh was grantcd the status of an autonomous province. The Act becamc effectivc in January 1957. A. Hasjmy, the pre-war leadcr of thc PUSA Youth of Greater Aceh and formcr Chairman of thc BPI/Pesindo, bccamc thc province 's first governor. === [PDF page 342] === 332 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Vet another factor favouring the termination of hostilities was that in the military field as weIl a former guerilla leader was appointed to the supreme command in Aceh. He was Sjammaun Gaharu, commander of the Republican Army in Aceh for a short period during the revolution and one of the two signatories to the ultimatum to the ulèëbalang at Lammeulo (before his function was seized by Amir Husin al Mudjahid). By his own account Sjammaun Gaharu owed his appointment to the support he received from Nasution for his ideas on ending the rebeIlion in Aceh. He had had frequent meetings with Nasution in the period between 1952 and 1955, when the latter had been removed from his function as Chief of Staff of the Republican Army, to provide him with information for the books he was writing on the Indonesian revolution and on guerilla warfare in general. During these interviews Sjammaun Gaharu had graduaIly unfolded his views on the best ways of sol ving the problems in Aceh. The gist of his theory was that the Acehnese situation was different from that elsewhere and was very complicated, and that it could best be solved by the Acehnese themselves in an Acehnese way. Vice-President Mohammad Hatta was also interested in Sjammaun Gaharu 's ideas on this subject and asked him to put them in writing. He presented the result to Hatta in October 1955, and when a few days later Nasution was reappointed Chief of Staff of the Republican Army, he sent him a copy as weIl. Nasution subsequently reacted by offering him the function of military commander of Aceh. Sjammaun Gaharu had at first wanted to de cline the offer, because he felt that his views were incompatible with the policy of the commander for North Sumatra, Maludin Simbolon. At Nasution 's pro mise that Maludin Simbolon would be transferred in the near future he accepted the position, ho wever. The opportunity to put his ideas into practice presented itself to him when at the end of 1956 Maludin Simbolon, who had been Nasution's major riyal for the function of Chief of Staff, in an attempt to prevent his transfer broke off relations between the Territorial Command of North Sumatra and the Central Army Commando Sjammaun Gaharu immediately dissociated himself from Maludin Simbolon and remained in close contact with Nasution (Gaharu 1958:40-43). Sjammaun Gaharu was now free to put his plans into execution. Together with the newly appointed governor, A. Hasjmy, and with the explicit backing of Nasution, he embarked up on a policy of reconciliation. In mid-April 1957, in the middle of the === [PDF page 343] === VI Aceh, the RebelIion of the Islamic Scholars 333 fast, negotiations were held with a number of prominent Darul Islam leaders at Lamteh, a viIlage a few milcs from Banda Aceh. The discussions culminated in a charter, the Ikrar Lamteh, in which both sides pledged themselves to promote Islam, to stimulate the development of Aceh in the broadest sen se of the word, and to try and bring prosperity and peace to the people and society of Aceh. On the Republican si de the charter was signed by Sjammaun Gaharu and by his Chief of Staff, Teuku Hamzah, by A. Hasjmy, and hy the chief of Poli ce for Aceh, M. Insja (M.lnsya). The Darul Islam leaders who signed it were Hasan Aly, Hasan Saleh, and Ishak Amin (the bupati of Greater Aceh). Later, accompanied by A. Hasjmy and M. Insja, Sjammaun Gaharu also met Daud Beureu 'eh, who at that time still did not want to he ar of a settlement (Abdul Murat Mat Jan In accordance with his policy, which he had styled Kansepsi prinsipiel dan bijaksana (Blueprint for a fundamental and weIlconsidered solution), Sjammaun Gaharu together with A. Hasjmy continued his efforts to find a solution. Both remained in touch with the Darul Islam leaders and visited Jakarta a numbcr of times to find out how far they could go in their negotiations with the rebels. In September 1957 Prime Minister Djuanda Ouanda) told them that they might give the concept of regional autonomy the widest possible interpretation, even to the extcnt that Aceh was treated as a separate state, providing that they remained within the limits of the Indonesian Constitution, which still provided for a unitary Republic (Hasjmy 1958:57-58). No settlement was reached at that time, however. This was due partly to the fact that the PRRI/Permesta rebellion was attracting attention, and partly to the presence within the Islamic State of Aceh of a powerful faction headed by Daud Beureu 'eh which did not want to hear of any compromise and stuck to the principle of formal negotiations between the Islamic State of Aceh and the Indonesian Republic. Daud Beureu 'eh 's standpoint nevertheless met with increasing opposition. Notably within the Acehnese Islamic Army of Indonesia there were many who contemplated surrender. This group was headed by Hasan Saleh, the Commander of the Teungku Chik Ditira Oivision and Chief of Staff of the Islamic Army. He accused Oaud Beureu'eh of trying to plunge Aceh into a new war without considering the fate of the ordinary soldiers and the population at large, who had to put up with the consequences (Abdul Murat Mat Jan 1976:41-42). === [PDF page 344] === 334 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam As aresult the fighting decreased considerably after the Lamteh Charter. Even so the end of the rebellion was still not in sight. It took Daud Beureu'eh's opponents two years to make up their minds and definitely break away from him. This happened in March 1959, when, charging Daud Beureu'eh with arbitrary, despotic behaviour, Hasan Saleh and his supporters toppled him. They formed their own government at a meeting in Pidie attended by abou t a thousand people on March 15th. The dissidents, styling themselves the Gerakan Revolusz'oner Islam Indonesia (Indonesian Islamic Revolutionary Movement), subsequently instituted a Dewan Revolusi (Negara Bagian Aceh) or Revolutionary Council (of the State of Aceh). It was chaired by Abdul Gani Usman, and its vice-chairman was Hasan Saleh, with Abdul Gani Mutiara becoming its secretary general and he ad of the Inforrrtation Section. It counted among its members such prominent Darul Islam leaders as Amir Husin al Mudjahid, T.A. Hasan, Ibrahim Saleh, T.M. Amin and Husin Jusuf. Abdul Gani Usman's first step in his capacity as chairman of the Revolutionary Council was to make an announcement to the effect that the function of Head of State would for the time being be fulfilled by a Dewan Pertimbangan Revolusi (Revolutionary Consultative Council), of which Amir Husin al Mudjahid was appointed chairman. At the same time he ordered his followers to stop collecting taxes in the villages, threatening to take action against anyone continuing to do so. With respect to the Islamic Army, Hasan Saleh confined the soldiers of the Teungku Cht'k Dt"tiro Division to their barracks, withdrawingthem from the villages where they had been stationed. He further announced that the Revolutionary Council would send a delegation to Jakarta to discuss the termination of the rebellion with the Republican authorities. In the course of the next few months the Revolutionary Council was joined by troops from West Aceh commanded by T.R. Idris and by the Commander of the Seventh Regiment of East Sumatra, Haji Hasanuddin. 311 In August Abdul Gani Mutiara claimed the Dewan Revolusz' to be supported by 24,000 Darul Islam members (DM 18-3-1959, 23-3-1959, 28-3-1959, 25-5-1959,6-8-1959, 7-8-1959, 25-8-1959). These developments initiated a new series of negotiations. In early May Sjammaun Gaharu and A. Hasjmy again went to J akarta, this time on the invitation of Prime Minister Djuanda. They eXplained the new situation to the Cabinet and to President Soekarno and made a number of recommendations as to what === [PDF page 345] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 335 steps were to be taken with regard to it. Subsequently Djuanda issued a resolution (Keputusan Perdana Menteri Republik Indonesia no. I/Missi/1959) to the effect that as of May 26th the Province of Aceh could style itself Daerah Istimewa Aceh, or Special Region of Aceh. This placed Aceh in rather a unique position, as of the other provinces of Indonesia only the capital, Jakarta, and Yogyakarta enjoyed special status. Aceh was further promised the widest possible autonomy, in particular in the fjelds of religion, education and customary law, with the proviso, however, as Djuanda stated in his resolution, that this should not be in contravention of the existing legislation. At the same time the Central Government sent amission to Aceh to confer with the Revolutionary Council. This mission was headed by the First Deputy Prime Minister, Hardi, and included the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Republican Army, Major- General Gatot Subroto, and the Minister for Economic Stability without Portfolio, Colonel Suprajogi (Suprayogi). Two days later, on May 26th, 1959, after the mediation of A. Hasjmy and Lieutenant-Colonel T. Hamzah in attempts to break the deadlock, a provisional agreement was reached with the leaders of the Revolutionary Council accepting the proposals of the Central Government. For their part they pledged themselves in writing to return to the fold of the Republic and to swear an oath of loyalty to its constitution. The precise nature of the compromise remained vague. As Djuanda had stipulated beforehand, autonomy was not to be interpreted in such a way th at any new regulations introduced would contravene the existing legislation. Hardi added in Banda Aceh that the question of whether or not the Islamic community of Aceh could be forced to observe Islamic law was a matter for the Constituent Assembly, which at th at time was discussing the return to the 1945 Constitution, to decide. He linked it to the Jakarta Charter, which was currently again the subject of much heated debate in the Constituent Assembly in Jakarta. As it turned out, the Islamic politicians were not strong enough to get it passed this time either. The only thing achieved by them was Soekarno's acknowledgement in the Decree proclaiming the return to the 1945 Constitution that the Jakarta Charter had inspired th is Constitution and formed a unity with it (Boland 1971:90-100).39 It was further agreed in principle that a proportion of the soldiers of the Islamic Army, after due screening, would be admitted to an emergency militia. Later, on October Ist, it was === [PDF page 346] === 336 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam agreed that a Teungku Chik Ditz"ro unit would be constituted as a special section of the Army Division in Aceh. The Darul Islam civil servants who joined the Revolutionary Council were treated in more or less the same way. An undertaking that where possible they would be integrated into the Republican Administration was confirmed by the central military authorities at the end of October, who thus empowered the Regional Administration of Aceh to appoint former rebels who had sworn allegiance to the Republic to positions in the Civil Administration. 40 The agreement of May was formally accepted by the supporters of the Revolutionary Council at a major conference held in the first week of November. At the end of that same month Nasution went to Pidie, where he took the salute of five thousand supporters of the Revolutionary Council (Abdul Murat Mat Jan 1976:43; DM 28-5-1959, 25-11-1959, 26-11-1959, 27-11-1959, 1-12-1959). 11. The Die-Hards Refuse to Cive in Daud Beureu 'eh was no party to the agreement. He and Hasan Aly continued the struggle. According to the then governor of Aceh, A. Hasjmy, they could still count on the support of about thirty per cent of their original followers (DM 20-5-1960). Like his counterpart in South Sulawesi, Kahar Muzakkar, Daud Beureu 'eh joined forces with the remnants of the PRRI/Permesta troops. First his force was joined by a number of individual PRRI Commanders and their men. Then it was reinforced with rebel units commanded by Major Nukum and Captain Hasanuddin, a former captain of the Military Police. 41 Both the latter were offered ministerial posts by Daud Beureu'eh to fill up the positions vacated by those who had defected to the Revolutionary Council (DM 20-5-1959,21-5-1959, DP 20-5-1959). At the same time discussions were held by the leaders of the PRRI and of the Darul Islam in Aceh. These resulted in the proclamation of the federal Republik Persatuan Indonesia (RPI), United Republic of Indonesia, in February 1960, which represented a coalition of losers, of people who found themselves fighting a lost war in the jungle. 42 The RPI, moreover, united people who in the past had been in two different camps and at best had had some sympathy for each other's cause, and at worst had been outright enemies. In addition the United Republic of Indonesia was exclusively a Sumatran and Sulawesi affair. It dropped the claim, still made by the Islamic State of Indonesia === [PDF page 347] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 337 and the PRRI/Permesta, th at its territory encompassed the wholc of Indonesia. The RPI was made up of ten states, all but two of them located in Sumatra and Sulawesi. Aceh, as the Republik Islam Aceh (RIA), or Islamic State of Aceh, was one of the six Sumatran states, and South Sulawesi one of the two states in th at island. 43 Apart from these eight states there were, probably as a propitiatory gesture to the RMS, a State of the Moluccas and a State of the South Moluccas. Conspicuously absent were states in Java, such as a State of West Java, the cradle of the Darul Islam movement, and in South Kalimantan, where Ibnu Hadjar was operating. 44 Both parties entered the new federation with great reluctance. Earlier negotiations between Darul Islam and PRRI/Permesta leaders had had almost no result. While mutual military cooperati on and support had been promised, this had never materialized. Both camps also induded people who outright rejected every form of forma! cooperation. In South Sulawesi Kahar Muzakkar's flirtation with the Permesta was partly responsiblc for the surrender of Bahar Mattaliu, while in Aceh such relations constituted one of several factors stimulating the formation of the Revolutionary Council. The dcfections at the same time forced the remaining Darul Islam rebels into doser cooperation with the PRRI/Permesta. The PRRI rebels in Sumatra at the end of 1959 feIl into three different groups advocating different courses. One group simply wanted the PRRI to continue, however insignificant it might have become as a result of the Republican Army actions. Another group, with Zulkifli Lubis and Maludin Simbolon as its main representatives, was in favour of the prodamation of a Federal Republic of Indonesia whilc opposing cooperation with the Darul Islam_ The third faction advocated joining forces with the Darul Islam. lts principal spokesmen were two former Prime MinisteFs, Mohammad Natsir and Burhanuddin Harahap, and the influential Masyumi politician Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, all three of whom had fled from Jakarta to join the discontented regional commanders in Sumatra in December 1957 (01\1 23-11-1959; Feith and Lev 1963:38; Mossman 1961:229). The RPI did not count for much either in the military or in the political sense. The uneasy alliance between Muslims like Daud Beureu'eh and Kahar Muzakkar who for many years had fought to establish and defend an Islamic State in Indonesia, Muslims who for long times on end had served in key functions in the === [PDF page 348] === 338 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Indonesian Republic, and military commanders like Maludin Simbolon, Kawilarang and Warouw who for prolonged periods had led the Republican militaryactions against the Daruilslam, and of whom some were moreover Christians, was extremely precarious. The RPI may have represented, as Hasan Muhammad Tiro described it, an act "to insure thcir sacred rights of selfgovernment which has been denied them by the Sukamo dictatorship in Djakarta, which is imposing J avanese colonialism upon more than a dozen nationalities" (1961b:l), or a rejection of the "new, brown Javanese colonialism" (1965:1), but their hatred of Soekarno and the J avanese was all they had in common. As a re sult the RPI was extremely short-lived. In April 1961 Maludin Simbolon and another military commander, Achmad Husein (Akhmad Husein), disassociated themselves from it to establish the Pemerintah Darurat Militer (Military Emergency Government) (Feith and Lev 1963:43).45 Hereupon they issued an appeal to the rebels to cease their resistance and surrender themselves in June and July. The civilian leaders of the PRRI followed suit af ter receiving a promise of pardon from Soekarno (Peraturan Presiden no. 13/1961). Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, the Prime Minister of the rebels, subsequently advised his followers to surrender, himself reporting to the authorities at the end of AUguSt. 46 This spelt the virtual end of the rebellions, including that of the Darul Islam, in Aceh, where in the previous months many had surrendered. Peace was completely restorea in Aceh in May 1962, when Daud Beureu 'eh, too, ceased his resistance. To celebrate Aceh's change from a Dar al-harb, or territory of war, to a Dar al-salam, region of peace (to use the current phrase of those days), and furthermore to give formal expression to the restored unity of the Acehnese a grand ceremony was held at the end of that year, namely the Musyawarah Kerukunan Rakyat Aceh (MKRA, Solidarity Conference of the People of Aceh), which took place at Blangpadang from December 18th to 22nd, 1962. It culminated in the Blangpadang Charter, which was signed by all of the seven hundred prominent Acehnese attending the conference. They pledged to maintain and foster a solidarity radiating unity and eternal friendship (DM 20-11-1962, 28-12-1962,29-12-1962,31-12-1962). Aceh thereafter remained quiet for fifteen years or so. In carly 1977, when Darul Islam activities were reported again also in Java and in other parts of Sumatra, Hasan Muhammad Tiro pro- === [PDF page 349] === VI Aceh, the Rebellion of the Islamic Scholars 339 claimed Aceh an independent state. Styling himself Chairman of the National Liberation Front and Head of the State, he returned to Aceh to personally lead the struggle of the Free Aceh Movement, but his movement did not gain much momentum. === [PDF page 350] === CHAPTER SEVEN WHY DID PEOPLE JOIN THE DARUL ISLAM? One of the salient features of the Darul Islam rebellion is its tenacity. In this respect it contrasts sharply with the PRRI/ Permesta rising, which, on ce the Central Republican Army took action against it, subsided quickly, lacking as it did local popular support. The longevity of the Darul Islam struggle also stands in contrast to the PKI resistance af ter 1965, which was crushed by the Republican Army in a matter of a few years. This distinguishing feature makes it all the more interesting to try and single out the social and political factors which stimulated people to join the movement and carry on the struggle in the face of considerable hardship. From the aforegoing description two z'nterrelated factors whz'ch z'nduced people to rt"se against the established government are immediately apparent. They are, firstly, the resentment at the growz'ng t"nfluence of the Republt"can Army and the connected subordinate position in which irregular guerilla groups were placed, together with the Republican Government's subsequent demobilization policy. And secondly, the growing Republican Government con trol of the provz'nces which followed in the wake of the advance of its Army, along with its attempts to build up a loyal and efficient civil service. The ill-feeling between the Central Government and the regional population was exacerbated by the divergence of their respective economie interests. As the expansion of central control was a gradual process, the moments at which the conflicts occurred and the nature they assumed differed from region to region. The first conflict erupted in Java, where the Republic 's determination to establish con trol was feit most directly. lts earlicst manifestations included the reactions to the social revolution at Pekalongan, the fights against the Lasykar Rakyat in Karawang in April 1947, and the clashes with Hz'zbu '!lah and Sabili'!lah units at the Siliwangi Division's retreat to Central Java in 1948. The problems were aggravated, as we have seen, by the scarcity of firearms and by early attempts to streamline the Republican Army. === [PDF page 351] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 341 For a time, in 1948, the conflict was confined to parts of Central and East Java - the are as to which the Republic had been forced to withdraw - with as its most violent manifestation the rebellion at Madiun in September 1948. 1 Following the second Dutch militaryaction and the return of the Siliwangi Division to the regions from which it had retreated the previous year, the area of conflict extended again. So the Republican Army and Government met with fierce resistance from groups which had continued the loca! guerilla wars against the Dutch in West Java and Pekalongan. These groups had established their own military and civil administration, and refused to yield to the claims of the Republic, which in their view had abandoned them. There were similar problems outside Java between 1945 and 1950, with various guerilla groups vying for the ascendancy over their rivals. The successful ones - whether fully or only partially so - thereupon came to form the local section of the Republican Army. In Aceh it was the members of the PUSA, in South Kalimantan those of the ALRI Div IV, and in Sou th Sulawesi of the KGSS who regarded themselves as local representatives of the Republican Army and Govemment. These groups we re able for a while to develop relatively independently, without control or supervision from the Central Republican Govemment and Army in Java. This changed just before and after the recognition of independence, however. Representatives of the Central Government and Army then visited the various regions in preparation of the formation of a civil service and army of the United States of Indonesia. The guerillas, instead of being shown recognition for their efforts and given acknowledgement as the rightful military and civil Government branch in their respective regions - which they regarded as a just reward - feIl victim to the Central Govemment's rationalization policy. They had to stand back and look on while others assumed contro!. Their own large-scale demobilization was in preparation while outsiders were being appointed to important military and civil positions, and former enernies - KNIL soldiers and officials of the States that were to make up the United States of Indonesia - were appointed to functions in the service of the new federation. The consequences of all this were felt first in South Kalimantan, where, in total disregard of the achievements of the ALRI Div IV, thc Republican Govemment, pledged as it was to the federal state structure, forced the guerillas to recognize the Autonomous Areas of Banjar and South-East Kalimantan. In === [PDF page 352] === 342 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam return the ALRI Div IV was officially confirmed as a section of the Republican Army, which, however, did not safeguard its soldiers against demobilization. On the contrary, it facilitated the Division 's dissolu tion. Slightly different from this was the situation in South Sulawesi, the next area where things came to a show-down. Here the KGSS guerillas, though their position had been less strong during the revolution than that of the ALRI Div IV in South Kalimantan, felt that it was they who should take over from the Dutch and their local allies. They continued their operatiQns in the rural areas, and actually went to the assistance of Republican troops sent from Java in the latter's military clashes with KNIL units in anticipation of this event. It was all to no avail, however. What the Republican Government wanted was, as Nawawi (1968:283) points out, "the maintenance of order and the peaceful take-over of military authority from the Dutch forces". In this view of things there was no room for the gueriIlas and their struggle against traditional leaders and against those who had worked and fought for the State of East Indonesia. For the guerillas were looked upon with dis trust and regarded as a potential source of trouble. The best way to achieve peace again, in the Government's view, was through demobilization and either the preservation in office of those officials who had worked for the State of East Indonesia or the appointment of outsiders. In Aceh the conflicting interests of the expansion of central authority and regional opposition thereto led to an armed rebel- Iion later again. Even so, the conditions here were the same: the supplanting of local civil servants who had distinguished themselves during the revolution and the demobilization of the Army. There was one major difference with the other trouble areas, however. Aceh was one Indonesian region which had never been occupied by Dutch troops during the revolution. As a consequence the leaders who had come to the force in its course had been relatively successful in comparison with those of South Kalimantan and South Sulawesi in securing themselves a prominent military, civil and economie position. As a re sult of being left quite undisturbed and of lack of either interference from the Central Republican Government or rivalry from a Dutch-backed State for a period of almost five years, they had actually been able to consolidate the positions acquired by them during and after the social revolution. Two factors contributz'ng to the Darul Islam rebellz"on which will also be discussed in this chapter are the changing norms and === [PDF page 353] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 343 values with respect to land ownership and the role played by religz·on. As regards land ownership, stress will be laid on the consequences of the "individualization of society", by which is meant the decreasing social con trol of the kinship group and the territorial community. Some of the outward signs of this are the increase in private land ownership and in the free sale and purchase of land, the absence of communal rites, and the geographic mobility of the population as evidenced not only by the phenomenon of emigration, but also by the existence of a floating labour force. for the work on the estates and in industry. None of the above-indicated four factors can be isolated as the prime mover. In combination they made the Darul Islam what it was, however. None of the four is exclusive to the Darul Islam areas, but they do tend to be most pronounced and conspicious there. It was their co- and inter-action in the historical context of the years following the Indonesian struggle for independence which gave the Darul Islam its force and tenacity. 1. The Army Reorganization The conflicts between the Republican Army and the irregular local units involved more than the simple refusal to let guerillas take the lead and conduct their own affairs in their home are as. They were additionally a reflection of a difference of opinion as to how society should be organized. The arrival or return of representatives of the Republican Army and Government meant a retrogression of social developments which had taken place over the preceding years. To be able to understand this we have to return to the first years of the Indonesian revolution and to the consequences of the reorganizations effected in the Republican Army. In the first months af ter the proclamation of independence many local armed groups sprang up. These were of three distinct types: the local groups in the strict sense of the word, the ideological or religious groups, and the groups of a strongly ethnic character. In the first phase of the revolution it was particularly the groups of the first category, sometimes reinforced by units of those of the second and third type, which were active in efforts to upset the existing local sucial structure. They spearheadcd the actions against the local traditional leaders, whose land and other property they seized and distributed among the poor. They envisaged an egalitarian kind of society, free from uutside interferences of the type involved by the levying of taxes, cither by === [PDF page 354] === 344 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam the Dutch or the Republic. These grassroots rebellions took place independently of the national revolution, and sometimes even collided headlong with it. This was the case not only in such prominent Darul Islam regions as Pekalongan and Aceh, but also in other areas. Daulat actions in which traditional local leaders were ousted, maltreated or even killed occurred practically all over West Java, in Surakarta and environs, and in East Sumatra (Nasution 1977 11:511-544; Onghakham 1978, Soeyatno 1978; Anderson 1972: 269-332; Reid 1979). These so-called social revolutions posed a threat not only to the loc al power structure but also to the Republican Army. They tended to be looked up on as "excesses" and were considered a danger for the survival of the Republic, which in its struggle against the Dutch needed astrong, efficient administration (Nasution 1977 11:514, 537). Where the Republican Army was strong enough to be able to re-establish law and order, the situation of before the social revolution was more or less restored. But the Republican Army was nowhere strong enough, or willing enough, to completely undo the changes that had been brought about. During the struggle for independence it was able to launch counter-actions only in Java; af ter 1949, however, it was in a position to extend its influence to the other islands. This extension of central control involved the protection of the traditional local leaders and elite, which procedure was only calculated to strengthen Darul Islam feelings against the ruling strata of the local society. For the Republican Army the problem was all the graver since it itself was at one time threatened by the prospect of rivalry from astrong "people's army" made up of groups that were more fabourably disposed towards radical social change. The architect of this people's army was Amir Sjarifuddin, Minister of Defence from November 1945 to 1948. He was a member of the Socialist Party and, by his own account in August 1948, since 1935 had been a secret member of the Communist Party. As Minister of Defence he set out to strengthen the position of the lasykars, to the detriment of the Republican Army, with the ultimate aim of making them the core of a new Republican Army. First, in May 1946, he formed a Biro Perjuangan (Struggle Bureau) within the Ministry of Defence, for the purpose of coordinating the irregular units, over the heads of the Army Command. 2 Then, a few months later, a decree was issued to the effect that the irregular guerilla units were to be financed by the Government (or more specifically the Ministry of Defence, rather === [PDF page 355] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 345 than the Republican Army) and that they were to be treated on an equal footing with the Army. When these same units were ordered in July 1947 to merge with the Republican Army to form the new TNI, the Biro Perjuangan became defunct again. Amir Sjarifuddin subsequently managed to retain his hold over the lasykars by constituting the TNI bagian Masyarakat, popularly known as TNI-Masyarakat (People's TNI), in August of that year. 3 This TNI-Masyarakat he then used for the appointment of trusted personnèl to train the irregular guerilla units (Kahin 1970:261). In addition he tried to extend his influence over the Republican Army proper through the introduction of special political officers, members of the Pendidikan Polz"tz'k Tentara (Pepolit), or Political Education (Service) of the Army. These officers, all of whom were responsible to the Ministry of Defence, were to be stationed with every Army unit in order to give the soldiers political education, according to the Pepolz't's opponents leftist indoctrination. The first fifty were appointed in mid-1947. The Republican Army leaders interpreted all this as an attempt by Amir Sjarifuddin to increase his control over the official Army and to build up alongside it an alternative army with a clear leftist leaning, which was eventually to supersede it. In spite of the fact that the PepoHt staff included Anwar Tjokroaminoto of the PSU and H. Mukti of the Masyumz', and that from March 1946 to January 1948 the post of Deputy Minister of Defence was occupied by Arudji Kartawinata (first representing Masyumi and later PSU), they believed the PepoHt, the Biro Perjuangan and the TNI-Masyarakat all to be instruments of the current political coalition of the left, the Sayap Kz'ri, and the Pesz'ndo on their road to power. 4 This belief was shared by a number of lasykars, most of them of a Muslim background, who refused to join the TN/-Masyarakat. The Silz'wangi Division's withdrawal from West to Central Java in February and March 1948 subsequently strengthened the Republican Army's position in the competition with the Ministry of Defence and its lasykars. lts reinforcement with loyal, new, highgrade troops, in fact, made the Army Command strong enough to counter any plan of Amir Sjarifuddin's. With the backing of Mohammad Hatta, who as Vice-President had also become Prime Minister and Minister of Defence in J anuary, a scheme for the rationalization of the Republican Army was thereupon drawn up by Nasution. That some sort of rationalization should take place was agreed === [PDF page 356] === 346 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam by all. But on the question of what form it should take and whether the end re sult should be a people's army with strong political feelings or a neutral professional army the opinions differed. The first steps towards rationalization had already been taken by Amir Sjarifuddin, who favoured the first alternative. The project was now taken over by Hatta and Nasution, who shaped it in a different direction. Their plans called for the abolition of the TNI-Masyarakat and the integration of some of its lasykars with and subordination to the Republican Army.5 They were to form part of a General Reserve, Kesatuan Reserve Umum (KRU), of which the Siliwangi Division was also to become what was called an "autonomous section" (Nasution 1968 lU: 167). The strength of the Republican Army proper was to be reduced from about 400,000 to 150,000, and eventually to a little over 50,000 (Kahin 1970:262-263; Mrazek 1978 1:45; Djamhari 1971:40-44). There was strong opposition to Nasution's plan. The ideological differences aside, there were the clashes of the pure self-interest of groups on either si de who were afraid of losing the positions they currently occupied or of seeing their influence wane, or who feared that their promotional opportunities would become blocked. There we re furthermore fears, inspired by past experience, that the soldiers and officers of the irregular units which were to be integrated into the Republican Army might be treated as second-rate. For in the view of his opponents, the reorganization Nasution had in mind would lead to a definite distinction being made between a first-grade and a second-grade army. This was due to his alleged intention of introducing a distinction between mobile battalions, in which there was to be one firearm to each soldier, and terrirorial battalions, made up of members of the former lasykars, in which there was to be only one firearm to every three soldiers, who, as it was put, would be the "refuse of demobilization" (Nasution 1968 U: 170). The impression that this was indeed Nasution 's intention was strengthened by the fact th at one of the explicitly stated reasons for rationalization was that the Republican officers eventually emerging as the leaders of the Army should be able to compete with the Dutch-trained KNIL officers who were to enter the armed forces of the United States of Indonesia, and hence should be capable and representative officers (Nasution 1968 U: 130). At first the position of Amir Sjarifuddin's supporters in the Republican Army and the irregular units remained unaffected. The first Republican Army unit to be demobilized was one in === [PDF page 357] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 347 which they were weakly represented. Moreover, the first irregular guerilla unit to be disarmed was the Barzsan Pemberontak Republik Indonesia, commanded by Bung Tomo, an enemy of Amir Sjarifuddin's (Kahin 1970:264-265). The situation changed when the turn came of the Fourth or Senopati Division at Surakarta, in which the influcnce of the Pesindo and the other leftist groups making up the Sayap Kiri and its successor, thc Front Demokrasz· Rakyat (People's Democratic Front), was strong. 6 Thc tension was aggravated by skirmishes betwccn Si/iwangi and Pesz·ndo units. The opposition initially took the form of antidemobilization demonstrations in Surakarta, Blitar and other parts of East Java. It culminated in the open rebellion of Pesindo troops and a number of Communist Party leaders (including Amir Sjarifuddin) in the so-called Madiun affair of September 1948. The Madiun rebellion, in essence one of the many manifestations of the conflict between the Republican Army and the irregular troops, was quickly crushed, however. Thc Pesindo troops were defeated within two months and the leaders of the rebellion, among them Amir Sjarifuddin, killed or executed. The Madiun affair and its outcome nevertheless had far-reaching consequences. All those who had sympathized most strongly with the local guerilla groups' actions against the traditionallocal leaders were removed from the decision-making levels of the Republican Army and the Ministry of Defence. It would even 50 be going too far to conclude, as Mrazek (1978 1:45) does, that this "gave scope to the elimination of all officers and soldiers with leftist sympathies". The situation within the Republican Army and the irregular units was too complicated for this, being marked by a high degree of factionalism, as would become evident in later years. It is moreover impossible to draw a clearcut distinction between "leftist" and "populist" or "radical" officers. Even so the Madiun affair thus had dras tic effects on the military appointment policy. Officers who envisaged a people's army inspired by revolutionary zeal had to make way for officers stressing professionalism, discipline and technical skilI. The officers who were to shape the Republican Army in the years to come were men like Nasution, Simatupang, Kawilarang (all three of them former students of the pre-war RoyaI Military Academy at Bandung), and Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX (McVey 1971 I: 143). To them irregular soldiers constituted amenace, whose low professional and intellectual standard they despised. The === [PDF page 358] === 348 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam soldiers of the irregular units were having their use in the struggle against the Dutch, but only as auxiliary forces assisting the regular Army. The lion's share of the battle should be fought by a mobile regular Army, which was moreover believed to be the only kind of army th at should continue on in peace-time. When victory in the struggle for independence was almost in sight it was from among this group of officers that representatives were sent from Java to the other islands in order to put their ideas into effect there. Mokoginta, and later Kawilarang, were ordered to Sou th Sulawesi, Suhardjo Harjowardojo and Sukanda Bratamenggala to South Kalimantan, and again Kawilarang to North Sumatra for the sake of carrying the Army Command's schemes into effect. The changes these officers wanted to introduce, coupled with their distrust of social movements, brought them immediately into conflict with the local guerillas. Over against revolutionary élan they had education and professional skill to offer, which made any possibility of cooperation unlikely. In addition their demobilization policy was greeted with anything but enthusiasm. To make matters worse, the Republican Army officers aimed at strong centraJ con trol, and did everything they could to prevent the growth of regionally based Army units made up exclusively of local guerillas. Military commanders were henceforth drawn from outside. The close ties that had developed between guerillas and their old commanders over the years had to be forcibly broken for fear that otherwise the local Army units might become too strong to bend to control from Java. It was also this line of reasoning which induced the Army leaders to refuse the regions' demands for their own military divisions made up and commanded by former guerillas. According to Feith (1962:248) the Army Command was successful in the attainment of its aim and "most of the commanders both at the territorial [i.e. divisional] and at the regimental level one step lowcr were taken from e1sewhere". The transfer of units from one region to another was part of the same policy. The preference shown by Nasution and his colleagues already in 1948 for strong mobile uni ts over local (in their words, territorial) ones now also became evident outside Java, where former guerillas were treated in the same way as the lasykars of Java in 1948. Demobilization and transfer werc thc catch-words everywhere, instead of integration with the Army and regional autonomy. This policy could not but provoke growing regional unrest and opposition from former guerillas. Demobilization posed === [PDF page 359] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 349 enormous problems for the latter. Not only was it in itself offensive to the former guerillas, who saw in it a flagrant disregard for their past services to the Republic, but the mode of its implementation added insult to injury. In theory the demobilized guerillas were weIl taken care of. Each one was to receive an allowance to tide him over the period immediately following his discharge from the Republican Army or an irregular unit. The great bulk, it was hoped, would return to their villages to resume their former occupations. For those who could not or would not do so, special provisions were made. They we re to be offered employment in state enterprises or on state plantations, or to be given a loan to enable them to set up a business of their own. Others were to be given agricultural or other vocational training at special centres under military direction, in the hope that this would enable them to find employment on local plantations or in local industries. If their employment here necessitated large extra investments, special loans would be offered to these enterprises. Vet others again - according to one official estimate as many as thirty per cent of all the demobilized guerillas - were to be involved in transmigration projects to open up new lands in Sou th Sumatra, Kalimantan and Sulawesi (IM 15-8-1952). In actual reality the process of demobilization was far from smooth, ho wever. In pursuit of the goal of "national reconstruction", as it was styled - defined as the realization of the Government's aim to open the way to a decent livelihood in society for all former guerillas and soldiers (Peraturan Pemerintah no. 12, 1951) - various official bodies were called into be ing. The history of these successive institutions in itself constitutes clear evidence of the failure of the Government's policy, however. First, in August 1950, the Biro Demobilisasi Nasional, or National Demobilization Bureau, was established (Peraturan Pemerintah no. 15, 1950). This was admitted to be functioning poorly, with a large number of former soldiers and guerillas being still unemployed, as early as February of the next year. Thereupon the Bureau was dissolved and replaced by the Dewan Rekonstruksz' Nasional, or National Reconstruction Council, and the Biro Rekonstruksz' Nasional (BRN), National Reconstruction Bureau (Peraturan Pemerintah no. 12, 1951). The former, which included a number of Government ministers on its board, was responsible for planning and supervising the national care for former guerillas and soldiers. The actual execution was in the hands of the National Reconstruction Bureau, which had === [PDF page 360] === 350 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam branches in every province and, where this was deemed necessary, in some smaller regions. The government regulation decreeing the institution of these two new bodies listed three categories of people who qualified for Government assistance. The first comprised members of the Armed Forces who had become redundant or had been demobilized but who had so far been unable to find employment. The second - which testifies plainly to the Government's bias in favour of Java and Sumatra - was made up of guerillas who had surrendered after the Government 's appeal of November 1950 (which had been in force only for Java and Sumatra), and who were sometimes referred to as "the November 14th Youth". The third catagory was composed of all members of irregular units who did not belong to either of these two. This new arrangement, too, proved inadequate. Early in 1952 yet another regulation was promulgated (Peraturan Pemerintah no. 1, 1952) modifying the organizational structure of the "national reconstruction". It provided for the establishment of a new organization, the Badan Penyelenggara Urusan Rekonstruksi Nasional, or Executive Body for National Reconstruction Affairs, in regions with branches of the BRN. Co ming under the direction of the head of the Civil Administration (Kepala Daerah), it was to supervise the activities of these BRN branches and make suggestions as to the most effective ways of organizing the care for demobilized soldiers and guerillas. It was hoped that by increasing the local Administration 's participation the Govcrnment's efforts might become more effective. Even so the results were far from satisfactory. In 1954 another ncw organization was founded, the Biro Penampungan Bekas Angkatan Perang, or Bureau for thc Care of Ex-Servicemen (Peraturan Pemcrintah no. 6, 1954). This was followed by the introduction of another new regulation (Peraturan Pemerintah no. 16, 1954), admitting that this care was not yet procecding satisfactorily and arguing that to improve the conditions of the former soldiers and guerillas thc participation of the Regional Governments should be stcpped up further. The ultimate responsibility, which up to then had lain with the Cabinet as supervisor of the National Reconstruction Council, was transferred to the Ministry of Intcrnal Affairs. At thc same time the branches of thc Executive Body for National Reconstruction Affairs werc integrated with thc offices of the regional heads of thc Civil Adminisiration. This way a still grcatcr involvement of the Regiemal Administration as weil as coordination and === [PDF page 361] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 351 close supervision by the Ministry of Internal Affairs were ensured. Organizational adjustments were unable to solve the problems, however. The functioning of all the above-described bodies, as weIl as of the Korps Cadangan Nasional, or National Reserve Corps, which all former guerillas had to join to await selcction for and admission to the Army or demobilization, was hampered byenormous financial and administrative difficulties. The number of soldiers and guerillas qualifying for care was huge. Considering the 1948 plan for reducing the strength of the Repu· blican Army from 400,000 to first 150,000 and eventually 50,000, about 350,000 men must have been concerncd, not counting the many lasykar guerillas who had not entered thc Army. These figures alone show how unrealistic and ambitious the 1948 demobilization plan was. Even if it was not wholly carried out, the number of people needing assistance for their return to society was still very high. According to contemporary estimates for 1951 and 1952, for instance by Didi Kartasasmita, Head of the National Reconstruction Bureau, between about 250,000 and 300,000 people were concerned (IM 15-8-1952, I 13-4-1951). To pay all these people even a small allowance besides the costs of their transmigration and to provide loans to those wanting to start their own business or to entrepreneurs prepared to employ former guerillas and soldiers would have entailed an enormous financial burden. The more so if one remembers that the Indonesian Republic was already having difficulty in financing its standing Army. The problems were of such magnitude that in "1953 and 1954 purchases of ncw uniforms and textiles in general for Indonesian soldiers had to be stopped; and so appalling was the situation in the military barracks that this resulted in widespread 'demoralization (and) dangerous' excesses in the soldiers' attitude" (Mrazek 1978 I: 106, quoting Nasution 1955:251-252,258). A second problem was provided by the registration of the former guerillas. To be eligible for the honorific "guerilla" or "freedom fighter" (pejuang), and so to qualify for government assistance, one had to be registered as such. This caused na difficulties where soldiers of the regular Republican Army or of guerilla organizations which had registered en bloc were concerned. But the situation was complicated by many othcrs besides making, sometimes unjustified, claims on the basis of alleged participation in the war against the Dutch, while many === [PDF page 362] === 352 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam guerilla leaders, to enhance their personal importance, submitting lists exaggerating the number of guerillas they had had under their command - a trick also resorted to by commanders of the Republican Army. To deal with the problem, the Government had to devise a definition of pejuang. It elected to call everyone so who had participated in the struggle for independence from the start of the second Dutch militaryaction until the formal recognition of independence (Peraturan Pemerintah no. 16, 1954). This formula was still defective, however and Nasution complains th at one of the reasons why it took so long to solve the problem of the former guerillas and soldiers who had returned to society was that the authorities were still looking for an adequate dcfinition as late as 1954 (Nasution 1971 111:126). To add to the confusion, it was decided to introduce a re-registration. This was extremely difficult, four years af ter the end of the war. It created more problems than it solved, in fact, especially as in a number of regions, such as Kalimantan, the re-registration was suspended before its completion (IB 19.1-1955,5-2-1955). The failure of this scheme aggravated the former guerillas' sense of frustration only the more. This was particularly so outside Java, where the guerillas additionally had the feeling that they were being discriminated against in favour of their J avanese fellow-guerillas, and that they were being fobbed oH with fair words, a few rupiahs and a piece of cloth. The slow pace at which the whole process of registration took place slowed down still further the care for the former guerillas, many of whom were living in poverty, thus making for an expansion of the reservoir of disillusioned former guerillas from which the Darul Islam movements recruited their followers. Where the Republican Government had hoped that most guerillas would return to their villages of origin, th is did not happen. As it turned out, demobilization for the most part only increased the already high number of un- and underemployed. Those who did return to their villages faced enormous pro bI ems of readjustment to village life. But many others went to the big cities. People coming from outside Java who during the revolution had fought in Java had to cope with the additional problem of transport and the fact that the local authorities of their home areas, viewing them as a potential extra source of trouble, were far from happy with their return, and in some cases tried to prevent Even for those who we re registered as former guerillas and were === [PDF page 363] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 353 allowed to participate in one of the Government projects, the hardships we re anything but over. Quite of ten people failed to receive their allowances, equipment went astray, or housing and schooling facilities proved inadequate. In particular the management of the transmigration projects left much to be desired. It was reported from South Kalimantan, for example, that transmigrants and their families were made to live in only one room of two by three metres, and that there were no medicines and no schools for the children (IB 21-4-1955). In a number of cases the transmigrants rebelled against these poor living conditions. In August 1953, for instance, the transmigrants fromJava at Tayan marched en masse on Pontianak to demand from the local authorities that they be sent back to Java. Also at Tayan disorders occurred which had to be put down by units of the Military Police and Mobile Brigade. These problems then prompted the Kalimantan authorities to refuse to accept any more transmigrants from Java (IB 7-8-1953, 8-11-1953). 2. Regional Sentiments Not only the Republican Government's growing military presence, but also the increasing obtrusiveness of its civil arm aroused opposition. At the lowest level - in the villages -, especially wh ere the inhabitants had got rid of the Dutch and of the traditional elite by their own efforts, this took the form of hostility towards any outsider meddling in local affairs. On a higher level, encompassing larger areas and embracing various villages, there was astrong current of anti-J avanese feeling and fear of Javanese domination. Accordingly the publications of the Darul Islam rebels in Aceh and South Sulawesi contained many appeals for resistance against J avanese colonialism, and both Daud Beureu'eh and Kahar Muzakkar tried to mobilize the masses against "J avanese Hinduism" or the "Madjapahitism of Soekarno". These feelings were most explicitly worded in the publications of Hasan Muhammad Tiro. As these testify, regional sentiments blended with ethnic and religious differences. The Darul Islam movement in fact had a st rong ethnic component. In South Sulawesi it rallied most support from the Makassarese and Bugis (and related ethnic groups), but none from, for instance, the Toraja. When it spread to other parts of the island it did so to regions with a high percentage of Makassarese or Bugis, such as the coastal area east of Bone Bay (by-passing the northern shore of === [PDF page 364] === 354 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam the Bay, which was a predominantly Toraja region). 7 In Aceh the movement's main area of operation was comprised by the kabupatens of Greater Aceh, North Aceh and Pidie, and parts of East Aceh. This region, which constituted at the same time the most densely populated part of Aceh, coincides with the Acehnese heartland. The other areas had experienced much more influence from Minangkabau and East Sumatra, and had a population of a different, though related, ethnic character. In Central and Southeast Aceh lived the Gayo and Alas, in parts of Eas t Aceh the Tamiang (cf. Monografi 1970: 11 ). Nawawi, in his treatise on regionalism and regional conflicts (1968), actually distinguishes the Darul Islam movement of West Java (the only one he identifies as a Darul Islam movement at all, in fact) from the rebellions inspired by regionalism. He justifies this procedure "not only by the fact th at it began before 1950, but also in view of its obviously non-regional nature". He classes the PRRI/Permesta apart for the same reason, as it "involved several widely separated regions and clearly was not based on specificaIly regionalist sentiment" (Nawawi 1968: 14). Nawawi's arguments seem unfounded, however. For regional feelings definitely played a role in the Darul Islam risings not only in Aceh, Kalimantan and Sulawesi, but also in West Java. For one thing, Nawawi underestimates the appeal of the idea of a state encompassing the whole of the territory of Indonesia, for which the Darul Islam rebels fought as weIl, and which furthermore eliminates the reason for treating the PRRI/Permesta separately. All regional movements in Indonesia, with the exception of the RMS, were based on a conception of some sort of Indonesian unity somehow. The Darul Islam strove for the establishment of an Islamic State of Indonesia, while the PRRI/ Permesta sought to provide some form of Counter-Government as an alternative to the Republican Govemment. But both envisaged the Indonesian territory as some sort of a unitary whoie. Regionalism is even so not incompatible with this. Considering exclusivelY the regional factor, the key aim was never separation, but only the highest possible degree of regional autonomy within the framework of a unitary or federal Indonesian State. The Darul Islam and the PRRI/Permesta both were configurations of individual rebellions whose common meeting-ground was opposition to what was felt to be domination by Java and which were thus fighting for a common cause. The regional appeal was most pronounced in Aceh, South Sulawesi and South Kalimantan, it is true, but was not absent in West === [PDF page 365] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 355 Java. In speaking of J avanese domination, one was thinking not sa much of the population of the island of Java, as of the Javanese of Central and East Java. Thus in West Java, toa, there was opposition to Javanese domination, which went back to prewar times. In same areas such anti-J avanese feelings were in fact quite strong. Sa Klaassen, the then Dutch resident of Priangan, related in 1946 by way of illustration of the animosity of the Sundanese towards the Javanese - in which he saw an effective instrument for checking the Indonesian Republic's influence in West Java - how the inhabitants of a particular Priangan village had vowed years previously not to eat any rice until the last Javanese had left the region. According to him the villagers had until that very day kept their vow (NIB VI:672). Many years later there were protest movements demanding the appointment to positions in the Civil Administration of people from West Java or Sundanese themselves. In June 1956, for instance, two leaders of an organization styling itself the Front Pemuda Sunda, or Sundanese Youth Front, were arrested for writing a pamphlet entitled "Crush the PNI andJavanese imperialism" (Tampubolon 1978:76). Moreover, if, unlike Nawawi, one defines regionalism in a not toa narrow sense - that of relatively large areas resisting the influence of other large, regional or ethnic, entities - the regional character of the Darul Islam rebellion, also in West and Central Java, becomes mare evident. For opposition to the penetration of external influences in the village sphere and the direct confrontation with representatives of the Central Government's civil and military apparatus also constitute an aspect -of regionalism. This is an aspect which makes people directly aware of the power of outside farces. In fact, it is a prerequisite for the existence of wider regional feelings, as it makes people susceptible to the appeals of those taking up regional causes. The influx of soldiers, military leaders and civil servants from other regions thus heightened the local population 's sympathy for the rebels. This was true not only of Aceh, South Kalimantan and South Sulawesi, but also of West Java, Pekalongan and Kebumen, where the Republic's efforts to establish control constituted a root cause of the Darul Islam risings. The Government, in fact, found itself caught in a vicious circle. It felt it could not trust the local population and local Army units to deal with local situations. However, the behaviour of its own troops which it sent to the relevant areas - in fact, the latter's very presence here - along with its appointment of out- === [PDF page 366] === 356 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam siders or other locally unacceptable persons as military and civil leaders further increased local feelings of discontent. Initially the Government pursued the same policy with regard to the Civil Service as in the case of the Army. J ust as the representatives of local guerilla units were considered unsuitable for important military positions, so the authorities feil back on members of the former pre-wal bureaucracy or outsiders to the region for appointment to such positions in the Civil Service. This policy gave rise to accusations that the Central Government wanted to restore the traditional elite to power and th at it was importing civil servan ts from Java. At the proclamation of Indonesian national independence the provincial governors in the rudimentary administration of the time were still mostly "sons of the region ". The governor of Sumatra, Teuku Muhammad Hasan, was a native of Aceh; the governor of Kalimantan, Ir. Pangeran Mohammad Noor, came from Martapura; the governor of Sulawesi, Or. G.S.S.J. Ratulangi, originally came from Tondano, in the Minahasa; the governor of the Moluccas, J. Latuharhary, was a native of that same region; and the govcrnor of East Java, R.M.T.A. Surjo (Suryo), was bom in Magetan. Notabie exceptions were the governor of West Java, Sutardjo Kartohadikusumo (Sutarjo Kartohadikusumo), who came from Blora in Central Java, and the governor of Central Java, R.P. Suroso, who came from Sidoarjo, near Surabaya. At the lower levels the Republican Government simply took over the local officials who had worked for the Dutch and the Japanese. But this sowed discord between itself and the local revolutionary groups. Where the latter subsequently sacked or expelled the officials, it was obliged at first to simply acquiesce. Later, as its power increased, it usually intervened in such cases, however, imposing the changes it deemed necessary. Af ter the formal recognition of independence the situation was reversed, and as a rule governors no langer were natives of the region of which they were head. Or. M. Murdjani, a native of Tulungagung in East Java, for instance, was appointed governor of Kalimantan in April 1950. Abdul Hakim, from Jambi, became governor of North Sumatra in January 1951, and Sudiro, who was a native of Yogyakarta, was appointed governor of Sulawesi in June 1951. The latter, moreover, was "a Javanese nobleman whose appointment... was justified precisely in terms of his long experience in dealing with traditional rulers " (Nawawi 1968:310). === [PDF page 367] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 357 Besides opposition to its policy in the appointment of higher and lower regional officials, the Republican Government had to deal constantly with demands from regional entities to be created autonomous kabupatens or provinces. The best-known example of this is Aceh, though similar demands were also to be heard in the rest of Sumatra and in Kalimantan and Sulawesi. Such claims were of ten coupled with the accusation that the Central Republican Government was insensitive to the interests of the regions, to the advantage of Java. Over the years the Government drew up a variety of plans for changes in the - to some extent arbitrary - boundaries of provinces and kabupatens and their adjustment to regional demands. An even more difficult task was to establish a balance between central control and regional autonomy. A number of Regional Government Acts we re drafted to define which tasks should be delegated and which should remain in the hands of the Central Government (cf. Legge 1961; Wajong 1972; Wajong 1975; The Liang Gie 1977). One facet of the problem concerned the transfer of government offices to the regional authority. Another involved the definition of the status and authority of the heads of the Regional Administration, who combined two mutually opposed functions - as governor, bupati or camat, they were members of the Government's civil service, while as kepala daerah they represented the respective regions. In the end the central interests prevailed. However, at times when regional discontent was at its highest, and when the Republican Government had to deal with the Darul Islam and PRRI/Permesta rebellions, there was astrong tendency to give in to regional demands. At one time even the abolition of the entire central civil service and the transfer of its officials to the Regional Administrations was considered. 3. Economic Interference Behind all the conflicts loomed the matter of money. In Aceh, where many functionaries apprehended a weakening of their position in the event of greater con trol being exercised by Jakarta and Medan (the capital of North Sumatra), a good example of this is provided by Amir Husin al Mudjahid. During the revolution, when Aceh was a separate and semi-autonomous administrative entity, he gained control of the oil-fields in East Aceh as General Manager of the Tambang Minyak Aceh, or Aceh Oil Mining Company. This firm was renamed Tambang Minyak === [PDF page 368] === 358 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam AcehjSumatera Utara and extended its contral to the oil-field at Pangkalanbrandan, in East Sumatra, after the second Dutch militaryaction, when the Administration of North Sumatra was transferred to Banda Aceh. Af ter Aceh's incorporation into the province of North Sumatra in 1949, however, the firm's headquarters were moved from Aceh to Pangkalanbrandan. The oilfields of Aceh, moreover, were na langer managed independently by Amir Husin al Mudjahid, but came under the contral of the Pangkalanbrandan headquarters (Monografi 1970:307-309). People in the regions outside Java, where the main export centres were located, had the feeling that they were paying for the development of impoverished Java, without getting much in return, and that their interests were being seriously injured by the Central Government's economic and monetary policies. In a number of ways the population did, in fact, experience the adverse effects of the economic policies pursued by the Republican Government. WeIl intended though many of its schemes were, the results of some, such as that aimed at increasing the share of autochthonous Indonesians in the import sector and that with respect to the Yayasan Kopra or Copra Foundation, which tried to stimulate direct purchases from small producers, were negative. Another effect of the Government's policies, notably with respect to foreign trade, was th at over the years the economic interests of Java, which was in general more importoriented, were served at the expense of other areas, which were more dependent on export earnings. All in all there was astrang impression outside Java that the Central Government was seeking to centralize the economy to serve the interests of certain segments of Javanese society, which the outer regions already suspected of dominating the Administration. By concentrating on Java the Republican Government was neglecting the necessary development and improvement of the inadequate, run-down infrastructure outside Java, it was felt, thus preventing the development of trade and communication and hampering regional economie growth. Export earnings should be spent not on Java, but on the development of the regions from which the exports came. The income earned in the export sector, moreover, suffered severely as a result of inflation and the Central Government's policy in respect of the foreign exchange rate. The rupiah, as Feith (1962:490) observes, "was kept overvalued for the whole of the 1949-1957 period", while "the artificial exchange ra te penalized certain parts of the country outside Java". Furthermore, also according to Feith, it "definitely penalized the === [PDF page 369] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 359 dominant social groups of the Outer Islands" and "in one sen se it disfavored the general population of these islands, in as much as it drew away from them funds available for development investments" (Feith 1962:488). This coincided (after the first half of 1951) with a sharp de cline in income and purchasingpower (Wirodihardjo 1956:71). Also at the same time the economic life and productivity we re threatened by Darul Islam activities, which resulted in a drop in production and trade. This, in turn, strengthened the existing feelings of economic deprivation, which constituted a root cause of the rebellion itself. An added blow was the deterioration of the foreign market, where af ter the Korean war the prices for some of Indonesia's export products, such as rubber, oil and tin, dropped sharply. Where in 1951 rubber had still fetched an average price on the New Vork market of US 59.07 cents per pound, in 1952 it only brought in US 38.57 cents per pound (Wirodihardjo 1956: 125), the price dropping even further the next year. The effects of this were most serious for the population of areas with large numbers of smallholders engaged in rubber production, such as West and Southeast Kalimantan, Riau, Jambi and South Sumatra. Java and the other rubber producing areas of Sumatra - e.g. Aceh - also suffered, but not as greatly, as here estate agriculture was more important (cf. Thomas 1957; Smets 1951:D.1.3). Also disruptive to some extent were the Republican Gövernment's attempts to control and reorganize important sectors of the economy. In the export regions there was much frustration over its attempts to con trol foreign trade earnings and to suppress smuggling, as it branded the relevant activities. Actually, however, it was interfering here in what the local population regarded as traditional trade relations, in particular in what may be described as "petty trade". In any case, by supervising imports and exports in general it made its presence all the more clearly felt in the areas concerned. Whereas the provinces did receive back a certain percentage of the duties levied on exports, for years they felt they should be getting, and hence demanded, a greater share. To the people in the outer regions it seemed as though their economic potential was being drained by the Government, which claimed a disproportionately high percentage of their export earnings, they felt. The greatest impact of the Government's policies, however, was felt in the import sector. Whereas exports in the early 1950's were still dominated largely by Dutch and other foreign interests, === [PDF page 370] === 360 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam so that their reorganization on the whole was beyond the Republican Government's power, the situation in the import sector was totally different. One of the first steps taken by the Republican Government in this area was to ensure increased participation of autochthonous entrepreneurs in this sector. Within the framework of its "Indonesianisation policy", by which foreigners and Chinese were to be replaced by autochthonous Indonesians, it proceeded to reserve the import of certain goods to the latter category.8 A limited number of firms headed by such autochthonous Indonesians - the so-called Benteng group - was licensed to import these goods. Well-intended though it was, the sc he me led to a sharp drop in local imports and shortages on the local markets. The restriction of the number of recognized import firms involved a decrease in the number of places where foreign products could enter Indonesia through legal trade channels. The remaining import firms became concentrated in the larger cities. Due to the poor transport system, the high costs of carriage, and the risk of encounters with armed bands, goods either did not reach the interior at all, or did so at too high a price. This, combined with mismanagement, made for a situation in which importers were saddled with large stocks of unsold supplies for which there remained a demand on local markets (Wirodihardjo 1956: 70-71). In Aceh there we re initially plans for concentrating the Benteng firms in Lhokseumawe, Bireuen and Banda Aceh. When in 1951 the restrictions were relaxed, Benteng importers were allowed to operate also in other ports. Even so, the principal consequence of the new system was an overall decline in import activities. Goods which in the past had entered Aceh directly, now had to be imported via Medan, the seat of the major import firms. Before the trading system had time to adjust, the in flow of a number of goods - such as plastic bags, tinned cigarettes, fountain-pens and wrist-watches - virtually stopped (Sekitar n.d.:309). Equally problematic was the Republican Government's decision to put a stop to the lively barter trade between Aceh and the opposite coast· of the Malay PeninsuIa, in which the share of the Acehnese population was quite large as compared with the export trade involving foreign currency. Wh en at the end of 1951 all barter trade was prohibited, local exports from Aceh almost came to a standstill (Sumatera Utara 1953:626). On top of this, upon Aceh 's again becoming part of the province of North Sumatra in January 1951 the official export offices at Lhokseumawe === [PDF page 371] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 361 were closed. Lhokseumawe, which, along with Banda Aceh, had been Aceh 's major export port, was of special importance for the export of resin produced in Central Aceh. With the closure of its export offices, the number of ships calling at Lhokseumawe of course decreased. Subsequently market ac ti vi ties in the area declined, and the price smallholders were able to get for their export crops fell (Sekitar n.d. 1: 527). Similar problems were experienced in Sulawesi. Here, too, the Central Government tried to put a stop to smuggling or illegal trading, and in the attempt severely damaged the economic life of towns like Parepare, which of old had been a centre of this form of trade. Parepare additionally lost its status as a port of entrance for goods legitimately brought into South Sulawesi. The Benteng importers in this area were concentrated at Ujungpandang and Menado. Only a small number of medium-sized firms, five in all, were left here, which were only allowed to import quality or semi-Iuxury goods (Sulawesi 1953:401). The Central Republican Government was unsuccessful in its attempts at controlling foreign trade in both Aceh and Sulawesi. Despite its efforts to en force its licensing policy and to keep waters under surveillance, illegal trading continued. In the Darul Islam territaries goods were smuggled both in and out, now partly as the legitimate trade of the Islamic State of Indonesia. In South Sulawesi, for instance, the registered export of copra dropped sharply. After this branch of trade was taken over by Kahar Muzakkar's farces, copra became one of the principal exports of the Islamic State in South Sulawesi (Harvey 1974:322). Later, regional commanders of the Republican Army also actively engaged in smuggling, with the alleged aim of raising funds for their troops. Republican Government attempts to put an end to this kind of smuggling constituted one of the factors triggering off the PRRI/Permesta rebellion. Alongside its efforts to con trol foreign trade and to impose import and export duties, the Republican Government tried to step up the production and improve the quality of export goods. However, its attempts at interference in the production of and trade in copra and rubber, well intended though they were, likewise backfired. lts measures were viewed as yet another example of government meddling in local affairs and as one more proof of the inefficiency and corruption of the government apparatus and of its disregard for regional interests. The Republican Government's intentions in this respect were nevertheless good. For it aimed at improving the position of === [PDF page 372] === 362 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam smallholders and at cutting out the middlemen, feeling that products should be purchased direct from the producers. The quality of these products should be improved through agricultural education. In practice its attempts even so provoked much criticism. In Sulawesi, which had copra as one of its main export products, and t6 a les ser extent in Kalimantan, the functioning of the Yayasan Kopra, or Copra Foundation, a continuation of the Coprafonds founded by the Dutch in 1940, came under attack. This foundation monopolized Indonesian copra exports until 1953, af ter which year private firms were allowed a share in legal copra exports. Even so, the Foundation remained the principal buyer on the Indonesian copra market. It seems to have scored some success in the furthering of the interests of smallholders by buying direct from them and restricting the role of the middlemen (cf. Sulawesi 1953:455-457). This did not prevent its provoking criticism almost immediately for offering too low a price to the producers (Metcalf 1952:67). It was furthermore accused of "mismanagement, of delayed payment to copra producers, of obtaining an unjustifiably large pro fit margin, and of misusing these pro fits to finance political party activities and to build luxurious homes for the Foundation staff in the new Jakarta suburb of Kebayoran" (Harvey 1977:35). The criticism was sharpest in North Sulawesi. In Sou th Sulawesi the Yayasan was less prominent, as the production and marketing of copra here was partly controlled by the troops of Kahar Muzakkar. Hence the Foundation operated only in certain parts of South Sulawesi, such as Mandar, where it exported copra and imported rice to offset the drop in rice production caused by the rebellion (Masri 1959:4). Even so, the criticism did not fail to have its effects here, too, as it strengthened the prejudice against large government-controlled organizations. Another export product of which the Central Government tried to improve the quality and marketing was rubber. lts rubber policy likewise upset producers and traders in this branch, though in a different way than in the case of copra. In its implementation of its long-term policy of improvement of the quality of smallhold rubber, the Republican Government came into direct conflict with the short-term interests of the farmers. Certain standards had to be imposed to ensure that the rubber exported was of high quality. This implied government contral and supervision of cultivation, of rubber-tapping, and of the smoke-houses in which the rubber was processed. === [PDF page 373] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 363 The region in which the ensuing conflict was sharpest was Hulusungai, in South Kalimantan. Hulusungai was special in that here were a large number of smoke-houses owned by smallholders themselves, many of them set up without Govemment permission. Elsewhere the number of smallholder-owned smokehouses was much smaller. In Hulusungai the first of these smoke-houses had been built in 1935, their number growing quickly af ter that - in 1936 there were already 369 of them, while in 1950 there were in the whole of South Kalimantan 1,725 legal smoke-houses, the owners of which held a permit from the Govemment (Kalimantan 1953:194-195). The phenomenon of what is gene rally described as "illegal smoke-houses" first manifested itself in 1949. The smoke-houses concemed were those established on a co-operative basis by the ALRI Div IV. Between 1949 and 1951, 800 such houses were built in Hulusungai, 150 in Banjar, and 25 in Kapuas Barito (Kalimantan 1953:197). The monograph on Kalimantan published by the Department of 1nformation (Kalimantan 1953: 196-197) asserts that those responsible were people out to "fish in traubled waters", and that most of these houses were built in insecure areas. 1t omits to mention, however, that these smokehouses were set up within the framework of the ALRI Div IV's plans for re-organizing the economy on a co-operative basis and of its economie war against the Autonomous Areas of Banjar and South-East Kalimantan. In a like way the Republican Govemment's attempts after 1949 to close down illegal smoke-houses and the guerillas' attacks on licensed smoke-houses were part of the Republican Govemment's effort to establish contral over the rural areas and of the local population's resistance against this. In fact, the reports of smoke-houses being set on fire were among the first indications th at a rebellion against the Indonesian Republic was taking shape in South Kalimantan. 4. The Agrarian Structure The conflicts over the reorganization of the Republican Army, the policy with re gard to the appointment of civil servants, and the economie policies still form part of the nation-building process in a newly independent state. Paradoxically, it was not people who had supported the Dutch or those who had taken a neutral stand in the struggle for independence, but groups which had actively supported the Republican cause which now rase up in arms against the Govemment. The grievances against it may === [PDF page 374] === 364 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam have been stronger in the Darul Islam areas, but this still does not set these regions apart from the others. As the Darul Islam is a rural affair, it is worthwhile taking a look at the agrarian structure of the regions concerned and the changes which this structure underwent. In attempts to explain agrarian unrest and rural rebellions in general of ten such factors as shortage of land, the swelling force of extremely poor, landless peasants, and the excessive poverty of the rural masses are pointed out. Zagoria (1974:33-40), in his attempt to identify the conditions in Asian societies which contribute to agrarian unrest, for example, mentions land hunger, a "concentration of landless, land-poor, and sharecropping peasants", "an increasing trend towards pauperization of the peasantry, and a high degree of parasitic landlordism". As Mortimer (1974:100-102) points out, these conditions also obtain in Java, with the exception of the last one (high degree of parasitic landlordism). He accordingly believes one of the reasons for the low revolutionary poten tial of the J avanese peasan try to be the absence of big landlords and the low degree of differentiation within the peasant community, the great majority of which lives at or below the subsistence level. Agrarian unrest in Java, he writes, has "customarily taken the form of sudden, passionate outpourings of violence and agitation or equally idiosyncratic acts of withdrawal, rather than carefully laid and constructed designs of subversion". The Darul Islam rebellion, however, did display the latter characteristic. It is not dealt with by Mortimer, possibly because the Reader for which he and Zagoria wrote the relevant article is about "peasant rebellion and Communist revolution in Asia" (Wils on 1974), or possibly because the Darul Islam, with its overtones of reactionary, religious fanaticism, is considered unsuitable for socio-economic analysis. The Darul Islam regions admittedly show a higher degree of differentiation in land ownership and wealth than the area studied by Mortimer - Central and East Java. On the other hand, they do not fit the picture outlined by Zagoria, as they fail to display the extreme pressure on land and poverty th at characterize most of Central Java and East Java as weIl as other riceproducing areas in Asia. In West Java there was still land left for opening up, Hulusungai experienced a rubber boom, and Aceh and South Sulawesi were producing a rice surplus. The aspect that is lacking in the theories that stress differentiation and poverty is the dynamic aspect, the process of change === [PDF page 375] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 365 that alters the structure of the community. Not the absolute poverty or wealth of a given community, nor the differentiation of wealth within it as such, but the socially unaccepted dif· ferences lie at the root of the various rebellions. In South Sula· wesi, for instance, differences in wealth and land ownership had long been an accepted social fact. Only when it was no longer taken for granted that members of ruling families should own large tracts of land by virtue of their position in society did this become a cause of discontent. Nor is it increasing poverty as a result of more and more people having to live off the same area of land but rather the break·down of the old social structure that brought about the Darul Islam risings. Attention should be given in this connection to the individuali· zation of society. The effects of this were twofold. On the one hand it enabled some degree of concentration of wealth and land ownership. On the other hand it led to erosion of the traditional mechanism whereby society took care of its less fortunate members. It may be argued that in this respect the Darul Islam regions were ahead of other parts of Indonesia, where this process has only recently gained momenturn, as is evident from the spread of the tebasan system, which came into vogue in Central Java and the north coast of West Java in the early 1970's. By this system farmers sell their crops to a middleman (penebas) just before harvesting. This enables them to evade the traditional obligations and the social pressure of the village. As a con· sequence, the number of harvesters employed may be drastically reduced and more efficient harvesting methods introduced (cf. Collier, Soentoro, Gunawan Wiradi and Makali 1973). Wolf, in his study on Peasant wars of the twentieth century (1969), points to the changing status of land in peasant societies - namely from an attribute of the community or kinship group to a commodity that could be freely bought and sold - as a factor underlying the peasant revolts studied by him. He writes: "This was accomplished either by force which deprived the original inhabitants of their resources in land - as happened notably in Mexico and Algeria; or through the colonization of new land, unencumbered by customary ties, as in Cochin China; or it could be accomplished by furthering the rise of 'the strong and sober' entrepreneurs within the peasant community, who could abandon their ties to neighbours and kin and use their surpluses in culturally novel ways to further their own standing in the market" (Wolf 1969:278). This third altemative men· tioned by Wolf appears to have been prevalent in the Darul Islam === [PDF page 376] === 366 RebeIlion under the Banner of Islam areas. It only needs to be added here that the entrepreneurs do not necessarily have to come from the peasant community itself. They could, as in Aceh, be members of the ruling class who, without at first interfering in the village life, began by buying up the land to invest the money eamed in trade. The process was accelerated by the expansion of the Colonial Administration and the commercialization of agriculture, and more particularly by the growing of export crops, which made farmers more dependent on market fluctuations. As Scott (1972), for instance, points out, these two factors changed the relationship between patron and client, or between the richer farmers and their less fortunate fellowvillagers, to the advantage of the former. Their opening up of the countryside and their backing by astrong outside force made the wealthier farmers (and the traditional elite) less dependent on local support and freer to ignore the old mechanism whereby they redistributed their surplus in the local community. In general this picture is correct. However, it only constitutes one side of the coin. For just as the wealthier farmers and traditional elite became less dependent on the local community for their security and personal safety, so the latter became more independent of them in various ways than before. They needed less protection against the dangers of banditry and intemal warfare. Thus greater wealth and more extensive land ownership, which formerly could be justified only by the fact that it provided the funds necessary for the protection of the local community, became Ie ss acceptable, as, for instance, in 'South SulaweSI. Taking a close look at the Darul Islam regions, we see that they experienced the individualization of society and of land ownership already before the Second World War, so that it was more advanced here than in other parts of Indonesia. This may be inferred from a doctoral thesis published in 1941 by Vink, entitled De grondslagen van het Indonesische landbouwbednïf (The foundations ofIndonesian agriculture), which classifies Indonesia's agrarian societies into three broad categories, on the basis of the way in which the ties between the individual and the land are perceived and defined. So the first category is made up of sodeties in which there are strong ties between the individu al and the land through genealogical connections. The second comprises territorial societies, in which the ties between a person and the land are defined through the village or district in which he lives. And the third group, which is of interest here, is th at of free individual farmers. Now the latter type is stated by Vink to === [PDF page 377] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 367 be present in West Java, Aceh, Hulusungai, parts of Madura, and the more recent villages of Central and EastJava. South Sulawesi is still placed in the second category by him, with the qualification that the territorial ties here are becoming weaker (Vink 1941:22-50). One of the consequences of the weakening of genealogical and territorial ties is th at people are free to buy and sell land. It has opened up possibilities for the concentratÎon of land ownership and absentee ownership, and has stimulated the growth of a reservoir of landless peasants and labourers. Those allowed to own land in a particular area no longer have to be members of a particular kinship group of residents of the village or district concerned. This individualization of society is further characterized by the absence of communal rites and the decreasing importance of mutual aid. Social con trol, which might on ce have forced the wealthier section of village society to share its surplus in money or in kind with its fellow-villagers or to come to the latter's assistance in times of need, has become fairly weak. lt goes without saying that this situation also made it difficult for the demobilized soldiers and guerillas to return to their villages, as they could not be certain of re-occupying their former positions here. The przoangan The above-mentioned individualization process was certainly observabIe in Priangan and Pekalongan. Signs of it were also discernible in Aceh, and to alesser extent South Sulawesi. Hulusungai constituted a case apart, in view of the importance which rnbber-growing acquired in this region. The Priangan area (the kabupatens of Sukabumi and Cianjur - both of them administratively part of the Bogor Residency -, Bandung, Sumedang, Garnt, Ciamis and Tasikmalaya) is wellknown in the literature for its big land ownership (cf. Wertheim 1964: 112-114). As early as the turn of the century Kern (1904) pointed to the growing prevalence of this phenomenon as a result of the purchase of land from Ie ss fortunate villagers, sometimes by way of the intermediate stage of the pledge. The Welvaart-onderzoek (Prosperity-Study) in Java and Madura of 1904 and 1905 also showed the Priangan to be an area with large landholdings (Hasselman 1914:37, 229). The region was characterized by "extensive landholdings, alienation of land to nonvillagers and the emergence of landless peasants" (Alisjahbana 1954:47). Communalland ownership was almost absent (Hassel- === [PDF page 378] === 368 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam man 1914:295). Those owning large plots of land were "members of the menak ['nobie'] families, well-to-do villagers, merchants and hadji" (Alisjahbana 1954: 53). Figures on large land ownership in Java in 1905 and 1925 provided by Regelink (1931:120) show that this was largely restricted to the Priangan region. In 1905 there were 2,182 farmers who owned over 20 bouw (c. 14 hectares) of land in the whole of Java, about half of whom, 1,032 lived in the Priangan. In 1925 these figures were 3,387 and 1,226 respectively. Other figures for the 1920's are provided by Vroon, according to whom 5.79 per cent of the land owners in the Priangan area owned 31. 76 per cent of the land (Vroon 1929-1930, cited by Ploegsma 1936:53). In the 1950's the majority of the big land owners was still to be found in West Java. According to data provided by the Republican Ministry of Information there were in Java and Madura in 1957 19,285 farmers who owned over 5 hectares, and in the Javanese context could be considered big land owners. Of these, 9,965 lived in West Java, 4,281 in Central Java and 5,039 in East Java. By contrast, 1,754,723 farmers in West Java, 1,793,419 in Central Java and 1,398,147 in East Java owned less than one West Java also differed from the rest of Java in that it was less densely populated. According to the 1930 census, the population density of West Java was 244 per square kilometre, of Central Java 396 and of East Java 314. In West Java the density was high only in the plains of Bandung, Garut and Tasikmalaya. Nevertheless, the kabupatens of Garut and Tasikmalaya, due to their sparsely populated southern parts, still had an overall population density of less than 266 per square kilometre, as did the kabupatens of Sukabumi and Sumedang (Lekkerkerker 1938 I: 196- 198). With time West Java gradually became more densely populated. The average annual population increase between 1920 and 1930 here was 23.88 per cent and between 1930 and 1955 19.15 per cent. For Central Java these figures were 16.72 per cent and 7.32 per cent respectively; for East Java 20.08 and 9.86 per cent (Reksohadiprodjo and Soedarsono Hadisapoetro 1968: 14). There are three main demographic trends to be distinguished here in the first half of the century. First of all there was the population movement to the plains of the north coast of West Java, to the kabupatens of Indramayu and Karawang, where new, fertile land was still waiting to be opened up. Secondly, there was === [PDF page 379] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 369 the immigration to South Priangan, in particular to the districts of Banjar, Pangandaran and Karangnunggal in Tasikmalaya, Pameungpeuk and Cikajang in Garut, Banjaran in Bandung, Su kanegara and Sidangbarang in Cianjur, and ]ampangtengah and Pelabuhanratu in Sukabumi. These were the districts, with the exception of Banjar and Pangandaran, where most of the government forests and estates were located (Volkstelling 1933-1936 I: 26). A proportion of the migrants to these districts were people from the northern Priangan area looking for employment on the estates, this representing the third main trend. These northern regions, except the districts to the north of Bandung (Lembang, Cimahi and Cikalong-Wetan), were pronounced emigration areas This northern Priangan area was also the region where big land ownership was furthest developed. This was most evident around the main population centres (Kern 1904: 1924). Here there were vast differences in wealth and size of holdings, a considerable degree of absentee land ownership, and a growing number of landless. The latter were forced to seek employment as sharecroppers, agricultural labourers, or workers on the estates and in small-scale industry, for example the textile industry in Tasikmalaya. Absentee land ownership in this region seems to have been considerable even as early as the last decade of the 19th century. In the 1890's a study in the village of Bojongsalam, in Cicalengka, revealed 75 per cent of the sawahs to be owned by nonresidents. In three other villages, in Ciparay, 41 per cent of the sawahs was owned by outsiders (Schelterna 1927-1928:24). Two well-known more recent studies, conducted in the early 1950's, also give an idea of the differentiation in land ownership in this part of Priangan. The first is by H. ten Dam (published in English translation in 1961) on the village of Cibodas, the second by Adiwilaga (1953) on the village of Cipamokolan, both of which villages are located near Bandung. According to Ten Dam, 44 per cent of all the families in Cibodas were completely landless, 25 per cent owned a compound, 23 per cent were smallland owners, and 6 to 8 per cent belonged to the category of what he styled small independent farmers, owning between two and a half and twelve acres (Ten Dam 1961:349, 357). The large land owners comprised roughly one and a half per cent. They owned about half of the land in the village, almost all of it the bestquality land (Ten Dam 1961: 362). In Cipamokolan, according to the findings of Adiwilaga, 409 of the 1,302 land owners lived === [PDF page 380] === 370 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam outside the village (Adiwilaga 1953: 12). They owned more than half the total sawah acreage of Cipamokolan. Their sawahs, too, were of the best quality (Adiwilaga 1953:26). Of the 896 resident farmers, only 14 owned ovcr five hectares, together accounting for 116,114 hectares. By contrast, 50 per cent of the male population was looking for ajob (Adiwilaga 1953:10). More recently, Hiroko Horikoshi also pointed to the accumulation of land by the rich and the increase in absentee land ownership in the region since the turn of the century (Horikoshi 1976:18, 110). In the village studied by her, Ciparay, half the land had come into the hands of absentee land owners, who had more over acquired the best land (Horikoshi 1976: 111). She further noted th at share-cropping is no longer a widely popular practice in West Java. The reason for this lay partly in the fragmentation of land holdings, partly in the fact that "the limited number of large land owners prefer well-experienced, skilled share-croppers in order to make maximum yield and profit" (Horikoshi 1976: 121). Consequently the rural population of Priangan comprised mainly the following groups: a small but powerful group of large (absentee ) land owners, the tuan tanah; a slightly larger group of independent rich and middle-class farmers, the tani kaya and the tam" sedang; and the mass of poor farmers, or tam" miskin, the landless, share-croppers, farm hands (buruh tani), and wor kers on estates and in industry. Over the years, differentiation has increased as poor farmers, and probably also a proportion of the middle-class ones, who under normal circumstances we re just able to make ends meet, have lost their land to the wealthy farmers and landlords. This process has been facilitated by the impersonal and business-like attitude of the larger land owners, which was most pronounced among the absentee landlords. If there was question of the existence of any special condition it was not th at of shared poverty, but of unshared wealth. The rich, ins te ad of spending some of their wealth and excess food on care for their less fortunate fellow-villagers, on the contrary, tried to shift the burden of taxation and the risk of crop failure onto the poor. Scheltema drew attention as early as 1925 to the practices whereby the owners of land passed on many of the risks to the poor farmers and share-croppers. He pointed to similarities between the leasing of land in Priangan and in Russia in the second half of the nineteenth century. The landlords, who were some of them at the same time money-Ienders, had no direct === [PDF page 381] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 371 dealings with the poor farmers and share-croppers. They leased their land to big farmers, who in turn rented it out to poor farmers, showing these no mercy if they were unable to fulfil their obligations towards them owing to crop failure or for other The findings of Adiwilaga's much later study of Cipamokolan were still in agreement with Scheltema's observations. One of these findings was that individuals who had rented a piece of land did not as a mIe cultivate it themselves, but sub-leased it again to share-croppers (Adiwilaga 1953:17). Adiwilaga, like Schel tema (1927-1928:34-38), was of the opinion that the conditions for share-croppers had become worse with time. Both authors pointed to the attempts of landlords and people sub-leasing land to pass the burden of taxa ti on on to the share-croppers With respect to the relation between the concentration of land ownership and the rise of the Darul Islam movement an interesting theory is put forward by Kahin (1970:327-328). According to him, Chinese money-lenders towards the end of the Second World War started demanding a percentage of the crop instead of money in repayment of loans in order to offset their losses re sulting from the high rate of inflation in the last year of the J apanese occupation. This increased resentment against the Chinese among the indigenous population, who due to the same high rate of inflation would otherwise have been able to pay off long-standing money debts without toa much difficulty. As a consequence, after the proclamation of independence there arose "a tendency among many of them to repudiate the debts which they owed to the Chinese". The function of the Chinese as money-lenders subsequently was taken over by Indonesian landlords. The latter were not, like the Chinese, forbidden by law to own land. Hence, unlike the Chinese, they had the legal right to appropriate the land of debtors unable to pay their debts, and made ample use of the opportunity. Many people then lost their land to these landlords in this way. Kahin concluded that it is his "belief that the widespread discontent arising from this among the peasantry throughout much of West Java was utilized by the leaders of the Darul Islam, providing them with a major portion of their political capital". The ousting of the Chinese as money-lenders may have been a contributing factor to the increase in the number of landless peasants, as Kahin argues. I personally, however, am more inclined to argue that if there was a concentration of land owner- === [PDF page 382] === 372 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam ship this was caused by other factors, and only represented the acceleration of a process that had been going on for a long time. As Kern (1904: 1817) and Schelterna (1927-1928) already pointed out, the prineipal way in whieh large land ownership increased in the Priangan region was through the purchase and sale of land. Schelterna adds, moreover, that the role played by Chinese money-lenders in Priangan was relatively minor. So in 1901 only one of the total of 56 money-lenders here with a capital of over fl. 5,000 at his disposal was a "Foreign Oriental"; 26 of them were "hajis", and 23 "other weIl-to-do" farmers and merchants (Schelterna 1927-1928:20). Ten Dam (1961:370), too, is of the opinion th at people had grown poor not because they had become indebted to merchants or middlemen, but "because a small number of their fellow-villagers were by hook or by crook able to get hold of a large share of the land in the village". If the number of people who lost their land increased af ter 1945, this was brought about if anything by the insecurity arising from the struggle for independence (and the Darul Islam rebel- Hon), and by the po or economie conditions of those days. For the period between early 1950 and mid-1951 Adiwilaga noted an espeeially high death rate on the Bandung plateau as a result of these unfavourable economie eircumstances, in partieular the high priee of rice (Adiwilaga 1953:8). This factor most likely forced poorer peasants to sell their land in order to be able to buy food. Another reason why small peasants werecompelled to sell their land which is put forward by Adiwilaga (Adiwilaga 1953:21), who notes that there were unusually many land transactions in tbe years 1951 and 1952. This is the introduction of a new income tax, or pajak peralihan. Unfortunately there are no data available on its consequences. But in some regions, notably the less insecure ones, it may indeed have further stimulated the concentration of land ownership. Elsewhere one must take into account the interfering factor of the decreasing demand for land and the consequent drop in its value because of the growing unsafety of working the fields and people fled to the eities in large numbers. Here a more equal distribution may actually have occurred. Nevertheless, I agree with Kahin that the Darul Islam in West Java is likely to have drawn part of its following from among the new landless who had fallen victim to the practices of the landlords and the rich in selling them rice on credit - to feed their families or to plant their fields - or lending them money against === [PDF page 383] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 373 land as security. Subsequently poor farmers who could not pay their debts had their land appropriated. Or worse still, and as seems to have happened before as wen as after the war, such poorer farmers were outright cheated out of their land. This involved cases where the creditor stipulated that the debtor formally transfer the deed of his land to him at the time the loan was made available. Then, even if the debtor did repay the creditor, the latter could, and did, go to court to claim the land as his legal property. Besides the new landless, another group on which the Darul Islam could count for support was that of people who had been dispossessed for a long time and who were employed as farmhands or estate labourers. They were an unsettled group, not bound to any village by ties to land, however tiny a plot, and were thus completely free to join the bands in the mountains. They were, moreover, generally susceptible to radical ideas. As Ten Dam (1961:351) writes with re gard to the farmhands in the village of Cibodas, they tended "to show an interest in political movements which promise a great deal and in messianistic movements of the ratu adil type". As I hope to demonstrate further down, the Darul Islam was not a purely Islamic rebellious movement, but it also possessed certain traits of a Messianistic movement. A second remark by Ten Dam about the attitude of the farmhands is also of interest here. He writes that there were "signs th at the 'little man', the farmhand, has be gun to wonder what advantage he has gained from national independence" and that "discontent on this score does not tend to be directed against the group of wen-to-do large land owners; it finds expression in a long-standing distrust of the intentions of officials, who are the personification of the state" (Ten Dam 1961:367). Above, in the description of the various Darul Islam movements, it win have become clear how important the disillusionment with actual independenee and opposition to the penetration of the Republican civil and military apparatus into the villages were in inducing people to join these rebellious movements. In a way these sentiments are related to those involved in a Messianistic movement. The expectations of a golden age af ter the departure of the Dutch were unfulfilled. Traditional Authority Kar! D. Jackson (1971), in his Ph.D. thesis entitled Traditional authority and national integration: the Dar'ul Islam rebellion in === [PDF page 384] === 374 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam West Java, 10 opposes the view that the Darul Islam rising in West Java is eXplainable from economic factors. In the first part of his study, which falls into two parts, he concludes at the end of a statistical survey of nineteen villages - six of which had supported the Darul Islam, seven of which had sided with the Republican Government, and six of which were so-called "swing" villages in that they had changed their allegiance in the course of the struggle - that: "It is difficult, if not utterly impossible, to use these data to support a theory of rebellion based upon economic di fferences between the villages " 0 ackson 1971: 133). According to him the choice made by the villages can best be eXplained in terms of what he calls "traditional authority". Whether or not a particular village supported the Darul Islam was determined by the choice of its leaders, the people to whom the villagers were inclined to look for advice and guidance. He writes: "It is the contention of this dissertation that at critical moments of political choice effective political power is more likely to be mobilized by an appeal to traditional authority than to ideology, economie interests, or even basic value differences". He then goes on to test his theory at greater depth by means of lengthy questionnaires distributed in three villages: one which had supported the Darul Islam, one which had remained loyal to the Republic, and one swing village. Because his findings are at complete variance with the ideas developed in the present study, we will have to take a doser look at J ackson 's thesis. In sa doing, three specific problems wilI be discussed. The first concerns the concept of traditional authority and the way this is perceived by Jackson; the second is connected with the way J ackson us es the results of his questionnaire and the pitfalls which his approach is likely to encounter; and the third pertains to the method involving statistical research without using comtemporary or earlier data, bu t starting from the situation of a few years later. The concept of traditional authority is central to Jackson's study. Unable to isolate any other factors capable of eXplaining why particular villages taak the si de of Darul Islam and particular others did not, he concludes that it was through the mechanism of traditional authority that the choice was made. This he defines as "... a type of power... an interaction with the following characteristics: R, the influencer, sends a message to E, the influencee, and E adopts it as the basis of his behaviour 1) without evaluating the request of R in terms of his own standards, or 2) in spite of his initial evaluation of the request in terms of his === [PDF page 385] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 375 own standards and interests" Oackson 1971:148). Elsewhere he states: "The subordinate obeys the superior without question about morals, religion, values, or ideology" Oackson 1971: 18). In defining the concept in this way, Jackson explicitly distinguishes it from rational behaviour, although implicitly in the examples provided, he seems to acknowledge the rationality of this type of behaviour, too. Comparing it with patronship, he writes that it "thrives upon the economie and social inequalities that provide the optimum environment for patronship" Oackson 1971: 153). Nonetheless, it differs from the patron-client relation in th at the latter "places too much emphasis on the material qualities of the exchange process between the leader and his followers" Oackson 1971:154). In traditional authority, once "the bond is established, the relationship no longer turns on economie factors alone... the optimal strategy for accumulating traditional authority is to transform the follower's perception of the transaction from one involving a debt of money into one involving a debt of moral obligation (hutang budz')" Oackson 1971: 155). It is this moral obligation that in duces people to follow their leader without questioning his au th ority, to the exclusion of other motives. The perception of traditional authority as a quality involving, as Jackson writes, "automatie, almost reflex action rather than a judgemental analysis of the pros and cons of the leader's position on any given issue" Uackson 1971:18-19), deprives the concept of much of its usefulness. It explains nothing exactly, because it can explain everything, like a key th at fits any lock, and may even lead one to overlook obviously rational motives. A good illustration of this is provided by one of the examples of the working of traditional authority given by Jackson himself. It shows how the people of a particular neighbourhood in the city of Bandung after the coup d'état of 1965 turned overnight from staunch PKI supporters into pious Muslims. Jackson, basing himself on the information of "a prominent military officer and politician who lived in the neighbourhood during the events of 1965", explains the incident from a change of the person in whom traditional authority was vested, namely from a PKI leader to alocal Army representative, or Pembina Militer. After the former traditional leader, the PKI man, had been put in jail, people automatieally followed the new leader, the Pembina Militer Oackson 1971:162-163). In my opinion the people's change of ideologieal outlook had nothing whatever to do with their automatically turning to a new === [PDF page 386] === 376 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam traditional leader. It was a me re matter of fear and power. Everywhere in Indonesia after September 1965 attendances at places of religious worship rose sharply, if only for the simple sake of avoiding suspicions of atheism and hen ce communism. If the neighbourhood members had remained openly sympathetic to the PKI they would have ended up in jail or a concentration camp, or might even have been kiUed. The mechanisms really at work become apparent from the explanation given by the military officer quoted by Jackson. According to him, the second-Ievel leaders who had "been affiliated with the now jailed communist bapak were required to report each week to the military authorities. However, after some weeks of favors as weU as reports to the military, they became affiliated with the new bapak, the Pembina Militer. Af ter that these people were let off the hook in terms of their former PKI affiliations. Of course, af ter the second-Ievel bapaks feU into line they carried all of the anak buahs (foUowers) with them, automaticaUy causing a flip-flop of the whole area" Oackson 1971:163). All this does not mean to say that personal relations did not play a rale in the Darul Islam rebellion. There were certainly long-standing relations of this type between leaders going back to the pre-war PSU and the Suffah institute. On the lower levels, toa, such bonds, cemented by pesantren life, must have existed. They pravide only part of the picture, however. Personal ties were sometimes braken right in the middle of the Darul Islam rebellion itself. There was at all times strife and discord among the leaders, who in some cases foUowed but in others flouted each other's advice. The Darul Islam leaders were moreover not automatically assured of the support they already enjoyed. Existing ties had to be periodically reconfirmed, if only by ceremonially stressing the grievances against the Republican Government or by giving the relation concerned some mystical content by linking up with ratu adil Uust king) expectations. The quotation of the military officer at Bandung brings us to the second problem in connection with Jackson's research: the prablem of the extent to which its resuIts are reliable and really show what they are meant to show. In other words, one should ask whether the information provided can be taken at face value. The frequent references by J ackson 's informants to tradi tional authority, bapakism and hutang budi can equally weil be interpreted as elegant ways of masking the actual or threatened use of violence and circumventing delicate issues. When asked why one has gone to the aid of such and such a person, it is easier to reply === [PDF page 387] === VII Why did people join the Daml Islam? 377 that this is because of a debt of honour than because of a debt of money. Saying that one will go to the assistance of a particular pers on and actually doing so are two different things. What Jackson has investigated is not actual behaviour but ideals and values. But things may turn out to be different if put to the test of reality. Though in reply to the question: "If you need help from a considerable number of people because you are in danger from those who want to do you harm, how many people could you call up who consider you their advisor and patron?" Oackson 1971:239) an informant may claim that a lot ofpeople will come to his assistance, the actual number may be nil, as is illustrated by the Bandung case. Another example is provided by what happened in one of the swing villages (which displayed the typical traits of a kongres attitude). Here in 1965 one of the top traditional authorities found himself out of support when, as a member of the left wing of the PNI, he "was deserted by the. chief man of the village and by the commoners because he had become a threat to Tjangkuan's ability to adapt to the outside world" Oackson 1971:517). The same can be said about questions like: "As a result of his help in the form of money, do you feel morally indebted - hutang budi - towards him?", and "If you felt hu tang budi, how far would you go in order to repay it?" Oackson 1971: 235). In Western societies many people, if asked whether they would go to the assistance of a drowning man, would probably answer "yes", with perhaps a disproportionately high percentage of the respondents saying that they could not swim. The third problem to be discussed concerns J ackson 's conducting his research into the contributing factors a few years af ter the suppression of the Darul Islam rebellion. Af ter comparing the nineteen villages on the point of economic structure, geographic proximity, access to modern services, and demographic structure, he concludes, upon finding no significant differences as regards the first three variables, that "it appears th at one of the best indicators of whether a village was part of the D.1. is a demographic one... because a large number of males went to the mountains and served long years with the forces of Kartosoewirjo" Oackson 1971:141). This immediately shows what Jackson is doing. He is looking for current indicators of whether or not a particular village is an ex-rebel village - which is an already known thing anyway. This may be the same as - but can on the other hand also be something completely different from - looking for indicators of the motives for joining the Darul Islam. === [PDF page 388] === 378 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Three remarks may serve to iIIustrate this. J ackson began his research with the following as one of his assumptions: "The rebellious viIIages, partieularly those th at fought hard and long against the central government, would tend to be the villages that were cut off from the mainstream of nationallife by impassable roads or other features of terrain" Qackson 1971: 134). As it happens, there were no differences in this respect at the time of his research. This mayalso have been the case as the start of the Darul Islam rebellion. However, we lack the relevant information as to whether, and if so where, the infrastructure was improved in later years. Moreover, as a result of the activities of the Darul Islam bands themselves, accessibility was not simply a matter of presence or absence of roads, buses and trains. It is true that, as Jackson points out, pro- and anti-Republican Government villages could be adjacent. Nevertheless, there remains the question of where these villages were located and how accessible they were to Republican and Darul Islam troops respectively. The same holds true for access to modern services such as medical aid and counselling by agrieul tural and forestry officials. Jackson "assumed that pro-government villages would have garnered more of the fruits of independence than their rebellious counter-parts" Qackson 1971: 138). This proved to be incorrect, but again, before any conclusions can be drawn, the time factor must be taken into account. At the time of the Darul Islam rebellion no government services penetrated deeply into the interior because of the risks of attack. They could only be extended after the suppression of the rebellion. By that time, moreover, it was the Republican Government's stated aim to step up development in formerly insecure regions in an attempt to win over the local population. The former Darul Islam strongholds became, so to speak, the target of a pilot project inspired by the new conception of the Republican Army's civil miss ion. As Mrazek (1978 II: 79) writes, in the military operations carried out in West Java following Kartosuwirjo's arrest "one of the most significant principles... was to gain the confidence of the people... to rehabilitate the village administration, educational system, communications, etc.". Within this same context stress was laid upon the construction and repair of roads and bridges, which further corroborates our argument that the use of the present state of the infrastructure as a variabie is open to objection. Jackson further failed to find systematic differences between the economie structures of the viIIages of his survey. So he === [PDF page 389] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 379 writes: "If the 0.1. rebellion had been merely a division between 'haves' and 'have nots' one would expect the 0.1. villages to be the ones that would report insuffiency of rice production and the presence of famine in 1963-64. If economic determinism played a part in the recruitment of villages to the 0.1. the rebel villages could be expected to show the greatest food scarcity. This is not the case according to the aggregate data" Oackson 1971:130). His data, in fact, show that "five of the six D.I. villages fall into the classification indicating high frequency of individual land ownership. In contrast, four out of the seven pro-government villages fall into the category of relatively narrow individualland ownership" Oackson 1971:131). Here J ackson is treading on very dangerous ground. Land ownership, in fact, may have been one of the conditions that was most seriously upset by the Darul Islam rebellion. There are indications - but this requires more thorough research - th at the Darul Islam rebellion unintentionally resulted in a more equal distribution of land. As a consequence of the rural unrest and the insecurity of the interior, of bath the Republican Army and the Islamic Army operations, and of the mass evacuations, for a time land prices in Priangan actuallY dropped. As indicated above, the Ministry of Information's monograph on West Java notes that many land transactions took place in the more insecure regions in 1952. Land was sold or rented out here as a re sult of the owners having fled to the cities and needing money simply to keep alive or to start some new venture there (Djawa Barat 1953:448). Of course another possibility is th at the land vacated was bought up by the wealthier farmers and landlords, who probably recovered more quickly from the initial blows, as they also did af ter the struggle for independence. As was said above, this needs further research, as does the question of how land ownership was affected by the land reforms of the early 1960's. Until such time as we have more insight into these matters, it is impossible to admit the present state of land ownership as a variabie whereby to de termine why some villages sided with the Darul Islam and others did not. 11 Furthermore, the use of the food production of a village as a variabie for comparison in one's attempts to identify economie indicators is open to criticism. A better approach would seem to be to study the internal economie structure of and economie differentiation within the villages concerned, placing them against the background of the aggregate data from the wider region. It would probably be more worthwhile looking at Prian- === [PDF page 390] === 380 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam gan as a whoie, taking into account the difference in economic structures between the north and the south. If it is true that, as I am inclined to believe, a proportion of the Darul Islam followers we re members of the new and the old classes of landless persons, even so the fact that a given village included a high percentage of landless persons cannot in itself be taken as an indication that this village sided with the Darul Islam. One of the inherent characteristies of the landless class is that its members are relatively mobile individuals who may freely leave their village of origin. So in point of fact the reverse may have been true, and villages with an initially high proportion of landless may have been the ones which remained loyal to the Republic, as many of the landless had left to join the Darul Islam in the mountains. 12 We have to differentiate between two different kinds of situations here. On the one hand there were the villages which lay in the de facto Darul Islam territory and which supported Kartosuwirjo by choiee or under constraint. On the other hand there were the villages outside these regions from which the Darul Islam drew part of its support. Our conclusion must be, then, that in view of Jackson's methodologieal errors his data cannot be used for further research. These errors stem partly from his disregard for the historical process, partly from his failure to consult pre-war Dutch literature on the agrarian structure of Priangan, as a result of which he remained unaware that the findings of his survey were in contradiction with developments which had been weIl under way since the turn of the century. If we wish to formulate hypotheses about the economie variables whieh may have contributed to the Darul Islam rebellion, the best procedure would seem to be to consult the pre-war literature first, all of which points to growing differentiation in land ownership and a swelling mass of landless in Priangan (cf. Wertheim 1964:110-117; Tichelman 1975:186-189). This litera tu re further provides evidence of a process of "individualization" here. Alisjahbana, for instance, draws attention in this connection to the absence of communal rites for the "worship of the 'Soul of the Village', the founder of the village, which is typ ic al of Middle and EastJavanese villages" (Alisjahbana 1954:47). The absence of this rite is also mentioned by Vink (1941:49), who adds th at in addition the institution of mutual assistance has virtually disappeared. It is interesting to note here that the resident of Priangan observed as early as the turn of the century that the position of the village head in this region was radically === [PDF page 391] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 381 different from that in the rest of Java because of the absence of apanage land and the existence of individual land ownership. His power was more restricted and the independenee of the viIIagers This fact - combined with the hostility towards the traditional elite which was manifest already before the war (cf. Young Mun Cheong 1973) but especially so during the revolution - would seem to point to a situation the opposite of one of "traditional authority" as defined by Jackson. 5. The Other Regions Pekalongan If we now turn to Central Java, and more particularly its Darul Islam areas of Pekalongan and Kebumen, the first thing to be noted is the link, through migration, between these areas and West Java. Both areas experienced the largest exodus of migrants from Central to West Java before the Second World War. From Pekalongan, and notably Brebes, people emigrated mostly to Karawang and Indramayu; and from Kebumen and adjacent Karanganyar to the districts of Banjar and Pangandaran in Tasikmalaya (Volkstelling 1933-19361:24-25; 11:28). The two features of the economie structure which were underlined in the case of Priangan as factors which might explain some of the Darul Islam support there are also in evidence in Pekalong· an. In the latter area, too, there are a concentratÎon of land ownership and a reservoir of landless labourers. In 1905 the residency of Pekalongan counted the second-highest number of large land owners af ter Priangan, having 334 land owners with holdings of over 20 bouws. In 1925, according to the same souree (Regelink 1931:120), Pekalongan ranked only ninth in this respect. Nevertheless, the increase in concentration of land ownership seems to have continued. Also in the year 1925 it was noted that in Brebes the land had come into the ownership of a small minority as a consequence of usury and there were scores of "hajis" owning as much as a few hundred bouws (Economische Kroniek 1925:314). This observation was made in an article on the position of money-Ienders, with emphasis on the role of Arabs as such. It does not specify whether the large land owners were authochthonous Indonesians or Arabs, who, as is disclosed in an article on Pemalang (Lucas 1977:91), controlled considerable areas of land through Indonesian wives. Pekalongan also included a large group of day-Iabourers, === [PDF page 392] === 382 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam employed partly in agriculture, on the sugar estates stretching along the coast, and in all kinds of industries, of which the batik one was the most important. In the kabupaten of Tegal these constituted 25 per cent of the labour force, the highest percentage for the whole of Central Java. Another special characteristic of Tegal, which it shared with Pemalang, was the relatively high number of male unemployed (Volkstelling 1933-1936 11:87, 92). Djoko (1974:157) and Lucas (1977:89), in their articles on the social revolution in Pekalongan, point to the increasing number of landless and the general impoverishment of the population here. According to Lucas (1974: 167), "The Du tch trained civil servants, the pangreh praja, considered the sugarcane factory are as to be 'hardship' postings, which were especially difficult to administer with the high crime rate, gambling, and prostitution centered around the Sub-District towns". This hardly fits in with the concept of agricultural involution or shared poverty. Pekalongan, in fact, formed one of the exceptions which Geertz himself pointed out for "the sugar areas where villagers were forced into more extreme measures", and did not follow the course of shared poverty whereby economic resources are divided into "a steadily increasing number of minute pieces" (Geertz 1963:97). The position of these labourers did not improve upon the attainment of national independence, either. Their pay remained only just sufficient for their daily food, while employment opportunities decreased, partly as a result of the declining demand for batik, which especially seriously affected the industries in Pekalongan (Djawa Tengah 1953: 230-231). As has already been pointed out before, a kind of vicious circle existed here. The poor economic situation which provided a fertile soil for the rise of gangs of bandits was in its turn further aggrevated by the insecurity of the rural areas. Estates were unable to operate at full capacity because of bandit activity, and industries were forced to close down as the demand for their products declined or the latter were unable to reach the local markets. Consequently the socio-economic conditions and employment opportunities grew more unfavourable. As the govemment monograph on Central Java (Djawa Tengah 1953:332) puts it, the landless had a choice between two alternatives: to take active steps to improve their lot and become bandits, or to accept their fate passively and become dropsy cases. The information on the two other areas of Central Java from which the Darul Islam drew its members, but in which the move- === [PDF page 393] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 383 ment itself displayed Ie ss tenacity than elsewhere, does not point to these same features. Kebumen was an extremely poor area. Before the Second World War the plain of Bagelen, in which Kebumen is situated, had been one of the Javanese areas from which the most contract labourers had been recruited for work outside Java (Scheltema 1929:412-414). Even at the beginning of the century the southern part of the plain had a reputation as an insecure area, where murder and theft were rampant (Van der Jagt 1955: 361). In Klaten, the area of origin of the rebellious members of the 426 Battalion of the Dt'ponegoro Division, the rebels reportedly could count on the support of the Muslim land owners, who regarded the battalion as an instrument for defending their interests against the demands of farmhands for the redistribution of land (Subekti 1952:15-16). South Sulawesi South Sulawesi and Aceh are characterized by Vink respectively as a region where territoria! ties were still important and as an area with free individua! land ownership. In both regions large land ownership was associated with members of the traditional ruling class. South Sulawesi has a relatively high population density, at least for the outlying islands. According to the 1930 population census this density at that time varied from one to two hundred per square kilometre (Volkstelling 1933-1936 V:8). It is furthermore one of Indonesia's major rice-producing areas, with a large sawah acreage, particularly in Bone, Parepare and around Ujungpandang. This, combined with the fact that it is populated mainly by Makassarese (in the southwest) and Bugis (in the centre and the east), sets the area apart from the rest of the island. Though the soi! is not of top quality, South Sulawesi has for years produced a surplus of rice and maize (Sulawesi n.d.:408-410). Food production suffered severely from the unrest ensuing from Kahar Muzakkar's rebellion, however. Fields either were destroyed or remained unplanted, and inland transportation, not only of food but also of other commodities, was seriously hampered. As a re sult regional shortages of rice occurred already in the early 1950's, for instance in Mander, where rice had to be imported from 1952 on (Masri 1959:4). At the end of 1963 a rice shortage was even reported for the whole of South Sulawesi Uasmi 1968:30). According to Vink's classification (1941:43-44), South Sula- === [PDF page 394] === 384 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam wesi did not yet belong to the type of society having free individual agriculture. Territorial ties were still important, although Vink observed that these ties were becoming we aker. 13 The field notes of the anthropologist Kennedy also point in this direction. When he visited Gowa in 1949 he noted that land ownership here was private and that any Indonesian could buy land (Kennedy 1953:62). Large landholdings and absentee land ownership were also found here, though they possessed a special character. Among the many small farmers here there were a few large landholders, usually members of ruling families. South Sulawesi possessed a high stratified society with a nobility at the top and the common people below them, and in older times the slaves at the very bottom. These differences in social position were reflected in wealth and land ownership. The rulers and members of ruling families held large tracts of land, in most instances in virtue of the offices they occupied. Tideman (1933) in his description of Enrekang, Chabot (1950) in his thesis on Gowa, Wesseling (1939) in his article on agrarian customary law in Wajo, Kriebel (1919) in his report on Selayar, and Rookmaker (1924) all point to the existence of large land ownership in one form or another. Some of their descriptions also show how the rules regulating land ownership were circumvented. Wesseling (1939:405), for instance, describes the attempts of the local administration in Wajo to re-establish communal rights with respect to certain types of land which in the course of time had become private property. The reason for this was that regional heads had acquired disproportionately large holdings of land through abuse of power. Control over larger areas of land might further be secured by lending money against land as securi ty, especially where customary law precluded the outright sale of land (Rookmaker 1924: 521). In many cases, as Peddemors (1935:41) argues for Sidenreng, it was in fact better because of the large sums of money involved, to speak of seIIing with the right to repurchase than of mortgaging. Detailed information is provided on the subject by Chabot (1950:40-44). In the village of Bontoramba in Gowa which he studied he discovered that households owned on ave rage 54 acres of sawah and 69 acres of unirrigated land. Of the total sawah area the villagers held 160 hectares, while the remainder of the village agricultural land (almost 290 hectares) was in the hands of relatives of the Ruler of Gowa. === [PDF page 395] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 385 An additional characteristic of South Sulawesi, according to Chabot (1950: 110-114), was that there was no shortage of land which forced people to work the land of others. The people who worked the fields of the landlords were the latter's retainers. Landlords owning many sawahs in different villages as a rule appointed a representative in each of these villages to act as overseer, who in turn selected the tillers. It was dependent on the personality and prestige of the landlord and his overseer whether they succeeded in recruiting sufficient people to work these sawahs. Chabot further points out that it was very difficult for a non-noble to find a good manager and thus secure an adequate number of tillers, which provided an obstacle for rich merchants to invest in land. Nevertheless, in another part of his thesis (Chabot 1950:58) he speaks of traders who had grown rich in the past ten to fifteen years and had become large land owners in Pare pare and used migrant labourers to work their fields. Chabot's observation on the availability of uncultivated land does not hold true for the whole of South Sulawesi. In some areas there was a shortage of land, as parts of these areas consisted of jungle and mountainous terrain. This was the case in Soppeng for instance, where many people were forced to leave their native village to seek a living elsewhere (cf. Opdyke n.d.: 24). Other sources corroborate th at Chabot 's observation is only partly correct. Nooteboom (1938:627-628) points to the custom in force in South Sulawesi, not only among the poor but also among the better-off, of going to other areas to work as labourer during harvest-time. In fact, the whole of Sou th Sulawesi was one of the well-known emigration areas in Indonesia already before the Second World War. In Parepare as much as 25.1 per cent of the population regularly left their place of residence for shorter or longer periods (Volkstelling 1933-1936 V:47-48). Like West Java and Pekalongan, South Sulawesi had its share of big land owners, and also of landless peasants and share-croppers. It was on the way to a more individualized type of society. Rules on land ownership were apt to be evaded, while at the same time the position of the ruling class came under frequent attack. Due to the increased safety since the turn of the century, the latter's function as protectors of society - one of the important reasons why they had formerly been able to attract followers - had suffered a weakening. Their subsequent association with the Dutch administration, as weIl as the introduction of modern ideas, had eroded their prestige still further. The importance of === [PDF page 396] === 386 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam territorial ties was waning, too, making possible a greater concentration of land ownership. One of the first effects of this was a decrease in social differentiation. That members of the ruling class should con trol large areas ofland as a corollary of the offices they held was no longer taken for granted. They could hence no longer rely fully on their prestige and authority for success in recruiting retainers and thus tillers for their land. The re sult was a de cline in their wealth. Because of the association of large land ownership with the nobility in South Sulawesi it is impossible to distinguish clearly between Kahar Muzakkar's attempts to achieve a more egalitarian kind of society as areaction against agrarian conditions or as an expression of opposition to the ruling elite. Aceh The situation in Aceh resembIed that of South Sulawesi. In Aceh there existed the same connection between the ruling elite and large land ownership, although here the concentration of land ownership in the hands of the ulèëbalang was of more recent date, but at the same time more pronounced. Aceh likewise had become a rice surplus area, having experienced a considerable increase in rice production in the last years of Dutch rule. Whereas in 1938 the region produced only enough rice to feed its own population, after that year it exported this cereal in increasing quantities, in 1941 already as many as 36,000 tons. Rice from North Aceh's "rice barn", Pidie, as weIl as from the northwest of East Aceh went to the East Coast of Sumatra. It was also exported from Southeast Aceh, the Gayo and Alas areas, and from the west coast of Aceh. The only areas which were unable to produce enough rice were Greater Aceh (containing the urban centres Banda Aceh and Sabang) and the northeastern part of East Aceh (an area in which agricultural estates and oilfields were concentrated) (Piekaar 1949:26). To this day Aceh has remained a region of surplus rice production (cf. Hasan 1976). Production here dropped for only a short interval as a consequence of the neglect of sawahs and irrigation systems during the 1apanese occupation and a few subsequent years. This de cline was also caused by the economie attitude of Acehnese farmers and their keenness to change to crops that were more profitable. So in 1950 many sawahs were abandoned in favour of Pogostemon cabHn (an aromatic plant producing patchouli oil) and rubber In the description of the Daud Beureu 'eh rising reference was === [PDF page 397] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 387 already made to the extensive landholdings of the ulèëbalang in Pidie and to the wealth accumulated by the latter before the Second World War. With respect to Greater Aceh, Kreemer mentions the frequent sale of rice-fields after harvesting and tbe mortgaging of land. In this way large sawahs became the property of money-Ienders, who then leased these again to the original owners or the mortgagors for share-cropping (Kreemer 1922-192311:368-371). Siegel (1969:27) and Piekaar (1948:8) both underline the ulèëbalangs' position as large land owners, as weIl as their considerable interests in trade, especially the pepper trade, which was of particular importance on the east coast of Aceh. Tbe ulèëbalang were not traditionally landlords. They only began investing in land after the establishment of Dutch rule at the beginning of the century (Alfian 1976:52-53), when, having grown rich in trade, they began accumulating land for the cultivation of rice and pepper. As a result of providing capital for new pepper fields, they th en came to ·have interests not only in the pepper trade, but also in pepper production (Chew Hock Tong 1974: 131-132; Kreemer 1922-1923 1:35-36). By the end of Dutch rule they furthermore controlled rice-milling (Reid 1979: 14). Looking at pre-war Acehnese society from this perspective, it seems to represent a modification of Wolf's hypothesis that one of the factors underlying peasant re volts is the changed position of land as brought about by entrepreneurs within the peasant community itself having broken free from both territorial and kinship constraints (Wolf 1969:278). It was not the villagers who acted in a new way, but the traditional adat chiefs, who had hitherto interfered little in village life. It was the resultant changes which provoked and strengthened the anti-ulèëbalang feelings which culminated in the so-called social revolution. It is no coincidence, then, that the most violent actions occurred in Pidie, where the concentration of land ownership had progressed furthest. If we go looking in the agrarian structure for factors which may have been responsible for the tenacity of the Darul Islam rebellions, we should be careful to remember in the case of Aceh that agrarian relations here had already changed drastically as aresult of the social revolution, which had already led to a redistribution of land. AccordingIy the support which the Darul Islam movement enjoyed here may be partly eXplained by the existence of fears that the RepubIican Govemment might undo the achievements of the sociaI revolution and deprive people of their newly === [PDF page 398] === 388 RebeIlion under the Banner of Islam won economic posItIOn, or that it might try to re-instate the ulèëbalang. Another point to consider in this connection is that not everyone benefited by the social revolution, and that the very elements of the agrarian structure which helped to provoke this revolution remained present afterwards. Land continued to be an article of private property which could be bought and sold freely. Another far-reaching consequence of the social revolution was the almost disappearance of the pepper-growing industry. Pepper production dropped sharply as a result of neglect and crop disease, of the de cline of the money trade during the revolution, and of the elimination of the ulèëbalang. Before the Second World War, 4,000 hectares had been under pepper. In 1951 there remained only 140, of which 60 consisted of newly planted fields, which were not yet productive (Sumatera Utara 1953:578; Soeyatno 1966:61). The impact of this must have been enormous. Pepper growers and wor kers had to become ordinary farmers again or to seek other employment, while additionally an important element of the pre-war tra de structure disappeared. Concentration of land ownership was one aspect of pre-war Acehnese society. Another was the development of the estate and mining sector which came with the expansion of Dutch rule. The labourer group in Aceh was larger than in South Sulawesi, where the estate and mining sectors were relatively undeveloped. In Aceh, according to the 1930 census, the workers on "nonnative estates" constituted 8.1 per cent of the labour force. This is a low figure in comparison with an estate area par excellence like East Sumatra where it came to 45.2 per cent, but is still quite significant, and in the rest of Sumatra was only surpassed by Lampung (13.3 per cent) and Bengkulu (9.8 per cent) (Volkstelling 1933-1936 IV:ll0). Rubber, coconut and oH palm estates were found in the northeastern part of East Aceh (Tamiang and Langsa), in Meulaboh, in Sou th Aceh, and to a les ser extent in Central and Southeast Aceh, in particular around Takengon (Piekaar 1949: 26-27; Lekkerkerker 1916:248-249; Boediono and Ibrahim Hasan 1974:40-41; Kreemer 1922-1923 1:431-440). The oil-fields were located in East Aceh. Af ter 1950 a number of these estates developed links with the Darul Islam. Some of them were given in lease to former military commanders and their demobilized guerilla followers. So Said Abubakar was given a rubber estate to work at Langsa, and Iljas Lebai a coffee estate at Takengon. At the outbreak of the Daud === [PDF page 399] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 389 Beureu 'eh rebellion some of these new managers joined it. According to Republican Government sources Said Abubakar even took Rp. 300,000.- reserved for wages for the labourers with him (Sekitar n.d. 1:48, 340; 111:48). Summing up the situation in Aceh, it can be said that although changes in the agrarian structure here contributed to the sodal revolution, their roie as a factor underlying the Darul Islam rebellion is Iess dear. The group of estate and mine workers should definitely be taken into account, though data on the extent and nature of their contribution to the Darul Islam forces are lacking. As a proportion of the estate labourers were former guerillas, there must have come support from this group. On the other hand, the estates relied partlyon non-Acehnese for their labour. South Kalimantan As aiready indicated, South Kalimantan occupies a place apart, due to the important roie of rubber-growing in this area. Besides, it was the rice-barn of Kalimantan as a whoie. So in the early 1950's it contributed 180,000 tons to the total Kalimantan rice production of 250,000 tons (Kalimantan 1953:204). A prindpal rice-growing centre was the Hulusungai area, the base of the Ibnu Hadjar rebellionj another was Ulin, which supplied Banjarmasin with its rice. Hulusungai, although its soil is gene rally described as poor, under normal circumstances was able at least to meet its own needs and produce a small surplus for export (Broersma 1927: 115). Hulusungai was moreover the most populous part of Kalimantan, with a population density of between 23.8 per square kilometre in Tanjung and over one hundred in Barabai (Volkstelling 1933-1936 V:8). The area's most salient feature, however, was rubber cultivation. According to Velsing (1925:213), in 1925 about seven per cent of the Hulusungai population was engaged in this branch of agriculture. The 1930 census (Volkstelling 1933-1936:101) states that in Barabai and Amuntai 4.3 and 2.5 per cent of the work force respectively practiscd rubber-growing as their main occupation. Both Velsing (1925:227) and Broersma (1927:110) express thc opinion that rubber provided the basis for Huiusungai's relative prospcrity. Rubber-growing was a recent industry to thc area, the first trees here having been plantcd in 1910 (Velsing 1925:201-204). Being a new economic activity, it made the region very sensitive to cxternal market movements. Velsing (1925:226-227) nevertheless argues th at the effects of an unfavourable market werc not so serious here, as rubber-growing remained a sccondary === [PDF page 400] === 390 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam actlvlty, the earnings of which were used for the purchase of luxury articles. Even when the rubber. market totally collapsed, as in 1921 and 1922, Hulusungai managed to preserve its prosperity. However, this is probably only true for short periods of declining rubber prices, and even then for only part of the population. Feuilletau de Bruyn (1933:190) has observed, for example, that in years of low rubber prices emigration from the Hulusungai area was greater than in other years. So in 1921, 4,000 people emigrated from Barabai alone, and 1,569 from Tanjung. In 1924, a good rubber year, these figures were 2,500 and 289 respectively. In other respects, too, rubber proved a disaster in disguise. When rubber prices were high people tended to neglect their rice fields and irrigation channels. This, combined with the effect of war, in 1951 led to serious food problems (N 27-4-1951). The population of Hulusungai is described in the literature as extremely individualistic (Vink 1941:48) and mobile. So there were people from this area, Banjarese, to be found in Sumatra, Sulawesi and the Malay Peninsuia. There was, in fact, a high percentage of emigration from the area: in Barabai 22.3 per cent, and in Amuntai 18.1 per cent (Volkstelling 1933-1936 V:47). Such high figures are indicative of weak territorial and genealogical ties. The influence of the community and the social con trol exercised by it were indeed slight. Broersma (1927: 120) even concludes that the indigenous population of Hulusungai "lacks a distinctive character, maintains no adat", although this is refuted by Mallinckrodt (1928 1:14). Nevertheless, the individualistic nature of this society is obvious even from Mallinckrodt's own description. The family was of little importance, and people were little inclined to help each other (Mallinckrodt 1928 1:125). Although there were even so some instances of mutual assistance, the people giving such assistance, for example with harvesting, were paid according to the amount of work done, which gave "mutual assistance" rather more the character of wage labour Mallinckrodt (1928 11:79-80) in addition observes that as a resuit of increasing individualization and the development of private ownership a group of wage labourers and of entrepreneurs had come into being. Although it is difficult to distinguish clearly between cause and effect, it is likely that rubber-growing contributed to this individualization. It is in rubber-growing that Mallinckrodt notes the emergence of larger land owners who no longer tap their own trees but engage wage labourers. === [PDF page 401] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 391 Differentiation had also come about in other sectors of the economy. So Feuilletau de Bruyn (1933:91) noted a rudimentary division of labour in small-scale industry and handicrafts. Also important was the pull of the industries located in Banjarmasin, Balikpapan and Pulau Laut, and of the coal, gold and diamond mines in Martapura, Pleihari and Pulau Laut. 6. Relz"gz"on The title of this study deliberately speaks of Darul Islam as a rebellion "under the banner of Islam" to indicate that this movement should not be treated exdusively as a religious one, as other aspects were also of importance. These aspects have been discussed in the foregoing sections. Even so, the specific treatments of such other factors which may have contributed to the rise of Darul Islam is not meant to suggest that Islam did not play an important role as a motivating force impelling people to join the movement. The ideal of an Islamic state provided a definite rallying point for resistance against infidel, secular, or religiously lax enemies. In each of the various Darul Islam movements in Indonesia Islamic people proceeded from the Muslim law as basis, making persons who did not strictly ob serve th at law the targets of punitive measures. In the history of Indonesia religiously inspired revolts led by Islamic leaders are a familiar phenomenon. The Dutch colonial rulers, and to alesser extent also the Japanese, were occasionally harassed by minor, isolated risings against foreign infidels. Darul Islam is part of this tradition, to which it added a new dimension, however, transcending as it did narrow local boundaries. This gave it not simply a regional, but a national character. All areas which experienced Darul Islam rebellions were weIlknown for their orthodox leanings. 14 Even so, the idea th at the Darul Islam, striving as it did for the establishment of an Islamic State, was a movement of strict Muslims should not be taken in too absolute asense. The form of Islam that is adhered to in Indonesia is strongly influenced by indigenous Indonesian beliefs and ideals, and is anything but free from heterodox elements. Varying from area to area, the Darul Islam followers of ten expressed ideas which were at variance with orthodox Islam. Notably in West Java, Darul Islam leaders deverly exploited popular beliefs in the magical properties of amulets and in the coming of a Just King. So there was a story circulating th at Kartosuwirjo possessed two m agic al swords, "Ki Dongkol" and === [PDF page 402] === 392 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam "Ki Rompang", about which there existed the belief in the Garut area that the person bringing them together would be victorious in battle and would bring prosperity to the area (Pinardi 1964:154-156). Kartosuwirjo was also represented as the Mahdi or Ratu Adil, the Just King, who, according to the Jayabaya prophecy, would bring peace and justice to the country af ter a period of foreign domination and turmoil. Kartosowirjo himself, according to one of his commanders, Ateng Dj aelani, was very much indined to mysticism and was not averse to using the prophecies of J ayabaya and the belief in the coming of the Mahdi and the annihilation of the Dajal (a figure comparable to the Antichrist) to impress his followers. Ateng Djaelani moreover daimed that in the final year of the rebellion Kartosuwirjo spread the rumour that he had received a divine blessing. Allegedly six of Kartosuwirjo's officers had seen a ray of light and liquid forming the phrase la ilaha illa '/lah (Th ere is no God but Allah) shining for three hours, touching Kartosuwirjo's eyebrows. Also according to Ateng Djaelani, there was a story in circulation that Allah had decreed Kartosuwirjo Caliph of the world (DM 20-3-1962). Finally, there was a rumour that Kartosuwirjo's name was angker, meaning "spiritually charged", and that his followers were afraid to use his fuU name, referring to him simply as "our Imam" or as SMK (the abbreviation for Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo) (DM 8-6-1962). As regards other Darul Islam areas the picture is Ie ss dear. However, there are indications that here too Islam was mixed with non-Islam ic elements at least among Darul Islam followers. So there are stories of practices and beliefs that hardly square with orthodox Muslim views in circulation with respect to Central Java and South Kalimantan. Kiyai Haji Machfudz, the leader of the Angkatan Umat Islam, for example, is said to have acquired part of his fame from the sale of amulets. And as far as South Kalimantan is concerned, the speculations about Ibnu Hadjar's invulnerability, the allegations that Mawardi lived on as a ghost, and the tales that the earth refused to accept the body of Masri testify that the population here as weIl still dung firmly to local popular beliefs. About the Darul Islam movements in South Sulawesi and Aceh there are no such stories. Even so, in South Sulawesi there at least also existed the belief in the future advent of a Just King and the future establishment of a prosperous society - beliefs which the local Darul Islam rebels were able to turn to their own === [PDF page 403] === VII Why did people join the Daml Islam? 393 advantage. According to Chabot (1950:135-139) the relevant movements were of two distinctly different kinds. The one was primarily directed against the contemporary indigenous rulers and against the Dutch and Chinese. The other, which was of a much broader vision, believed in the future establishment of a realm encompassing the whole of South Sulawesi which would be governed by a righteous king who would bring peace and prosperity to the area. The continued presence of such non-Islamic elements nevertheless does not detract from the fact th at the Darul Islam was an Islamic rebellion, in which religion was a prime mover. Since Geertz' popularization of the distinction between santri and abangan there has been a tendency to overemphasize the differences between strict and non-strict Muslims. The dichotomy santri - abangan has not simply been taken as a distinction between two ideal types, as a useful analytical tooI, but has been made into a hard and fast law. In this conception the degree of Islamic inspiration is measured not by people's own inner convictions, but by the extent to which they live up to Geertz' definitions. A belief in spirits and amulets and a predilection for wayang and gamelan thus have been apt to earn their possessors the label "unorthodox" Muslims, or at least to make them look to observers like people who are unsusceptible to Islamic appeals. In some cases this is, in fact, justified. These are the cases of the so-called "statistical Muslims", to use the obnoxious term, who are outright suspicious of the idea of an Islamic state. But in other cases such beliefs have not detracted from the sincerity with which their holders consider themselves Muslims and are motivated by genuine Muslim ideas. True, there has regularly been hostility between strict and non-strict Muslims and the difference between them has been a potential source of conflict. Whether such conflict has actually broken out or whether the differences have been suppressed has depended upon the issues at stake and upon the presence or absence of a common enemy. This is where the other factors responsible for the Darul Islam risings come into play. So interference, real or imaginary discrimination by the Government and Army, and detoriating economic conditions here were able to unite the two sides and push the differences temporarily into the background. Then - to complicate the picture - once the Darul Islam rebellion had gat under way, the distinction between "we" and "they" tended to be defined not by religious criteria but by participation or nonparticipation in the rebellion. Thus, as was mentioned above, === [PDF page 404] === 394 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam Darul Islam rebels sometimes punished Muslims who were lax in the observance of Islamic law. But even orthodox fellow-Muslims were not necessarily safe from attacks. So it was failure to actively support the Darul Islam which made enernies and apostates of them. There were even instances - and they do not seem to have been rare, either - of mosques being selected as targets in raids on villages. This ambiguity of the role of Islam - which, though important as a rallying point was less so as a criterion whereby to distinguish friend from foe - renders it quite useless as an instrument for measuring purity of faith in any attempt to assess the importance of this religion in inducing people to join the Darul Islam. Jackson (1971:312-438) has constructed a scale of religious attitudes whereby to differentiate between modem orthodox Muslims, traditional orthodox Muslims and syncretists. Basing himself on Geertz' distinction between santrz' and abangan, he wanted to find out whether the differences between modem and traditional santrz's and abangan also existed in West Java. The questions used for the construction of the sc ale concemed attitudes towards sacred places and religious scholars, beliefs in taboos, spirits, and spirit possession, and the importance attached to fate and predestination as weU as to religious meals, or slamatans. By using this scale it proved possible to make the relevant distinctions in East and Central Java as weIl as in West Java. Not surprisingly, J ackson discovered that the people of "West Java and even East Priangan are not uniformly santrz' in their religious beliefs", and that "many of the Sundanese at the village level are properly dassified as non-orthodox in their religious beliefs" Oackson 1971:365). Concentrating exdusively on the three villages studied by him, he found it impossible to establish a correlation between the position adopted by them during the Darul Islam rebeUion and the religious beliefs of their inhabitants. Both the Darul Islam village and the pro-Republican one were, according to him, traditional orthodox villages Oackson 1971:393). A comparison of the answers to another set of questions (conceming opinions on an Islamic State and preparedness to kill for religion) failed to draw a dear distinction between the villages as weIl. The condusion drawn by J ackson is that the religious attitude of the villagers does not "predict the political positions th at were taken" 0 ackson 1971: 433). He formulates this condusion rather === [PDF page 405] === VII Why did people join the Darul Islam? 395 guardedly, however, stating that religion remains important and that a phrase like "insult to religion" is capable of rousing the abangan as much as the santri. Even so, he tends to play down religion as a factor contributing to Darul Islam support in West Java, arguing that it was the religious attitude not of the villagers but of the village leaders, and consequently traditional authority, that determined a given village's choice. The data adduced by Jackson, ho wever, admit of no such interpretation. Statistical conclusions are drawn from statistical populations numbering as few as nine, six or even five. Where Jackson states that in the pro-Darul Islam village one hundred per cent of the village leaders favoured an Islamic state, this only means that six leaders did so Oackson:410-411). It is further questionable if, in trying to determine the role of Islam, one should de fine Islam in the narrow sense in which Jackson does so. The important question is not whether the Darul Islam rising was an Islamic rebellion in the sense that its participants lived up to the standards of orthodox Islam, but to what extent people were motivated by appeals to "Islam", irrespective of whether or not they believed in spirits and the like. Perhaps one is justified in expecting the political and religious leaders of the movement to have been orthodox Muslims in the true sense of the word. In the case of the rank and file this is impossible, however. As Van Nieuwenhuijze (1958:175-177) has argued in his study on the Darul Islam in West Java, the villagers reinterpreted Islam and the ideal of an Islamic state and adapted both to their own specific needs. According to him the Darul Islam fulfilled "the same function in J avanese society that is provided by revivalist movements in primitive society". It provided an answer to the questions and doubts raised by the opening up of the closed community as weIl as the erosion of traditional authority under outside influences. This, according to Van Nieuwenhuijze, at the same time explains the terroristic aspects of the Darul Islam. Revivalism as a reaction to extemal disruptive influences is invariably totalitarian, he argues, as a result of which everyone who does not wholeheartedly cooperate is branded as a traitor: "Thus, every Muslim, every Indonesian within reach of the Dar uI Islam movement, is subject to punishment as a traitor if he fails to co-operate". Van Nieuwenhuijze's observation illustrates the difficulties one is apt to encounter in isolating Islam as a prime mover - there are various other, interfering factors. As I have argued, it is th is === [PDF page 406] === 396 Rebellion under the Banner of Islam interplay of factors - the expansion of central control, the demobilization policy, the changing agrarian structure, and Islam - which gave Darul Islam its strength. But even this cannot fuIly account for the phenomenon. The time must also be taken into consideration. It may weIl be argued that the Darul Islam could never have developed into what it became if its initial phase had not coincided with the collapse of the colonial system and the building up of a new state - the Indonesian Republic. Not only does the breakdown of a state enhance the chances of peasant revolts, as has been observed by others as weIl (cf. Zagoria 1974:53), but, as in the Indonesian case, the subsequent attempts to shape a new centrally govemed state may cause a large proportion of the necessary resentment. This new state at last was a state in which Indonesians could run their own affairs, which, however, in the opinion of part of the population was not being done in accordance with their own ideals - in this case those of Islam. === [PDF page 407] === Notespp.11-28 NOTES CIIAPTER I The first Indoncsian Parliamcnt, posscssing only advisory powers, was instituted on August 29th, 1945. Two days latcr thc first Republican Cabinet was formed. An Indonesian Army was officially called into being on October 5th. 2 For clashes between lndonesian and japanese armed forccs in java sce, for example, Anderson (1972) and Smail (1964). 3 For the social revolutions in Tegal and Acch respectively see p. 137-143, and p. 273-284. 4 Kiyai jusuf Tauziri was for a time a close friend and mentor of Kartosuwirjo's. 5 The proclamation of a Darul Islam State by Kartosuwirjo in August is also mcntioned by Brugmans (1966). 6 At the end of 1945 or the beginning of 1946 an Islamic State was proclaimed in Ciamis by one Kiyai Abdul I Iamid, a th en member of Masyumi. 7 For the japanese policy vis·à-vis the Islamic Icaders see inter alia Benda (1958) and Sluimers (1968). 8 Most of thc information on Kartosuwirjo is taken from Pinardi (1964). A short biography on Kartosuwirjo is also found in Boland (1971:55-57); The (1968); Van Nieuwenhuijze (1958:167-169); and Horikoshi (1975). 9 According to the rcsuIts of th!" Welvaartsonderzoek (Prosperity Survey) of 1904/1905, there were in the afdeling Rembang, of which Cepu was part, four schools of the sccond grade (cf. Volkswelvaart 1914:491). See also Kats (1915). 10 According to Noer (1973:125) Sarl'kat Islam in 1919 claimed a membership of 2\6 million. Bcnda (1958:42) mentions a figure of two million for that year. 11 The section of the party under which this was done was the so·called s!"ction B (cf. Dahm 1971:54-55; Noer 1973:123-125). 12 Cf. issues of the Jong Java magazine Wederopbouw, tzfdsch7lft aan de Jong-javanen-Beweging en het Javaansche geestesleven gewijd. 13 Benda (1958:49) also observes th at Ha nucleus of leaders was being trained in the Jong Islamieten Bond, who in later y!"ars were to occupy central positions in Islamic political parties". 14 According to Pinardi (1964:22), Kartosuwirjo became chairman of the Jong Islamieten Bond. It is not clear whether this was of the central board or of the Surabaya branch. 15 Before the adoptation of the name Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia the party was called Partai Sarekat Islam Hindia Timur. 16 As other mentors of Kartosuwirjo Noer (1973:148) mentions Kiyai === [PDF page 408] === 398 Notes pp. 29-42 Mustafa Kamil and Kiyai Ramli, and Pinardi (1964: 28) Abdul Kudus Gozali Tusi and ani. 17 A fellow-villager of Kartosuwirjo 's as cited in Pinardi (1964: 28). 18 Agus Salim was chairman of the party council, or Dewan Partai, while Abikusno Tjokrosujoso headed the executive committee. 19 This of course does not mean to say th at there were no Catholic, Protestant or atheistic nationalists. 20 As the number of those expelled Noer (1973: 146) mentions 28, Pluvier (1953) and Horikoshi (1975:62) both 29. 21 For a synopsis see also Noer (1973:146-148). 22 In earlier years Kartosuwirjo had not been opposed to cooperation with other parties. In December 1927 he had attended the inaugural meeting, as representative of the PSU, of the Permufakatan Perhimpunan-perhimpunan Politik Kebangsaan Indonesia (PPPKI), or Congress of Nationalist Political Associations of Indonesia. See Pinardi (1964: 35), who incorrectly calls the PPPKI the Perhimpunan Pimpinan Poli tik Umum Indonesia. 23 In some sources this committee is referred to as Komite Pembela Kebenaran PSU. 24 Pinardi bases his account on written statements by Kartosuwirjo to military officials of the Siliwangi Division of West Java after his arrest (Pinardi 1964:26). 25 On the meaning of Suffah, Horikoshi (1975:63), citing Noer (1973:340), writes: "Suffah refers to an institution at the time of the Prophet at which a num ber of young men were instructed by the Prophet himself in order to propagate Islam". According to Boland (1971:56), "As-Suffa... was probably a long covered portico in the court yard of the prophet's house and _temporary mosque at Medina. According to later tradition... the 'people of the sulfa' were a group of poor and pious Muslims who lived there, spending their time in study and worship... The word suffa was sometimes considered the origin of the term tasawwuf (sufism, mysticism)." 26 For the decline in membership of the (Partai) Sarekat Islam (Indonesia) cf. Pluvier (1953:197) and Deliar Noer (1973:125). Pluvier writes: "Whereas the SI in 1919-1920, according to the - probably exaggerated - account of Tjokroaminoto, counted 2 million members, in 1930 this number had dwindled to circa 20,000. Five years later the PSU had about 45,000 members. Although there are no figures available for the later years, it can be assumed that, in view of the ruptures in the party af ter 1935, this latter figure was not exceeded in these years." 27 Kartosuwirjo had also been imprisoned for a few days in 1936, when he had been accused of plotting a rebellion. 28 It should be noted that the territory of the former Dutch East Indies did not co me under a single J apanese war commando Java and Madura came under the jurisdiction of the 16th army, Sumatra under that of the 25th army, and Kalimantan, Sulawesi and the Nusa Tenggara under that of the 2nd sou thern fleet (cf. Dahm 1971: 84). 29 Benda (1958:112) writes: "Abikusno Tjokrosujoso,..., had understandably enough endeavored to reap the fruits of his obstinately 'noncooperative' past, by prematurely offering his services as Indonesian premier to the 'liberators'''. It is doubtful whether Benda's statement === [PDF page 409] === Notes pp. 42-45 399 constitutes a true representation of the facts. Sluimers' reading of the events surrounding the formation of an Indonesian cabinet is more likely. It is clear from his article (1968) that the source mentioned by Benda, Tjahaja Timoer of March 1942, only published an unofficiallist af ter Abikusno Tjokrosujoso told one of its journalists that he had been appointed formateur of an Indonesian cabinet. In the list drawn up on March 9th Abikusno Tjokrosujoso is only mentioned as a candidate for the post of minister of transport (for this list cf. Sluimers 1968: 366). 30 The decision seems to have been operative only for java. Because of poor communications it never reached the other islands (cf. M 28-4-1947). 31 According to Horikoshi (1975:66) the Suffah institute was closed soon af ter the beginning of the japanese occupation. 32 The japanese name for the Committee was Dokuritsu Zyunbi Tyoosakai. In Indonesian the Committee is called by some Badan untuk menyelidiki usaha persiapan kemerdekaan (Yamin 1959-1960 1:60, Boland 1971: 16) and by others Badan penyelidik usaha persiapan kemerdekaan (Tudjuh 1961: 11). Cf. for the composition of the Committee Muhammad Yamin (1959-19601:60) or Harun al Rasjid (1968:23-24). 33 At the time of its formation the Committee comprised 62 members, with Radjiman Wediodiningrat as chairman. The original intention had probably been that a japanese should share its meetings, with Radjiman Wediodiningrat acting as deputy chairman. This is why the Committee was officially said to have 63 members, while it was popularly referred to as the Committee of Sixty-two. Later on still six new members were added. 34 As representatives of the Islamic community Dahm (1971: 101) mentions Agus Salim, Abikusno Tjokrosujoso, Sukiman, Mas Mansur, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Abdul Halim, Abdul Kahar Muzakkir, Achmad Sanusi and Wachid Hasjim. 35 This address by Soekarno has become known under the title Lahirnya Pancasila, or Birth of the Pancasila. A condensed English version is to be found in Feith and Castles (1970:40-49). Particularly since September 1965 a number of Indonesians have argued that it was not Soekarno but Muhammad Yamin who was the first to formulate the Pancasila. As representative of this view Boland (1971: 17-18) mentions an article in Pandji Masjarakat in October 1967, a series of articles by Mohamad Roem (Pandji Masjarakat 11,12 and 13, March-AprilI967), and a study by K.H.M. Isa Anshary entitled Mudjahid da'wah. These all point to Muhammad Yamin's address to the Committee for the Preparation of Independence of May 29th, which was divided into five sections, dealing with nationalism, humanity, belief in God, democracy and prosperity for the people respectively. Boland points out that this division into sections could have been made later. Nugroho Notosusanto (197la: 14-20) also states that Yamin was the first to formulate the Pancasila. He, however, describes Yamin's version of these principles, along with that of Soekarno and the jakarta Charter, as "only a rough draft". The authentic draft of the Pancasila, according to him, is that included in the preamble to the Constitution of 1945. The least one can say of the respective speeches of Soekarno and Muhammad Yamin in this connection is that the former shows much === [PDF page 410] === 400 Notes pp. 47-49 more internal consistency than the latter; linking the various "pillars" with each other in a clear way and thus showing that Soekarno had a very clear idea of what he wanted to say. Muhammad Yamin's speech, although being the only one in his book which has a "tabie of content", lacks this consistency. Nowheredoes it contain any evidence that he had such five principles in mind, or indications as to why he divided his speech into the said five sections. Belief in God, for instance, which is dealt with in a very brief subsection, is not presented as one of the b'lses of the state, but as a factor underlying society. The section on prosperity is lengthier but says little about prosperity and much more about the state territory, the position of the Chinese and Arab citizens, and the unitary basis of the state. Another point to make is that only in later years did the question of who introduced the Pancasila become at all important. Even as late as 1951 Muhammad Yamin (1951) still mixed up the Pancasila with the Jakarta Charter, writing th at the Jakarta Charter constituted the preamble to the Constitution of 1945. Later on, around the time he published his minutes of the 1945 meeting (Yamin 1959-1960), he himself gave credit for introducing the Pancasila to Soekarno (cf. Yamin 1958). 36 Yamin's report on the first series of meetings of the Study Committee for the Preparation of Independence does not contain much information on the standpoint of the advocates of an Islamic state (Yamin 1959-1960 1:59-145). The author does not fully cover this session, ho wever. He only reproduces his own two speeches and those of Soekarno and Supomo. The reactions to these, inter alia Mohammad Hatta's, are not included in his work. 37 The relevant Indonesian sentence reads: "ke-Tuhanan dengan kewajiban menjalankan syari'at Islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya". I have followed Boland's translation. He renders "menjalankan" with "to practice" and points out (Boland 1971:31) that th is is an "imprecise verb", which can mean "to keep, maintain, carry out, make operative, apply, give effect to". (Cf. also for the discus sion on the Jakarta Charter Wawer (1947:47-51).) 38 The third committee, that on finance and economics, was headed by Mohammad Hatta. For the composition of the three committees cf. Yamin (1959-19601:250-253,257). 39 Cf. for the minutes of the discus sion Yamin (1959-19601:257-270). A detailed résumé of the debate is to be found in Boland (1971:29-30). 40 A draft constitution had been prepared by a smaller committee of the sub-committee headed by Supomo, with as members Wongsonegoro, Subardjo, Maramis, Singgih, Agus Salim and Sukiman. This draft constitution is reproduced in Yamin (1959-1960 1:264-270). The version of the constitution as given by Yamin may differ from th at which was actually debated. The articles on religion were article 4, of which the second paragraph reads: "Only autochtonous Indonesians shall be eligible as President and Vice-President", and article 29, which reads: "The state shall guarantee the freedom of all citizens to adhere to any religion whatever and to fulfil their religious duties prescribed by their religion". It may thus weil be that the wording of the article being debated differed slightly from that reproduced above, and that the draft did not speak of "any religion whatever", but of "other religions". In === [PDF page 411] === Notes pp. 50-67 401 that case the article would have read: "The state shall guarantee the freedom of all citizens to adhere to other religions [or, as Indonesian does not differentiate between the sin gul ar and plural, to another rel(gion] and to fulfil their religious duties in accordance with their own religion and belief", which could mean something quite different. 41 In the seventies at least a distinction came to be drawn between secularism and secularization. Secularism involves a non-religious attitude, secularization the separation of religion and state. Cf. Boland (1972-1973). 42 Cf. for the dispute about the word kepercayaan during the discussion on the Broad Ou tlines of the Course of the State in 1973 Indonesië van Maand tot Maand 15:47, and during the parliamentary debates on the Marriage Act in 1973 Indonesië van Maand tot Maand 16:62. 43 Again Yamin's minutes of the meeting of the Study Committee are incomplete. According to him (1959-19601:278), Soekarno replied to Hadikusomo that Achmad Sanusi also wanted to scrap the words "for the adherents", without, however, reporting Sanusi's statement. 44 The article concerned in the draft constitution is article 29. That the constitution reproduced by Yamin is different from that actually discussed may be deduced inter alia from the fact that according to Yamin's (1959-1960 1:264-270) minutes the discussion concerned article 28. 45 In Indonesian it is called Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia. The japanese name for which was Dokuritsu Zyunbi linkai. for the members of the Pre para tory Committee cf. Harun Al Rasjid 1968:25; Muh. Yamin 1959-19601:399. 46 Later on six additional members were appointed. The Dutch, who after August 1945 were keen to uphold the impression th at the Indonesian Republic was a japanese creation and was confined only to java, incorrectly adduced the composition of the Preparatory-Committee as an argument in support of their view. So Van Mook, the Dutch Lieutenant Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, writes in a memorandum of September 3rd, 1945, to Lord L. Mountbatten, the Supreme Allied Commander in Southeast Asia: "From the final list of members of the 'final Committee for the completion of Independence' of August 19th it can be concluded th at the movemen t is limited to java; no delegates from Sumatra of any importance have participated. The construction is in fact, a one-man government alongjapanese lines". (NIB I: 82). 47 Later a Ministry of Religion was after all established. On the founding of this Ministry and its duties cf. Steenbrink (1972); Boland (1977); and Van Nieuwenhuijze (1958: 217 -243). 48 The epithet Republican will be used throughout th is book to distinguish the official (Republican) Army from the irregular guerilla groups. 49 The Badan Penolong Keluarga Korban Perang itself had superseded the Badan Pembantu Prajurit or Badan Pembantu Pembelaan, an organization for assisting Peta members and their families from the japanese period (cf. SmailI964:31). 50 As it was put in a telegram to Terauchi (the japanese commander): "I am informed that several days after the original offer of surrender of japan you declared the independence of the republic Indonesia, naming Soekarno as president and that the japanese would henceforth leave the === [PDF page 412] === 402 Notes pp. 69-72 gvt of Java in the hands of Soekarno. This is contrary to the Rangoon agreement and I must insist th at you abide by that agreement under which you remain personnally responsible for civil administration until my forces take over and that you accordingly and immediately cancel the declaration and announcement to which have referred above." Of course Terauchi could only reply that "there is no fact that at a time after our peace offer I approved the independenee of Indonesian Republic and designated Soekarno as president, instructing him with the executive power over Java" (cf. NIB 1:88, 97). The misconception th at the Japanese had proclaimed Indonesia's independenee was quite persistent, especially on the Dutch side. Cf., for example, NIB I: 91,92,97, 107,110 and 248. CHAPTER 11 A Dutch report of November 1945 on the attitude of the J apanese troops in Java and their demoralized condition states: "The reactions of the Japanese so far had been threefold. A small minority among them had tried to keep con trol till the Allies woul.d be able to take over. Amongst other places in Bandoeng, they quickly restored order by drastic action. A large proportion of the J apanese forces, on the other hand, had lost morale and had voluntarily gone into self-imposed internment, in the majority of cases in cool and attractive hilI stations, taking large stocks of foodstuffs and other commodities with them. Considerable quantities of weapons had fallen into the hands of the most extremist nationalist elements, as a re sult of the demoralization of these Japanese forces, while numerous public services and buildings were left by them to the 'republicans'. fïnally, a third group of J apanese in the island had actively organized the transfer of the administration to the 'republic' and aided in the equipment and armament of their bands." (NIB 11: 133). Although the report was written in reaction to opinions expressed in the British press, this assessment seems to have been a correct illustration of the prevailing situation. 2 This account is given in a manuscript on the history of Serpong lent to me by Drs. H. Borkent. For fuller information on the battle at Lengkong see, for example, Peranan (1965:41-44) and Cuplikan (1972:100-102). 3 In West Java incidents also occurred in a number of other places in the vicinity of Jakarta, such as Klender, Kranji and Pondokgede (cf. Su mantri n.d. 11: 47), and in and around Bandung. An excellent description of the latter is given by Smail (1964). 4 Van Wulfften Palthe does admit th at one should distinguish in theory between bands in the strict sense and groups into which the regular Army had dissolved. He is uncertain about the real guerilla character of the latter, however, saying: "One should think more in terms of War Lords with their followers, and for all practical purposes again ends up close to 'bands' ". See also Hettinga (1946:12~13), who says: "The chaos of the present consequently is inherent not in th is transitional phase, but in the current spiritual and social make-up of Indonesian society". The Dutch frequently used the term "bende" (band) to describe both regular and irregular units. === [PDF page 413] === Notes pp. 73-78 403 5 A wali in this context is a guardian. 6 Smail (1964:91) states: "In the last nine months of the occupation an estimated 50,000 Hizbullah members were given some rudimentary military training in Java". This figure seems greatly exaggerated. 7 Such a moderate estimate is given by Dahm (1971:94), according to whom there were 35,000 Peta soldiers at the end of the Japanese occupation. The same figure is quoted by Van der Plas, a Dutch East Indies govemment representative and political advisor to the Supreme Allied Command, in a report sent by him to Lieutenant Govemor- General Van Mook in September 1945 (cf. NIB 1:127). George McTuman Kahin (1970:109) writes that, "at its peak strength in the middle of 1945 it numbered about 120,000 armed men". 8 As Sura 2: 190 ff. states: "Fight in the Way of God against those who fight against you, but do not commit aggression" (translation by Gibb 1964:67). 9 So Smail writes, for example: "In this respect it is significant that in early 1948, when Republican forces evacuated Priangan, Hizbullah (i.e. urban Islamic) units generally accompanied the army on the trek to Central Java, while Sabilillah (i.e. rural Islamic) groups did not" (Smail 1964: 92). Superficial reading of a sentence like this may lead to considerable misunderstanding. It was indeed mostly rural groups, in Smail's terminology Sabili'llah groups, which stayed behind, but the majority of these groups styled themselves or were styled Hizbu 'llah. 10 See, among the numerous publications dealing with the early history of the Indonesian Army, A.H. Nasution (1956, 1977); Sumantri (n.d.); Peranan (1965); and Cuplikan (1972). For West Java in particular see Siliwangi (1968). 11 According to Smail (1964:129) th is acronym stood for Markas Dewan PimpinanPerjuangan (Perjuangan Leadership Headquarters). "Later in the MDPP's career, when it was beginning to be more active in other parts of Priangan ou tside the city, its initials were sometimes in terpreted as meaning Markas Dewan Perjuangan Priangan (PrianganPerjuangan Board Headquarters)". In the Indonesian literature the MDPP is often only referred to in the second sense. See, for example, Djawa Barat (1953:183). In Peranan (1965:49) and Djen Amar (1963:69) the letters MDPP are interpreted as Majelis Dewan Perjuangan Priangan. Vet another name is mentioned in Siliwangi (1968:184), where it is referred to as Markas Dewan Pimpinan Perjuangan Priangan or MDP3. According to Smail the MDPP was set up in the middle of November 1945, whereas the date of foundation given by Peranan and Djen Amar is September 15th,1945. 12 Other leaders were: Djamhuri Uamhuri), Male Wiranatakusumah, Astrawinata, Samaun Bakri, Nukman and Pakpahan (Djawa Barat 1953:183). According to Smail (1964:132) Pakpahan was the leader of the Pasukan lstimewa (Special Troops). The Pesindo of Bandung was the continuation of the Pemuda Republik lndonesia (Youth of the Indonesian Republic), which again was a continuation of the Persatuan Pemuda Pelajar lndonesia (P31, Indonesian Student Association). 13- As with the MDPP, there are different interpretations of the acronym MPPP. Djen Amar (1963:69), who mentions as its founding date December 14th, 1945, refers to it as Majelis Persatuan Perjuangan Priang- === [PDF page 414] === 404 Notes pp. 78-89 an, as does Djawa Barat (1953: 184). Siliwangi (1968: 184), on the other hand speaks of Markas Pimpinan Perjuangan Priangan. According to Siliwangi, Kamran was chairman of the MPPP, while Sutoko headed tbe logistic department. 14 See, for example, Brochure (1977:12) where Abu Hanifah relates how he disobeyed an order from Nasution to come to Garut. 15 The other four battalions were: the Garuda Hitam, made up of former BPRI units and commanded by Major Rivai, the Taruna Jaya, made up of Pesindo units and headed by Major Sudarman, the Barisan Banteng Republik Indonesia (BBRI), commanded by Captain Rachmat Sulaeman (Rakhmat Sulaeman), and the Gabungan Battalion, headed by Major Pelupessy (Peranan 1965: 50). 16 Alers (1956:242) mentions fights between Hizbu 'llah and Sabili'llah at Muntilan. 17 According to Sutomo, the anti-Linggarjati guerilla organizations formed the Divisi 17 Agustus. Their commander was Evert Langkay of the KRIS, and the Chief of Staff Arnir Fatah (the later Darul Islam leader of Central Java). In West Java a Resimen Macan Citarum of the Divisi 17 Agustus had been formed in early February. It comprised inter alia units of the Hizbu 'l/ah, Barisan Banteng, BPRI, Lasykar Rakyat and KRIS (cf. M 11-2-1947). 18 Kahin (1970:210) writes: "The feeling among Masjumi and otber political circles was overwhelming that political opportunism was the chief impulse towards formation of tbe new PSU". According to Dahm (1971:154), "Tbe old PSII had split off from Masjumi, partly from political opportunism and partly because it had always looked askance at the liberal philosophy which was gaining ground in that body". 19 F or tbe announcement of the Amir Sjarifuddin Cabinet see M 4-7-1947. Kartosuwirjo's letter is referred to in M 8-7-1947, and the composition of the boards of the PSII is announced in M 19-6-1947. Tbe official decision to reactivate the PSII was taken on June 16th, in confirmation of a decision of the Executive Committee of April 14th. See also M 28-4-1947. 20 Oni's fulI name according to Anne Marie The (1968:4) was Oni Qital, and according to C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze (1958: 170) R. Oni Mandalatar. 21 Toha Arsjad was commander of the Pasukan Pemuda operating around 22 BARIS stands for Barisan Rakyat Indonesia, P ADI for Pahlawan Darul Islam. Pinardi refers to the latter troops as Pasukan Darul Islam. Pahlawan Darul Islam seems to be the correct name, however. The P ADI was incorporated into the TIl on October 30th, 1949. 23 Altbough Hiroko Horikoshi writes, foliowing C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze (1958:173), that Oni became Prime Minister of the Negara Islam Indonesia, this statement seems incorrect. 24 The Dewan Imamah was composed as foliows: President or Imam, and concurrently chargé d'affaires (Minister of Foreign Affairs) - S.M. Kartosuwirjo; Minister of Defence - Kamran; vice-Minister of Defence - Oni; Minister of Internal Affairs - Sanusi Partawidjaja; Minister of Finance - Sanusi Partawidjaja; Minister of Information - Toha Arsjad (Pinardi 1964: 81). These same nam es are === [PDF page 415] === Notes pp. 90-100 405 mentioned in Djawa Barat (1953:214) and by Anne Marie The (1968: 8). According to the constitution of the Islamic State of Indonesia as published in Boland (1971: 263), however, the composition of the Dewan Imamah was to be as follows: President and Minister of Defence - S.M. Kartosuwirjo; Minister of Internal AffaÎrs - Sanusi Partawidjaja; Minister of Finance - Sanusi Partawidjaja; Minister of Justice - Abdul Kudus Gozali Tusi; Minister of Information - Toha Arsjad; and members - Kamran and Oni. Sanusi Partawidjaja was later, around 1960, sentenced to death by Kartosuwirjo and executed. There are two different accounts of the reason for this. According to one Sanusi Partawidjaja was executed because he tried to reconcile the Islamic State of Indonesia with the Republic. According to the other, put forward by the prominent Darul Islam figure Djaelani Setiawan (shortly af ter his surrender in early 1962), the reason was that Sanusi Partawidjaja (in cooperation with the Dutchman Van Kleef) had acted too independently and was suspected by Kartosuwirjo of trying to supplant him (DM 20-3-1962). The said Van Kleef was a former member of the APRA who joined Darul Islam and allegedly became head of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Information of the Islamic State of Indonesia; he became ilI and died in the course of the Darul Islam rebellion (DM 20-3-1963). 25 Some Republican troops had remained behind, while there had also been some Republican infiltration in the area, inter alia in August 1948, when abattalion commanded by Rukman was sent back to West Java af ter dashing with units of the Tentara Pelajar (Student Army) in the vicinity of Surakarta. This, ho wever, was more in the nature of an expulsion than an official reinfiItration attempt (Siliwangi 1968:287). 26 How precarious the Republican Army's position vis-à-vis the Islamic Army of Indonesia was at that time is testified by the fact that in January 1949 the Siliwangi Division was obliged to hide its standard, after recapturing it from the Islamic Army of Indonesia, which had seized it a short while before (Siliwangi 1968: 324-328). 27 AIthough artide 7 states that every Act required the consent of the Dewan Syuro, dause 1 of artide 11 stipulates that the Imam was to have the power to draw up statutes with the consent of the Majlis Syuro. 28 This single Indonesian publication on the Islamic state referred to by him is Z.A. Ahmad, Membentuk Negara Islam Uakarta 1956). 29 There are some slight differences between them, such as, for example, the requirement for the Majlis Syuro to assembIe at least once a year, and the MPR once every five years. 30 According to Boland (1971:59), the word infaq is derived from the Koran, Sura 17:100, where it means "the giving of contribution". The Islamic State of Indonesia defines infaq as "a due of every citizen to the state, in the form of both property and goods, which is to be paid a) in both war and peace time (infaquddin), and b) only in time of war (infaq fi sabillilah) " (Pinardi 1964:86). 31 In Banten a group styling itself Tentara Rakyat (People's Army) was operating. In October 1949 the Republican Army Tirtayasa Brigade was dispatched against it from Bogor. The Tentara Rakyat, which derived its main support from the Bambu Runcing, sometimes also styled itself === [PDF page 416] === 406 Notes pp. 100-108 Darul Islam, and was of ten in fact referred to as a Darul Islam force. 32 Westerling was a captain of the Royal Netherlands Indies Army (KNIL), who had gained a frightening reputation as commander of the "Special Forces". These counter-insurrection troops had with great success inflicted heavy losses on Indonesian guerilla forces in Sulawesi, for instance, where they had been called in to restore law and order. They had also been active in West Java and other are as of Indonesia. Westerling had remained in command of the Special Forces until the end of 1948, not long after which he proposed the formation of the private army to assist the State of Pasundan in its resistance of guerilla attacks. With the tacit consent of Dutch army authorities and financial assistance from the Netherlands Forces Intelligence Service (Nefis) Westerling thereupon accomplished the formation of the Army of the Just King, or Angkatan Perang Ratu Adil (APRA). 33 J aquet suggests that the first contacts between the State of Pasundan and Darul Islam may have been established by Abikusno Tjokrosujoso and Utarjo Anwar Tjokroaminoto (Utaryo Anwar Cokroaminoto), the Prime Minister of the State Oaquet 1950: 7). Mention is also made of a secret meeting of Kartosuwirjo and the Head of the State of Pasundan, Wiranatakusumah. 34 The existence of such external contacts is taken for granted by Indonesians and the relevant information cited without questioning in the Indonesian literature on Darul Islam. The persons and foreign Governments accused of involvement vehemently deny these charges. This is particular true with respect to. the testimonies given at the Jungschläger and Schmidt trials. By the Dutch these trials - held in 1956, when relations between The Netherlands and Indonesia were rapidly detoriating - are represented as sham, and the testimony given at them as false and inconsistent. Mentioned in connection with Jungschläger's alleged smuggling of weapons to Darul Islam are planes of the B[ataafsche] P[etroleum] Mlaatschappij] and of the Embassies of Great Britain and the United States of America, while the Dutch Military Mission to Indonesia was also alleged to have a hand in the affair. The United States are further mentioned in a letter by Van Kleef to Westerling, dated May 10th, 1952, where Van Kleef says th at iA the course of 1950 the Islamic State of Indonesia had been successful in establishing diplomatie relations with the American Government. He goes on to claim that subsequent to the establishment of these contacts a special American Government envoy had been sent to Indonesia to establish contact with representatives of the Islamic State of Indonesia in order to discuss the possibility of American aid. This envoy had been captured by the Republican Government, ho wever. According to Van Kleef this capture constituted the prelude to the problems surrounding the Mutual Security Act. The letter concerned is cited in, among others, Pinardi (1964: 140-145). For the Jungschläger and Schmidt trials cf. Schmidt (1961), Beynon (n.d.) and Soenario (1956). 35 Originally there had been a Citarum Battalion, formed by Republican troops remaining behind at the time of the Siliwangi Division's retreat to Central Java. The Citarum Battalion had encompassed a number of irregular guerilla units, including Tjetje Subrata's Pasukan Semiaji, or === [PDF page 417] === Notes pp. 111-124 407 Semiaji Troops. Af ter the Siliwangi Division's return to West Java, Tjetje Subrata and his men had broken away for fear of disarmament. They continued using the name Citarum (Suherly 1965). 36 For data on individuals and bands reporting and arms handed in, cf. Indonesian Review no. 7, December 1950. In the whole of Java 8,467 people surrendered, and 710 firearms were turned over. 37 On December 21st, 1950, the military commander of Jakarta also declared the Darul Islam a prohibited organization. 38 The name Arends is spelled variously as Arend or Arens. Conspicuous by its absence on this list is the NIGO, or Nederlandsch Indische Gerilja Organizatie. The NIGO, a rather dubious organization, if it existed at all, was supposed to have been founded by former APRA members after the debacle of the attempted APRA coup. Dutch citizens accused of having joined the Darul Islam were alleged to have done so as members of this NIGO. 39 Colonel Sadikin had been appointed military governor of West Java early in December 1949. He was assisted by Mr. Makmun Sumadipradja, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the State of Pasundan, throughout the period of military rule. 40 This conference took place on December 20th and 21st, 1949, and was attended by representatives of the Masyum~ Nahdatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, Jamiatul Wasliah (from Medan), Tardiatul Islam (from Bukittinggi) and Sarekat Muslimin Indonesia (from Banjarmasin). 41 It was also Ijet Hidajat who had escorted Affandi Ridhwan to Sanusi Partawidjaja's headquarters. He had been Darul Islam bupati and ehairman of the Majelis Islam of Bandung between 1947 and 1950. Later, in 1954, he himself was sentenced to 1% years' gaol, under deduction of the months already spent in detention (PR 19-5-1954). 42 The other movements mentioned in the Bill were the Citarum Brigade, the Bambu Runcing Division, the APRA, the White Eagle Battalion the RMS, the NIGO, the Barisan Sakit Ha ti, the MMC (short of Merapi- Merbabu Complex) and the Tentara Rakyat of WestJ ava. 43 See Kartosuwirjo's letters to Soekarno published in Boland (1971:244-255). 44 See Kartosuwirjo's letter on the position of Van Kleef (PR 10-11-1953). 45 Abdul Malik should not be confused with Imam Malik, who also led an irregular band in EastJava, and who was arrested in May 1951. 46 In same years Darul Islam also stepped up its activities in February in celebration of a victory by Oni over Dutch troops at Mount Cupu on February 17th, 1948. 47 According to Boland (1971:50) the more traditional members of the Nahdatul Ulama, in order to distinguish themselves from the modernists, "liked to eaU themselves the ahli sunnah wal djama 'ah, th at is, the people who keep the sunna (usage) of the. Prophet, in community with the one great umma or djama'a, in short the orthodox... ". 48 For a detailed deseription of this eampaign and the other actions against the Darul Islam in West Java cf. Siliwangi 1968:526-557. 49 The idea to involve the civilian population was not new. Even in the early 1950's battues in which the population of one or more villages, armed with bamboo spears, participated, we re resorted to. What was new in 1960 was the large seale on which this was done. === [PDF page 418] === 408 Notes pp. 126-132 50 At this revival of the Darul Islam movement in 1976, Dodo was one of those arrested by the Govemment. Adah Djaelani Tirtapradja and Kurnia had also taken part (cf. Tempo 26-11-1977). According to this same report, Dodo was looked upon by Darul Islam followers as the Putera Mahkota (crown prince). CHAPTER III 1 According to Wertheim (1959:270) there are reports ofnearly 300,000 romushas being sent overseas, while at the end of the war the number of those who were still alive seems to have been no more than 70,000. 2 See, for example, Suryanegara (1977). 3 See for the role of Islam as an oppositional force against Dutch colonial rule amongst others Tichelman (1975:205-210) and Kartodirdjo (1966). 4 See for the Tiga Daerah Affair: Anderson (1972:332-345), Djoko (1974), Lucas (1974; 1977), Nuh (1962), Pranata (1976), Suputro (1959:61-64), and Diponegoro (1971:58-62). 5 Sungeb Reksoatmodjo, was captured af ter attending a meeting chaired by resident Besar. The youth at the same time took Tjitrosatmoko but subsequently dropped him at his office (Pranata 1976 n. 3). 6 The leaders of the Republican Army (at that time still BKR) in the town of Tegal were: Pitojo (Pitoyo, a former syodantyo, or Peta platoon commander), Parwoto (a former Heiho), Sugiono (a former syodantyo) and Sumardi (a former Heiho). Kiyai Haji Iskandar Idris was a former daidantyo, or Peta battalion commander (cf. Pranata 1976 n. 4, 5). 7 Dressing the victims in gunny sacks was meant not only to humiliate them, but also to give them an idea of what the people suffered. As Lucas (1977:97) points out: "In the town people could still get cloth, whereas gunny sacking and sarongs of rubber were generally wom in rural areas towards the end of the occupation". 8 Abu Sudjai according to Sajuti Melik was a member of the PSU and an associate of Kartosuwirjo's (Sajuti Melik 1977). 9 Initially it was called Badan Pekerja Tiga Daerah (Lucas 1974: 1 76). 10 For Sajuti Melik's own account see: Melik (1977). 11 According to Pranata (1976 n. 3) the rebels did not occupy Pekalongan but feIl into a trap set by the Republican Army commander of the town, Ali Murtopo. The latter lured Kutil's troops into the town by creating the impressing th at Pekalongan had been evacuated by the Republican Army. He thereupon had all the roads closed and had the rebels encircled and disarmed. Judging from the other sources this account is incorrect. ft is possible th at it was made up to clear Ali Murtopo's reputation. At the end of 1977, and probably also earlier, in the struggle for power taking place at the time, Ali Murtopo was accused by his enernies of involvement in the Tiga Daerah Affair, implying that he had been a communist or at any rate had had leftish sympathies during the Indonesian revolution. 12 According to Anderson (1972:340) Sardjio was a member of the prewar PNI and the illegal PKI. The resident, Besar, had fled Pekalongan in November, and was replaced by Suprapto as acting resident. === [PDF page 419] === Notes pp. 133-142 409 13 Anderson (1972:341), following Overdijkink (1948:34), writes: "It seems that at first the central government was willing to accept his [Sardjio's] accession as a fait accompli. But again local forces ignored official policy and proceeded to try to overthrow Sardjio." According to Nasution (II: 548) the Republican Government in Yogyakarta had ordered the arrest of resident Besar and had instructed the new resident (Suprapto) to negotiate with Kutil. The Government's reason for doing so, according to Nasution, was that it attached credence to the allegations of Kutil and his men th at resident Besar and Iskandar Idris were NICA agents. 14 In Pemalang, on the other hand, the Hizbu 'Uah appears to have participated in the social revolution. According to Lucas (1977:114): "Pemalang was unique in the Residency of Pekalongan in th at santri pemuda from both the GPAI [Gerakan Pemuda Arab Indonesia] and Hizbullah played a major role in the early part of the social revolution". 15 Lucas (1977:120) quotes an interview he had with a former jailer of Pemalang, saying: "People were taught a lesson by the TKR. They were lined up in the town square and whipped untiI they were half dead. People were screaming, "Tolong! Tolong! Help." 16 An(an)tareja is a wayang hero. He is the son of one of the Pandawas, Wrekodara (or Bratasena), and the brother of Gatot Kaca. An(an)tareja has the ability to move under the ground. 17 Troops that complied with the rationalization scheme were, for example, BPRI units from the Pekalongan residency. In May members of these units from Pekalongan, Brebes, Tegal and Pemalang handed over their arms to the Republican Army as a contribution to the scheme (M 10-5-1948). 18 According to Alers (1956:246) Amir Fatah's real name was Sjarif Hidajatuliah (Syarif Hidayatuliah). A1ers also states that he was overste (lieutenant-colonel) in the Republican Army. According to Pranata (1976-1977 n. 13) Amir Fatah was made major-general after the integration of his troops into the Republican Army. According to Jusmar Basri (n.d.: 1) Amir Fatah was a member of the Markas Pembela Masyumi. 19 The SWKS-III, comprising Brebes and Tegal, formed part of the first Wehrkreise of the 3rd Divison. Besides the Wehrkreise and Sub Wehrkreise Operational Command and the Civil Administration a Military Administration was also formed. In each kabupaten a Komando Distrik Militer (KDM) or Military District Command was instituted. In Tegal this was headed by Major Kasimin, in Brebes by Captain Abduldjalil. In each kecamatan, moreover, a Komando Onder Distrik Militer (KODM) or Military Sub District Command was introduced. 20 An additional circumstance inspiring Amir Fatah to proclaim the Darul Islam in Central Java may have been th at the commander of the Sub Wehrkreise, Wongsoatmodjo, had given orders for the arrest of the Hizbu 'llah soldiers. These orders may have been issued after Amir Fatah's withdrawing the Hizbu 'llah troops to Pengarasan. Upon the commander of Brebes, Captain Prawoto (the commander of the section B (Brebes) of the Sub Wehrkreise, not to be confused with the commander of the KDM), going to Amir Fatah to find out what was happening, the latter had shown him the order for the arrests. Prawoto was subsequently ordered out of Brebes and Tegal by Amir Fatah. === [PDF page 420] === 410 Notes pp. 142-156 21 As Darul Islam bupati of Tegal was appointed Kosim Nachrowi, the former commander of the Tegal Hizbu 'llah branch. Sachroni (Sakhroni) was made head of Intelligence. Later Radimum Sastrastopo was appointed bupati of Cilacap. Muchsin (Mukhsin) was appointed Chief of Staff of the SHWK Battalion, with as company commanders Dimjati (Dimyati), Sjamsuri (Syamsuri), Solihin Subchi (Subkhi) and Slamet. 22 For data on bands reporting and arms handed in cf. Indonesian Review 7, December 1950, p. 18. 23 Co·founders of the AU! were Moh. Sjafei (Moh. Syafei), Saunari and Haji Affandi. Machfudz became its chairman, Moh. Sjafei vice-chairman, Saunari secretary, and Affandi treasurer. 24 The rebel movement was also joined by a small Hizbu 'llah unit of 40 men which had formed part of the Surengpati unit. 25 Machfudz had a predilection for the word "heaven". So he called the pesantren of Sumolangu and its pondoks Kunci Sorga, Key to Heaven. 26 According to Indonesian sources there were enmity between the members of the 426 Battalion and other Darul Islam troops in Brebes and Tegal (ANP-Aneta 1957: 739). Other dissatisfied former guerilla groups which had moved to Brebes and Tegal included fighters from the said Merapi Merbabu Complex, who before their defeat had operated around Surakarta, Semarang, and Yogyakarta. They were partly former members of irregular guerilla units. There was Ie ss question of a distinct ideology in the case of these groups than in that of the Darul Islam, and they were, in fact, commonly referred to as grajaks (robbers) (cf. Handjojo 1977). Nevertheless, some of them had risen in rebellion out of protest at the results of the negotiations with the Dutch and at the Army reorganization. The Round Table Conference (Konperensi Meja Bundar) was styled Konperensi Militer Belanda (Dutch Military Conference) by them. They regarded themselves as "The defenders of the proclamation of August 17th", and also referred to themselves as the "Union of the victims ofrationalization" (PR 11-3-1953). 27 One of the districts of Klaten that suffered most was the kewedanaan Jatinom. Here 425 houses were damaged or destroyed, and 46 civilians killed and 37 badly wounded (19-1-1952,10-1-1952,6-4-1952). CHAPTERIV 1 His name is generally spelt Kahar Muzakkar or Kahar Muzakar. Harvey (1974:VII), following the latter's own spelling of the name between 1958 and 1961, writes it as Abdul Qahhar Mudzakkar. 2 This short biography of Kahar Muzakkar is based on Tjatatan (1950). See also Harvey (1974:474) and Andaya (1976). 3 Andaya (1976:4) writes: "In that year the Hadat, or governing council, of the kingdom of Luwu passed the sentence of Ripaopangitana on him. This term means literally 'to put someone or something downward on land', or in other words to treat someone as if dead. To translate the term simply as 'banishment' is to ignore its most dreaded aspect: the severing of the ties which makes a Bugis or Makassar person one, emotionally and spirituaIly, with all the members of his community." 4 In some sources this organization is referred to as the Gerakan Putera Indonesia Sulawesi Selatan. === [PDF page 421] === Notes pp. 156-161 411 5 According to Abbenhuis, the th en chief commanding officer of Amacab (Allied Military Administration Civil Affairs Branch) in jakarta, an additional reason for the general resentment against the Menadonese was provided by the fact that they had collaborated with the enemy to the extent of betraying Indonesians engaged in underground activities during the japanese occupation (NIB 11: 567 -569). 6 The composition of the KRIS board was as follows: chairman - A. Ratulangi, vice·chairman - Baharudin Rahman, first secretary - Kahar Muzakkar, second secretary - j.M. Waworuntu, first treasurer - G. Pakasi, second treasurer - H.M. Idrus, assistants - F. Palemewen, A. Abd. Rachman (A. Abd. Rakhman) andj. Rappart (M 25·10·1945). 7 Harvey (1974:174-175) notes that the rendering of the name of the Batalyon Kesatuan lndonesia is inconsistent. Some sources call it Barisan Kemajuan lndonesia or Batalyon Kemajuan Indonesia. 8 Andi SeIle, who was to play a prominent role in the Kahar Muzakkar rebellion, was one of the regional commanders. 9 According to Harvey (1974: 178) about 1,000 youths were estimated to have come to South Sulawesi on these expeditions, and only about 100 of them to have escaped imprisonment or death to return to java. Mohammad Saleh Lahade and Andi Mattalatta were among those who returned. 10 The Prince of Bonthain, who was not prepared to surrender, was arrested by the Dutch at the end of November. 11 On the guerilla groups in the early stages of the revolution cf. Said (n.d. and 1976), Harvey (1974:145-153), and Sulawesi (1953:334-335). 12 The following organizations merged into LAPRIS: Penerjang Penjajah lndonesia (PPI) (Ousters of the Colonizers of Indonesia), Lasykar Pemberontak Turatea (Laptur) (Revolutionary Army of Turatea) land 11, Lipang Bajeng, Buka, Kebaktian Rakyat Palangga (Dedication of the People of Palangga) (Kerap), Angkatan Lasykar Rakyat (ALR) (People's Army Task Force), Barisan Pemberontak lndonesia (Indonesian Revolutionary Corps) (BPI), Persatuan Pemuda Nasional lndonesia (PPNI) (Indonesian National Youth Association), Tentara Pemberontak Republik lndonesia (TPRI) (Revolutionary Army of The Indonesian Republic), TPRI Mares, TPRI Cam ba, Barisan Pemberontakan Republik lndonesia (Revolutionary Corps of The Indonesian Republic) (BPRI), Harimau lndonesia (Indonesian Tigers) (Hl), Hl Tanete, Angkatan Muda Republik lndonesia Sulawesi (AMRIS) (Sulawesi Youth Front of The Indonesian Republic) and KRIS Muda (Cuplikan 1972:120). According to Nasution (1977 111: 604), who states the number of organizations which originally made up LAPRIS to be 19, it was eventually joined by a total of 26 organizations. 13 This Sulawesi branch was made up of inter alia the Lasykar Harimau lndonesia, Lasykar Pemberontak Turatea, Mobile Brigade Ratulangie, and the Paceke Battalion (PR 6-6-1956). 14 Harvey (1974:184-185) also relates how originally Lieutenant-Colonel Lembong was to have become commander to the Brigade XVI, but as a result of opposition from Kahar Muzakkar was transferred to Army headquarters. 15 After 1949 the region was to become the area of operation of the Abdul Malik rebels. === [PDF page 422] === 412 Notes pp. 164-174 16 Worang and his men left Surabaya on February 15th, but went to Jakarta first. Here they were addressed by Soekarno before setting sail for South Sulawesi. 17 Among the members of Mokoginta's staff was Major Mohammad Saleh Lahade, who was charged with the military responsibility for South Sulawesi. Mokoginta was head of the Komisi Mi/iter Territorial Indonesia Timur, which Komisi was dissolved and converted into the Komando Angkatan Perang Republik Indonesia Serikat Territorium Indonesia Timur in April. 18 On Andi Abdul Azis' rebellion cf. Bardosono (1956), Cuplikan (1972:224-230) and Soumokil (1950). In 1953 Andi Abdul Azis was sentenced to 14 years' gaol, the time he had spent in detention counting towards this sentence. In November of the same year President Soekarno reduced the sentence to 8 years. 19 Before the founding of the KGSS the guerillas had been organized into 11 battalions. For these battalions and their commanders see Harvey (1974:203). The KGSS is sometimes also referred to as Komando Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan. Possibly this is ju st another name for the same organization; but possibly the KGSS changed its name from Kesatuan to Komando somewhere in July 1950. 20 In sending Kahar Muzakkar back to Sulawesi, the Army Command may have been acting on the advice of Bahar Mattaliu, who at any rate claims so in his book (1965:33). Harvey (1974:220), on the other hand, notes that "letters requesting that Qahhar be sent to Sulawesi flowed in the 21 According to the historiographers of the "Y Battalion", Kahar Muzakkar was kidnapped by the KGSS on June 6th. If this is true, it may, in fact, have been done with his own consent, for as Djarwadi writes: "Thereupon Kahar Muzakkar was kidnapped by the guerillas on June 6th, 1950 (or, in point of fact, fled to them in order to provide direct leadership)" (Djarwadi 1959:122). 22 Kahar Muzakkar made this statement to Samsudin Rasid, a senior official with the Information Department of West Java. On the latter's return from the trip on which he had this personal meeting with Kahar Muzakkar, he stated it to be his impression that the guerillas had adopted a wait-and-see attitude and had no intention of attacking ul'less they themselves were attacked (I 29-9-1950). 23 The Committee was styled the Komite Jasa Baik dalam Masalah Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan. It was not recognized by the Army. lts members did confer with Mohammad Saleh Lahade, but, as was explicitly pointed out, they met the latter in his capacity as a private citizen. Kawilarang still asserted after the committee had already started functioning th at he knew nothing of any Committee of Good Services, and that if such a committee was really needed the Army would form one itself. His statement was confirmed by Army headquarters in Jakarta (I 24-8-1950, 24 The other members were Bebasa Daeng Lalo (Partai Rakyat Nasional), Zainal Arifin (Masyumi), Lukman Wiriadinata (PSI), H. Siradjuddin Abbas (Sirajuddin Abbas) (Blok Islam), Mustapha (Partai Buruh), Hutomo Supardan (PKI), and E. Sumantri (a parliamentary employee acting as secretary to the mission). === [PDF page 423] === Notes pp. 175-180 413 25 Virtually the same conclusion was arrived at by Makmun Sumadipradja, who, after his return from Sulawesi, wh ere he had worked out an agreement with the guerillas (see below), testified before Parliament that the population sympathized with the guerillas not only because of the latter's contribution to the struggle for independence, but also on account of its many family ties with them and its agreement with the guerillas' view that they should be in charge of the development of the region (N 23-12-1950). 26 Those who were not to be admitted to the Army were to be assisted by a "Guerilla Rehabilitation Committee", or Panitya Rehabilitasi Bekas Gerilya. 27 The tendency in Jakarta to think first of Java and Sumatra in dealing with the guerilla problem became evident on ce more on the occasion of the stipulation of rules for the demobilization of the Student Armies, which again were in force only for Java and Sumatra. Hence, the members of the Student Armies in South Sulawesi had to ask for the same treatment as students in Java and Sumatra, stressing that students in South Sulawesi, too, had fought in the revolution. 28 In early February 1951 the Committee in charge of the demobilization of the guerillas or their admission to the Republican Army stated that of the 15,000 guerillas who had entered the zones, 12,000 had had to be sent back to society (I 7-2-1951). 29 This committee, named Panitya I Penyelesaian Masalah Gerilya, had Major Mochtar, a territorial officer, as vice-chairman. lts members included Abas Daeng Malawa, Mrs. Salawati Daud, Makaraeng Daeng Djarung (Jarung), Aminuddin, S. Sunari, Amin Daud, Jozef Latumahina, and police commissioner Moh. Junus Hile (Moh. Yunus Hile). A guerilla representative still remained to be appointed (N 29-12-1950). 30 This committee was named Panitya /I Penyelesaian Masalah Gerilya. lts other members were S. Sunari, Alinuddin Daeng Mattiro, Saleh Daeng Matinri, Nanlohy, Samsul Kamar, and Lieutenant l.B. Supit. Here, too, a representative of the guerillas still remained to be appointed (N 29-12-1950). 31 As Chief of Staff of the National Reserve Corps of South Sulawesi was appointed B. Sutrisno. The incorporation of the Persiapan Be Hasanuddin did not imply that peace and order now prevailed everywhere in South Sulawesi. Groups operating independently of the Persiapan Be Hasanuddin continued disturbing the public order, notably in the area surrounding Kolaka, in Majene (where members of the Tengkorak Putih (White Skull), who had crossed the Ujungpandang Straits from Kalimantan, were operating) and in Gowa andJeneponto. 32 Batu Putih is the name of the area surrounding Siwa. Robert Wol ter Mongisidi was a former freedom fighter executed by the State of East Indonesia in September 1949. The name "40,000" was chosen in commemoration of the allegedly 40,000 victims of the Westerling action. Arief Rate was the former commander of the Mobile Batta/ion Ratulangie who had been killed by Republican troops in August 1950. Andi Abdullah Bau Massepe was a former Prince of Supa who had been tortured and killed by Westerling's troops after refusing to disclose the whereabouts of Andi Selle. 33 The difference was, in fact, one of emphasis rather than of name. The === [PDF page 424] === 414 Notes pp. 180-192 official name of the corps was Korps Cadangan Nasional/Persiapan Brigade Hasanuddin. 34 In the weeks preceding August a conflict about a fourth issue - money - broke out. From mid-December 1950 Kahar Muzakkar and his men had received a living-allowance of Rp. 90,000 a day. This allowance was stopped in June, when responsibility for the guerillas was transferred from the so-called Staf K (=Keamanan) to the Army. This new arrangement led to mutual accusations of fraud and corruption. The Government later claimed that between December 16th, 1950, and August 1951 it had paid a total of Rp. 17 million. This was, in fact, the total amount of money reserved by the Government for the guerillas of South Sulawesi from the start in December. Kahar Muzakkar claimed to have received only Rp. 7.5 million, however, while according to the Government he had been paid this sum between the end of March, when the National Reserve Corps was formed, and July 1951. Mussaffa (1951), who investigated the matter, reported that there had indeed been some malversation on the part of the Government. So money had been set aside for barracks tbat had never been built. He was neverthe- Ie ss of the opinion that Kahar Muzakkar also had used money for personal ends. As proof he cited the marriage of Usman Balo, the expenses for which had run up to Rp. 35,000. 35 Originally Lieutenant-Colonel Sukowati had been commander of these A-troops. Warouw had taken over the command on May 22nd. 36 The historiographers of the Siliwangi Division (1968:571) depict Kahar Muzakkar as "narrow-minded and very easily influenced by counterrevolutionary elements". Radik Djarwadi's observation (1963:5-6) that "K M had long been known as an officer with progressive ideas, while tbere were even many people who thought him to be a communist" may be just as biased in the opposite direction. 37 For PKI contacts with Kahar Muzakkar see Harvey (1974:250-252). 38 Alers (1956:262), too, speaks of Tentara Kemerdekaan Rakyat, as does Bahar Mattaliu (1956:37). Radik Djarwadi (1963:9) speaks of Tentara Keamanan Rakyat. 39 Al: the time of the relevant proclamation people doubted its authenticity. That is why Kahar Muzakkar a few weeks later issued a second decIaration, stressing that it really had been he who had proclaimed Sulawesi part of tbe Islamic State (PR 31-10-1953). There were a national flag and a war standard. The national flag was red with a yellow crescent and star. The war standard was also red, and displayed three yellow stars with the number twenty-four in the upper left corner. Both flags were said to have been approved by the Central Government of the Islamic State (IB 11-8-1953). 40 For the composition of tbe Government of the Islamic State of Sulawesi see Harvey (1974:466). 41 According to the historiographers of the Siliwangi Division (1968:573), Kahar Muzakkar, because of "his oath of loyalty to the TIl... ", "could not and would not be officially recognized with his men as members of the APRI". It is also hinted that his contacts with the West Javanese Darul Islam made him more uncompromising. 42 Regular reports of alleged sexual abuses by the guerillas appeared in the Indonesian press, moreover. In April 1954 IE (24-4-1954), for instanee, === [PDF page 425] === Notes pp. 193-211 415 it was reported that compulsory "beauty con tests" were held by the guerillas at Sidenreng/Rappang, at which the guerilla leaders chose their wives. Some of these leaders reportedly already had five wives. 43 In another section of the Makalua Charter the existing political parties are attacked. The secular parties, such as the PNI, Murba and PKI, are described as "hypocritical" (munafik) and atheistic. The Islamic parties such as Masyumi and Nahdatul Ulama are branded "counter-revolutionary". Both types of parties had to be opposed (Simatupang and Lapian 1978:10). 44 According to the 'Notes' men were forbidden to wear or have in their possession "The excellent stock of material" (as the original text phrases this in English) "in the form of woollen and other materials affected by big-city nobs" (continued in Indonesian). Nor were they allowed to have more than two military uniforms, three sarongs with printed patterns, two towels, three undershirts, four pairs of underpants, and one raincoat in any one year. Women were not allowed to wear "Especially women stock of materiais" (as it is again stated in English) "in the form of tiger fur and other clothes affected by big-city ladies" (continued in Indonesian). Further, they were forbidden to have more than four blouses, four sarongs with printed and/or batik patterns (apart from their praying garments), one night sarong, two towels, four chemises, four pairs of "women's breeches" and one stagen (abdominal belt) a year. 45 In a contemporary series of articles on Kahar Muzakkar (Mussaffa 1951) the number of men due to be demobilized was stated to be 10,000, making the total figure a little higher, i.e. between 13,000 and 14,000. 46 Andi Tenriadjeng feil in battle in May 1954, one month after the surrender of his Chief of Staff, Andi Panrenregi (PR 11-3-1954; IB 9-6-1954). 47 The same factor - competing territorial ambitions within the rebel force - prompted the outbreak of fighting in early 1953 between units of the 40,000 Battalion and the Batu Putih Battalion, which both claimed control over the Wajo region. In this fighting 750 people were killed according to a communique issued by Army headquarters in Jakarta (PR 14-4-1953). 48 This fighting erupted between members of the 719 (Andi Selle's men) and 711 Battalions on January 7th, 1953. A military commission instituted to investigate the matter eventual!y concluded th at this fighting had taken place not between two battalions, but between individual members of the battalions (IM 10-1-1953). 49 Later, Soekarno visited Aceh and toured the trouble-spots of West Java. 50 There we re Darul Islam troops operating in Tual Tengah, Tengah Liang, Tolehu, Buru, Morotai and North Halmahera (Tobelo). 51 For the English text of the charter as wel! as its signa tori es see Harvey (1977: 164-167). 52 The territorial Command of East Indonesia (the TT-VII) was official!y dissolved on June 8th, 1957, as was the KoDPSST. A month prior the same fate had befallen the KDM-SST (Komando Daerah Militer ~ Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara) (cf. Harvey 1977: 59-63). 53 Warouw had been replaced as territorial commander of East Indonesia by Lieutenant-Colonel Ventje Sumual in August 1956. The latter also became involved in the PRRI/Permesta rebellion. === [PDF page 426] === 416 Notes pp. 214-225 54 Some commanders had preceded Bahar Mattaliu in surrendering. There were reports of small Darut Islam units surrendering in the Indonesian press as early as July, for instance, with as reason for their decision being stated their disapproval of the cooperation with the Permesta (DM 8-7-1959, 22-7-1959). 55 Sjamsul Bachri left South Sulawesi in December 1958. He went to Egypt, formally for reasons of study and in order to establish contacts with groups abroad which were sympathetic to the Indonesian Darul Islam movement (DM 7-4-1959). CHAPTER V 1 On the origin of the ALRI Div IV (Angkatan Laut Repubtik Indonesia Divisi IV) and the infiltration of Kalimantan from Java see Basry (1961), Nasution (1977, 11:467-474; 1977, III:597-600), and Mussaffa (1954). 2 According to Nasution (1977,11:468,471) the Kalimantan branch of the PRI comprised about 250 members, th at of the Pesindo only 120. 3 This committee was made up of Mohammad Noor, Gusti Muis, Achmad Jusuf (Akhmad Yusuf), Rezekan, and Hasjim Amin (Hasyim Amin) 4 Gusti Aman, who had been bom in Banjarmasin around 1925, had gone to Java after the proclamation of independence, returning to Kalimantan for a short period at the end of 1946. 5 According to Nasution (1971, 11:44) Gusti Aman unfolded to Hasan Basry's troops new ideas on the conduct of gueriIIa warfare, the socaJled "territorial system", evolved by the Republican Army. 6 Before joining the ALRI Div IV, P(angeran) Arya was a contractor working inter aUa at Dutch military barracks. 7 Kahin (1970:354), explaining the difference between states (negaras) and autonomous areas (daerahs istimewa), writes: "Those in the second category were usually much smaller in population than those in the first or el se had been more recently created. The theory up on which th is distinction was based was that the less populous of these territories (and usually the most backward with respect to cultural level and economic development) were fit to receive alesser degree of self-government than the larger, and were to be more dependent upon the central government of the federation." The autonomous area of Banjar had been created in J anuary 1948. 8 Nasution (1971, 111:45) mentions Hamdi as Minister of Information and Religion, instead of Budy Gawis and Natsir respectively. 9 Initially there were only three military districts (or regiments) in South Kalimantan, namely Kandangan, Barabai, and Banjarmasin, with Gusti Aman, Martinus and Rustam as commanders, and one in Southeast Kalimantan, with Muljono (Mulyono) as commander (Mussaffa 1954:n. 3,9). Vet another subdivision is mentioned by Nasution (1971, 111:46), who mentions Ibnu Hadjar as one of the two commanders of South Hulusungai. 10 The Gerakan Repolusi Rakyat Indonesia (GRRI), which c1aimed a membership of one thousand armed men and was commanded by R. Kusumanegara (KB 6-10-1949), had operated in the Barito area. It was === [PDF page 427] === Notes pp. 225-235 417 official!y incorporated into the ALRI Div IV in November 1949 (KB 13-11-1949). The Tentara Lawung, also a former opponent of the ALRI Div IV, operated in the same area, under the command of J.C. Rangkap (KB 8-10-1949). 11 The then leader of the Lasykar Rakyat Murba in Kandangan was Go Teng Po. Probably some skirmishes took place between members of the Lasykar Rakyat Murba and the ALRI Div IV in Kandangan, but reports of such fighting were denied by the leaders on both sides (KB 6-10-1949). According to the leaders of the Lasykar Rakyat Murba th is name, incorporating the word Murba, had been chosen because its members belonged to the proletariate. They denied the existence of any ties, ideological or otherwise, with the Murba in Java, however (KB 24-10-1949). 12 Burhanuddin was arrested by the Police in connection with the strike on September 19th, 1949, but was released again in early October of that year. 13 A reporter with the Kalimantan Berdjuang, when visiting the AL RI Div IV's camp in August 1949, was informed that Hanafiah and the other kidnapped persons were engaged in forming a KNI to replace the Banjar Council (KB 23-8-1949). 14 Others who "disappeared" included Sjahrul (Syahrul) and M. Fadlan, kiai kepala and kiai kota of Martapura respectively; A. Arief, kiai at Pengaron; Ramlan, kiai kepala of Pleihari; Kadri Noor, kiai at Karang Intan; and Gusti Darman, public prosecutor at Martapura (KB 23-8-1949,30-8-1949). 15 The five were A. Ruslan, Dr. Suranto, Achmad Hudari (Akhmad Hudaril, Suroto, and R. Sa'ban. At an emergency meeting called on September 28th the daily executive refused to accept their resignation (KB 21-9-1949,4-10-1949). 16 The member-organizations of the Gabungan Buruh Kalimantan were: Persatuan Pekerja Indonesia, Serikat Guru Indonesia, Serikat Pos, Persatuan Kaum Perawat lndonesia, Persatuan Pegawai Indonesia, and Rukun Pertukangan Indonesia. 17 At the end of September Hassan Basry himself issued the order for al! schools, private as wel! as public, to re-open in view of the importance of education (KB 27-9-1949). 18 As a consequence the Dutch had to step up their repressive measures. So it was announced on July 20th that harsh steps would have to be taken and that anyone found out in the streets after curfew would be shot without notice (KB 5-8-1949). Furthermore, al! officers from the rank of corporal upwards, as wel! as al! members of the Central Military Intelligence Service (KB 22-7-1949), were empowered, where military interests so required, to arrest people and hold them in custody for a maximum of ten days. 19 J ust before the establishment of th is contact, on August 30th, Hassan Basry had appointed an ALRI Div IV commission to conduct negotiations. lts chairman was P. Arya, its vice-chairman Burhanuddin, and secretary Mas Sumarjo (Mas Sumaryo), while Gusti Aman and Dr. Gambiro were ordinary members, and Hassan Basry himself was to be advisor (KB 1-9-1949,3-9-1949). 20 On the basis of this interpretation, Deelman assumed in an announce- === [PDF page 428] === 418 Notes pp. 236-246 ment that, because Hassan Basry had been ordered to cease all hostile acts before September 16th, all people on strike would accordingly resume their work as of that date. He added here that he believed that the strike had been forced on the wor kers concerned, so th at as a consequence sanctions would only be taken against those failing to report for work on September 16th (KB 14-9·1949). 21 There still remained some confusion. People believed that, as with the ALRI Div IV before, it was compulsory to pay a contribution to the Committee or to become a member. Thus an announcement had to be made that neither the payment of a contribution nor membership was obligatory, but that it was simply hoped that many people wouldjoin. Every member was required to pay a membership fee of minimally Dfll.- a month (KB 21-10-1949). 22 Lambung Mangkurat Division represents the most common form of the Division's name, although it is sometimes referred to as the Lambu Amangkurat or Lembu Mangkurat Division. Lembu Amangku Rat was the Mangkubumi (governor or vice-regent) of "the famous mythical King of Nagara Dipa, Pangeran Suryanata... " (Saleh 1976: 204). 23 Some of the members of the Tengkorak Putih Division joined the Republican Army, but others kept out of it. In East Kalimantan groups like the Banteng [tam (Black Buffalo), commanded by Daeng Toba, the Kucing /tam (Black Cat), headed by Pak Bindruk, the Tentara Pelajar (Student Army) P 18 of Rede, the Harimau (Tiger) commanded by Agust Times, and the Culik Hitam (Black Kidnappers) or Macan Ketawa (Laughing Tiger) continued operating (KB 9-12-1949). 24 Panglima Batur was the old name of the battalion. which was changed to Kinibalu af ter the second Dutch military action. 25 Firmansjah was attached to the staff of the Army and Territory Command of Kalimantan, and was soon to become Commander of the First Sub-Territory of West Kalimantan. 26 In theory, as was explained by a spokesman of the Kalimantan Command, later, in 1952, a territory constituted a permanent military unit, while a division formed part of a battle formation which could be transformed at will (IM 4-11-1952). 27 Sometimes this organization is referred to as Kesatuan Rakyat Yang Tertindas (KRYT). 28 The resentment against the appointment of Javanese to government functions was felt not only in Hulusungai or by Ibnu Hadjar and his followers alone. The resident of West Kalimantan, commenting on the tension there, stated in August th at he refused to put stop to the import of civil servants from Java as he wanted to build up a capable regional government apparatus and police force. 29 Sitompul was replaced as Commander of the F Brigade in October 1951 by Major Sjammaun Gaharu, who in turn was replaced a month later by Lieutenant-Colonel Suadi Suromihardjo. Sitompul in January 1952, by which time he had become a lieutenant-colonel, was appointed Chief of Staff of the Kalimantan Army and Territory in place of Colonel Eddy Sukardy. 30 Those of its leaders who surrendered were Latuk in Amuntai, Abubakar in Batumandi, Ibak, Kaderi and Muis in Barabai, and Mastur and Kardjah (Karjah) in Rantau. Vet other groups independent of the === [PDF page 429] === Notes pp. 254-263 419 KRIYT continued their resistance. As late as December 1953 a group of guerillas led by one Kumis, or Moustache, for instance, surrendered at Karang Intan, totally exhausted from having had to defend themselves not only against the Republican Army but also against the KRIYT (IB 27-12-1953). 31 Another Asmuni surrendered in Awayan in March 1954 (IB 4-3-1954). 32 It has been noted that in this field the ALRI Div IV was, in fact, most successful. In other areas it had not always had the right people with the right knowledge and experience, which had led to fraud, corruption and seIf-interest. 33 There were also allegations of communist sympathies in certain guerilla groups. In 1954 a letter bearing the stamp of the PKI was confiscated, as were some books written by Aidit (IB 4-4-1954). Around the same time there were reports of a group styling itseIf the Harimau Hitam (Black Tigers) striving to introduce a communist system, demanding from the well-to-do (including school teachers) one third of their incomes (IB 16-4-1954). The precise connections of these groups with the KRIYT remain obscure. 34 Anang Sulaiman was sentenced to two yeras' imprisonment. 35 Imbran Kamarullah was a die-hard, who in the prison of Balikpapan obstinately persisted in his efforts to get an Army of the Islamic Republic off the ground. He was· aided in his attempts by one Rusman, sentenced to gaol for having KRlYT sympathies, and a man named AH, a common criminal. This plot again was made public before it might have repercussions. It was a mystery to everyone how the three conspirators had imagined to extend their activities outside prison (IB 23-1-1954). 36 The version in lndonesian Berdjuang (14-9-1955) ran: Indonesia Tuhan jang ratu Tuhan jang amat tahu Disanalah aku ta'atibar Bukti setiap hari [The original may have been:] Indonesia Tuhan jang ratu Tuhan jang am at tahu Disanalah aku ta'ati Berbakti setiap hari [Translation] lndonesia God is King God who is omniscient Him lobey Aild serve devotedly each day Indonesia kebangsaanku Bangsa dan agamaku Mari kita berseru Agama Islam banyak jang tak tahu === [PDF page 430] === 420 Notes pp. 263-273 Indonesia kebangsaanku Bangsa dan agamaku Marilah kita berseru Agama Islam bersatu Indonesia my motherland My people and my faith Come, let us shout Muslims unite Hiduplah agamaku Hiduplah negaraku Hiduplah rakyatku Semua Hiduplah agamaku Hiduplah negaraku Bangsaku, rakyatku semuanya Long live my faith Long live my state my nation, my people all of them Bangunlah badannya Bangunlah jiwanya Untuk agama Allah jang Esa Bangunlah jiwanya Bangunlah badannya Untuk Agama Allah jang Esa Arise in spirit And Body For the Religion of the One and Only God Indonesia Raya merdeka merdeka Rakyatnya agamanya semua Indonesia Raya merdeka merdeka Rakyatnya agama Islam bersama Indonesia the Great, freedom, freedom lts people and its rel(r;ion Indonesia the Great, freedom, freedom lts people and Islam together. 37 Djohansjah was senteneed to six years' gaal in 1955. CHAPTER VI Around the same time the Central Government appointed A.K. Gani coordinator of the Republican Army for Sumatra. The latter set up a === [PDF page 431] === Notes pp. 275-289 421 General Headquarters in the island of which he put Suhardjo Harjowardojo (Suharjo Haryowardoyo) in charge. As Chief of Staff for Sumatra was appointed Mohammad Nur (Nasution 1959: 110). 2 Nasution is probably mixing up the Barisan Pemuda Indonesia with the Pemuda Republik Indonesia 3 Similar differences arose between the Pesindo board and its local branches in East Sumatra, where in early 1947 the Pesindo of Pematang Siantar clashed with the Sumatran Pesindo command (Nasution 1977, IV:377-380). 4 This book is quoted extensively in Sumatera Utara (1953). Sumantri's account (n.d.: 167 -170) also seems to be based on it. 5 This Barisan Penjaga Keamanan reportedly was divided into three divisions: the Barisan Cap Bintang (Star Column), whose task it was to "annihilate those who would not bend to its superior force", the Barisan Cap Saud (probably Sauh, anchor), which had as task "to seize the property of persons who were members of independence movements in order to finance the barisan", and the Barisan Cap Tumbak (Lance Column), which had the task to "capture intellectuals for imprisonment or execution, and kidnap girls" who were members of independence movements (Revolusi December n.d.: 17). 6 So the ulèëbalang of the Sagi of the XXII Mukim declared on February 19th that: 1) the ulèëbalang's right of succession as the leaders of the country was no longer in keeping with the times; 2) the ulèëbalang were citizens of the Indonesian Republic and respected the people's weilbeing; and 3) they had decided, for the sake of the attainment of a perfect organization, a) to request the Government respectfully to grant the population of the twenty-two mukim the right to choose its own leaders, and b) to ask all ulèëbalang, with the inclusion of the Sagi head, to resign their functions (NIB III:553). 7 As deputy commander of the Fifth Division was appointed Lieutenant- Colonel Nurdin Sufi, while Major Bachtiar was appointed Chief of Staff (Sumatera Utara 1953: 164; Dua Windhu 1972: 114). 8 Personal jealousies and regional antagonism may have played a role here. Amir Husin al Mudjahid came from East Aceh, as did Mohammad Daudsjah. According to some observers the fact th at the key military and dvil functions in Aceh were occupied by two East Acehnese was resented by people from Greater Aceh and Pidie (Persoalan 1953: 5). 9 For the composition of the Councils of Review and a report on the functioning of the Council in Pidie see, inter alia, Sekitar (n.d. 1:202-249). 10 See the letter of Nja'Umar, Chairman of the Council of Review of Pidie, to the bupatis and wedanas of Sigli, Lammeulo and Meureudu (Sekitar n.d.I:218-227). 11 See, for example, the speeches of Nur el Ibrahimy and Kasman Singodi. 12 Even someone like Amelz, who usually defended the Darul Islam rebels, stated in Parliament in October 1953: "Although 1 had many differences of opinion with him in the past, 1 - like!lis many other friends and ene mies - am forced to recognize the enormous influence he enjoyed among the people, especially in the period of our independence, since his becoming head of the Office of Religion, military governor and === [PDF page 432] === 422 Notes pp. 297-307 subsequently governor of Aceh. Admittedly his reputation suffered aft er his appointments as military governor and governor of Aceh and he became very unpopular with a proportion of his former followers. But his influence became very strong again after his resignation, notably in 13 This merger was effected on April 26th, 1947 (Dua Windhu 1972:116-117). In February 1947 the Sumatra Command had been divided into three Sub-Commands, one of them that of North Sumatra, headed by Mohammad Daudsjah. 14 Four days after this the Sumatra branch of the Pesindo had issued a directive to the effect that all the Pesindo troops throughout Sumatra should cooperate in the effort to create a National Army of Indonesia. As we have seen, however, relations between the central board and the Aceh branch were not good. 15 Maludin Simbolon was commander of North Sumatra from 1950 tiII 1956. Abdul Haris Nasution was Chief of Staff of the Republican Army from 1950 to 1952 and from 1955 to 1962. Tahi Bonar Simatupang was Acting Chief of Staff and Chief of Staff of the Republican Army from 1949 to 1954. 16 This information derives from a secret report cited by K. Werdojo (K. Werdoyo) during the parliamentary debate on the Daud Beureu'eh rebellion (Sekitar n.d. 1:302-303). 17 Among the persons mentioned as attending were: T. Aziz (chairman of the Social Council of East Aceh), Burhanuddin (camat of Langsa), Aminuddin (chief of Police of Idi), Garbie (wedana of Idi), and Abdul Rani (camat of Peureulak), while the names of Hasan Aly and A.R. Hadjat (A.R. Hajat), the patih of Binjai are also mentioned in connection with the meeting, though it is not clear whether they were actually present or not. The name of Hasan Aly, farmer director of Public Prosecutions in Aceh and the later Darul Islam Prime Minister of the region, is also mentioned in connection with a third preparatory meeting which allegedly took place. For th is he and a number of other persons were reported to have gathered at the house of the patih of Binjai, who later denied that Hasan Aly's visit had had anything to do with the Darul Islam, saying that Hasan Aly had only come to his house to pay his respects before leaving for Jakarta, to which city he had been transferred. Hasan Aly had admittedly brought some friends along, but Hadjat did not know what Hasan Aly and these friends had talked about, because they spoke Acehnese, a language he did not understand 18 A third bupati, Moh. Husin of Central Aceh, was taken prisoner by Republican troops at the outbreak of the rebellion. 19 The Acehnese Darul Islam move ment had four flags: one red with a white star and crescent, one green with a white star and crescent, one red with a white crescent and four stars, and one white and red, with a crescent in the red bar and a star in the white one (PR 4-11-1953). 20 Amin's report (1956:60-61) confirms th at the assistant wedana of Peureulak, A.R. Hasan, sided with the rebels. The latter chaired a meeting on September 2lst en 22nd at which the fortunes of the rebellion were discussed and a branch of the Islamic Army of Indonesia was called into being. === [PDF page 433] === Notes pp. 309-318 -1-23 21 A keuchik is the head of a gampong (kampung). A number of such kampungs make up a mukim. 22 Bachtiar Yunus noted (1953: 3) with respect to Aceh that whereas such companies as Atra and Nasional we re able to continue operating undisturbedly, others had to practically discontinue their services because their vehicles were frequently stopped or attacked. 23 Aceh had earnt itsclf the name Daerah Modal Republik Indonesia, Capital Area of the Republic of Indonesia, for the role it had played during the revolution. On the one hand the name gave expression to the fact that Aceh - unlike the rest of the Republic - had never been occupied by Dutch troops. On the other hand it was indicative of the financial and material support given by it to the Republican Government. 24 The Dewan Syura consisted of achairman (Daud Beureu'eh), a deputy chairman (Amir Husin al Mudjahid), and five members. The Majlis Syura also comprised achairman (Daud Beureu'eh) and a deputy chairman, whiIe its exact composition as weil as the number of its members still remained to be fixed. 25 For the commanders of the regiments and their battalions see Amin (1956:83-85). 26 The bupatis at the time were: Pidie: T.A. Hasan North Aceh: Teungku Sjeh Abdul Hamid (Ajah Hamid) (Ayah Hamid) East Aceh: Saleh Adri South Aceh: Teungku ZakariaJunus (Zakaria Yunus) CentraI Aceh: Saleh Hadji (Saleh Haji) Greater Aceh: Ishak Amin (the first bupati here, Sulaiman Daud, the farmer resident-coordinator of Aceh, having been arrested in May 1954). The commanders of the Regiments were: Regiment I (Pidie): Ibrahim Saleh, an cider brother of Hasan Saleh Regiment 11 (North Aceh): H. lbrahim Regiment III (East Aceh): A.R. Hanafiah Regiment IV (South Aceh): Saleh Kafa Regiment V (Central Aceh): I1jas Lebai (I1yas Lebai) Regiment VI (Greater Aceh): Abdullah Wahab Regiment VII (East Sumatra): Haji Hasanuddin (the troops of West Aceh, which were commanded by T.R. Idris, formed part of the Regiment for South Aceh). The Darul Islam Police Force was headed by A.R. Hasjim (A.R. Hasyim). There we re further three deputy military governors, viz. Hasan Aly for Greater Aceh, Pidie and Central Aceh, Hasan Saleh for North and East Aceh and Langkat-Tanah Karo, A.G. Mutiara for South and West Aceh and West Tapanuli. 27 For its composition see Meuraxa (1956: 54-56). 28 T.M. Amin was a former bupaû attached to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He had been managing director of Dagang dan Pembangunan (formerly Indolco) Ltd. and a member of the board of the Aceh Mining Co., of which Hasballah Daud, the son of Daud Beureu'eh, was the director. === [PDF page 434] === 424 Notes pp. 318-323 A.G. Mutiara (also known as Abdul Gani) had been managing editor of the newspaper Tegas, published at Banda Aceh. Zainul Abidin Muhammad Tiro (also known as Zainul Abidin) was an ex·judge of the court of Sigli (PR 4·1-1956; Amin 1953:6). 29 So there we re reports of villagers near Kualabeë, in West Aceh, receiving free medical care at the local Darul Islam hospital, of which a foreigner who was also military instructor was in charge. This foreigner may have been one Or. Schiphorst, who together with a nurse ca!led Adrie Israel had been missing from the hospitalof Kabanjahe, in Tanah Karo, since February 1954, and who was reported to be working for the rebels (Sekitar n.d. III:143-I44, 151). Abdul Murat Mat jan (1976:24) notes that the Darul Islam trained its medica! personnel at the island of Pulau Kampai, in East Sumatra, and th at it obtained medicines from the latter's relatives outside Aceh and from medical workers within Aceh who sympathized with it. 30 Besides Singapore, Penang and New Vork, Tokyo was mentioned as one of the pi aces in which sympathizers of the Acehnese Islamic State of Indonesia tried to rally financial and moral support. In Singapore the move ment was moreover represented by "an enterprising Irish public relations officer" (Mossman 1961:44). 31 O.M. Djuned, a member of the Perti of Aceh, was arrested in May 1954, shortly after the arrest of Sulaiman Daud by Republican troops. After his release Djuned continued his efforts. In February 1955 he visited jakarta in order to discuss the situation in Aceh and the possibilities of its solution with Central Government officials (Sekitar n.d. 111:94, 204). For the composition of the Badan Kontak Pribadi Peristiwa Aceh see Amin (1956: 198). In March 1955 the Panitia Badan Penyelesaian Peristiwa Aceh chaired by T.M. jahja (T.M. Yahya) was formed at Medan. Like the Badan Kontak Pribadi, it set itself the task of finding a solution by maintaining relations with Daud Beureu'eh as weil as the Central Republican Government. The initiative for the foundation of this new committee had been taken by the Persatuan Masyarakat Aceh (PERMA) in November of the previous year (Sekitar n.d. I1I:89-90, 220). 32 Other recommendations by the Islamic scholars to the Government which were cited by the parliamentary commission in its report were that it should stimulate cooperation between the teungkus and teukus, give priority to Acehnese in its appointment policy, try and treat Aceh as afather would his son (in view of the courage shown by the Acehnese), and strive to achieve equity in all fields to satisfy the strong sense of justice of the Acehnese people. The commission itself recommended that the Republican Government and its apparatus should eschew everything in their measures that might be offensive to the Acehnese or provoke further discord, avoid creating the impression in the appointment of its employees that it favoured a particular group and consequently make su re th at everyone it appointed to positions in Aceh met the requirements of acceptability, capability and integrity, and give priority to Aceh in the allocation of funds and materials for the administrative and power machinery in order to reward the Acehnese population for defending the nation so well. 33 These nineteen provinces were: Aceh, East Sumatra (including Riau), === [PDF page 435] === Notes pp. 323-336 425 Tapanuli, Minangkabau (West Sumatra), South Sumatra Uambi, Palembang, Bengkulu, Lampung, Bangka and Belitung), West Java, Central Java, East Java, West Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, South Sulawesi, North Sulawesi, Bali-Lombok, the Lesser Sunda Islands, the Moluccas, West Irian, Mataram (Yogyakarta and Surakarta), and 34 This proposal was co-signed by Amelz, A.M. Djohan (A.M. Johan) (PIR), Ibrahim Sedar (independent), Mayor Polak (PSI), and A.C. Manoppo (Demokrat). 35 At the time of Amin's appointment twenty parties and organizations, among them the Masyumi, CPII and Muhammadiyah, had pressed for Abdul Hakim's continuation in office. The parties adopting the opposite stance included the PKI, which wanted to see Abdul Hakim fired immediately. The point at issue was Abdul Hakim's agrarian policy, the PKI holding him responsible for the arrests of farmers (Sekitar n.d. 36 Zulkifli Lubis and Burhanuddin Harahap were also involved in an attempt to establish contact with Kartosuwirjo. This became apparent in February 1956, when an envoy carrying letters for Kartosuwirjo asking him to agree to a cease-fire was intercepted (PR 4-2-1956, 14-2-1956, 15-2-1956). 37 There were none the less some reports of disciplinary action being taken against local Darul Islam commanders. In North Aceh, for instance, one of Hasan Saleh's Iieutenants Us man Balo, fled to Pidie on learning that he was to be punished for crueIty (Sekitar n.d. 111: 18). In spite of the reports of conflicts and of struggles for power between the top leaders - in which the names of Daud Beureu'eh, Hasan Saleh and HusinJusuf crop up most frequently -, on the whole there was great unity and cohesion in th is area. 38 Haji Hasanuddin's function as commander of the East Sumatra Regiment was taken over by Teuku Saat; most of the soldiers followed Hasanuddin, however (DM 7-8-1959). 39 The vagueness of the compromise gave rise to some problems in 1962. At the end of that year the rumour circulated that the Central Army Command was opposed to the introduction of Islamic law in Aceh, which rumour was subsequently contradicted by an Army spokesman. He re ad out a statement the purport of which was that 1) Islamic law was not a priori rejected, hence also not in Aceh; 2) laws could be made for the Islamic community which might be adjusted to Islamic law; and 3) the Regional Covernment of Aceh, in accordance with the statement of the Hardi mission, might issue regional regulations in conformity with Islamic law in the fields of religion, education and customary law, provided these did not run counter to the general principles of the state policy, the public interest, or legal rules of a higher order. The discussion was joined by the Minister of Religion, who stated himself to be convinced that the Central Army Command recognized, and hence did not reject, the principle of Islamic law in Aceh (DM 11-12-1962, 12-12-1962,19-12-1962). 40 This was by Keputusan Penguasa Perang Pusat no. 01054/1959 of October 3Ist, 1959. Indonesia was under martial law from March 1957 till March 1962. During this time it had a Central War Administration, === [PDF page 436] === 426 Notes pp. 336-347 Penguasa Perang Pusat (Peperpu), and in the provinces a Regional War Administration, Penguasa Perang Daerah (Peperda). In Aceh the chairman of the Peperda was the military commander, Sjammaun Gaharu, and the viee-chairman the govemor, A. Hasjmy. 41 Both these officers belonged to the so-called OSM, or Operasi Sabang Merauke, an organization headed by Major Bojke Nainggolan (Boyke Nainggolan). This had originally been the name of the PRRI operation whereby Medan was occupied by the rebels for one day in March 1958. 42 The Republik Persatuan Indonesia was sometimes also called the Negara Demokrasi Indonesia (NDI) (Democratie State of Indonesia). Consequently its Army, the Tentara Persatuan Indonesia (TPI), was sometimes also referred to as the Tentara Demokrasi Indonesia (TOl). For the constitution of the RPI see Mudzakkar (n.d.: 24-64). 43 The other Sumatran states were: the combined State of Tapanuli and East Sumatra and the States of West Sumatra, the Riau Archipelago,Jambi and South Sumatra. The other state in Sulawesi was that of North Sulawesi (Mossman 1961:228). 44 Hasan Muhammad Tiro (1965:19), who espoused the United Republic of Indonesia as its representative with the United Nations, pleaded for a Confederation of Southeast Asian States made up of the Republics of Sumatra, Sulawesi, Kalimantan, the Moluccas, Irian Jaya, Bali, and Sunda. Although overlooking Java and the other Sunda Islands in his enumeration, he did state that Java should also form part of the confederation. 45 Lieutenant-Colonel Achmad Husein had played an important role in the events leading up to the PRRI/Permesta rebellion. He had been chairman of the Banteng Council of Central Sumatra and in February 1958 had issued the ultimatum to the Central Republican Govemment the refusal of whieh had prompted the proclamation of the PRRI. 46 One of these reporting together with Sjafruddin Prawiranegara was Amelz. CHAPTER VII 1 See Anderson (1976) and Onghokham (1978) for an analysis of the influence of rationalization and of resistance against expanding central control on the Madiun affair. 2 This Bureau was headed by Major General Djokosujono Uokosuyono) and Ir. Sakirman. 3 The TNI bagian Masyarakat was headed by Major General Ir. Sakirman. 4 The core of the Sayap Kiri was formed by the PKI, Partai Sosialis, Pesindo, and Partai Buruh. 5 According to Ojamhari (1971:41) the strenghofthe TNlbagianMasyarakat was 90,000. Nasution (1968 11:130), in his discussion of the problems of rationalization, speaks of a strength of 350,000 with reference to the Armed Forces (including the navy), and 470,000 for the tasy kars. 6 The Sayap Kiri coalition was transformed into the Front Demokrasi Rakyat, headed by Amir Sjarifuddin, at the end of February 1948. lts principal participants were the Partai Sosia/is, Partai Buruh, PKI, Pesindo and SOBS/. === [PDF page 437] === Notes pp. 354-391 427 7 As Makassarese and Bugis had also migrated to Pulau Laut, this seems to account for the fears and frequent rumours of infiltrations by Kahar Muzakkar's troops on this island. 8 For a list of the goods involved see Wirodihardjo (1965: 102-104). 9 The practiee of sub-leasing land or share-cropping to poor farmers or landless labourers made for an increase in the number of large landlords and big farmers. More land was controlled by these latter two categories than appeared at a superficial glance at land ownership. The extent to whieh land was controlled indirecdy, through leasing or share-cropping arrangements, was later used, in fact, as a major justifieation for legislation providing for the redistribution of land. However, in a country where land-holdings in general were very small, and large land ownership was restrieted to specifie regions, land reforms and land redistribution seemed to have litde point. Nevertheless, as the memorandum to the Act on the Size of Agrieultural Holdings stated, even if large land ownership was not so widespread (so th at th ere might not appear to be much land to redistribute), most large landholders had become so as a result of the acquisition of land through leasing or share-cropping. The area of the land involved might comprise tens, hundreds and even thousands of 10 A commercial edition of jackson's thesis was published in 1980 Qackson 1980). 11 An additional problem is that j ackson obtained his information on land ownership and share-cropping by means of a questionnaire distributed to village officials. Obviously the official village records do not necessarily reflect the actual landholding situation. To evade the law on maximum holdings, for instance, larger landholders might have some of their land registered in the names of relatives. 12 j ackson 's findings indeed corroborate this. He writes: "The conclusion to be drawn is that landownership is more widespread in the D.1. villages but th at the plots of many are not large enough to preclude the necessity of also working for others. In contrast landownership is more concentrated in the pro-government villages, but those who own land own enough and are not forced to work simultaneously for other farmers" Oackson 1971:132). 13 I will not enter into discussion of whether genealogieal ties were of no importance in South Sulawesi, as has been argued by Ter Haar, who probably influenced Vink, or whether this is a false assertion, as is claimed by Chabot (1950:17). 14 Looking at the question from the opposite viewpoint, there was one notabie exception: the eastern part of East java, including Madura, in whieh area, although markedly Islamie, armed support for Kartosuwirjo's Islamie State was not forthcoming. There had been attempts here to build up an East javanese Division of the Islamie Army, to be commanded by one Achmadi (Akhmadi). In 1954, ho wever, this Achmadi was arrested and sentenced to six years' gaol. His arrest came before he was able to recruit any followers or to collect a significant number of firearms: at the time of his arrest he only had one Colt with five bullets in his possession (PR 26-8-1954, 28-8-1954,10-9-1954). The absence of a Darul Islam move ment in East java is all the more striking as in the late 1970's th is was one of the areas in whieh Holy War Commands, or === [PDF page 438] === 428 Notep. 391 Komando Jihad, which also strove after the establishment of an Islamic State of Indonesia, were active. === [PDF page 439] === BIBLIOGRAPHY* Books, Monographs, Theses, ArticleG Abdul Murat Mat Jan 1976 'Gerakan Darul Islam di Aceh 1953-1959', Akademika 8:17-44. Abdullah, Taufik, Aswab Mahasin and Daniel Dhakidae (eds.) 1978 Manusia dalam kemelut sejarah, Jakarta: Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan dan Penerangan Ekonomi dan Sosial (LP3ES). Adiwilaga, R.A. 1953 Desa Tjipamokolan, Regentschap Bandungj Vertalers B. Gunawan en S.B. Martokusomo, Bandung: Planbureau voor grondzaken, West Java. Adjadmusji 1958 'Tugas kementerian urusan veteran Republik Indonesia', in: Almanak Umum 1959, pp. 337-349, Banda Aceh: Atjeh Press Service. Alers, H.J.H. 1956 Om een rode of groene merdeka, Eindhoven: Vulkaan. Alfian 1969 lslamic modernism in lndonesian politics: the Muhammadijah movement during the Dutch colonial period (1912-1942), Madison (Ph.D. thesis University of Wisconsin). 1976 'The ulama in Acehnese society: a preliminary observation " Plural societies 7 -4: 50-64. Alfian (ed.) 1977 Segt,·-segi sosial budaya masyarakat Aceh: Hasil-hasil penelitian dengan metode "grounded research ", Jakarta: Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan dan Penerangan Ekonomi dan Sosial (LP3ES). Alisjahbana, Samiati 1954 A preliminary study of class structure among the Sundanese in the Priangan: A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University for the Degree of Master of Arts, Ithaca (New Vork) (unp.?). Almanak 1958 - umum 1959, Banda Aceh: Atjeh Press Service. Amansjah, A Makarausu 1951 'Prae-advies tindjauan pemerintah umum 11 Sulawesi', Suara Partai Masjumi 6-7:22-24. * In this bibliography the "oe" and "u" have been arranged interchangeably as "u". For the listing of Indonesian personaI names has been used as a guide Pedoman tajuk nama-nama pengarang Indonesia, disusun oleh J.N.B. Tairas Oakarta, 1973: Departe· men Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Lambaga Perpustakaan). Indonesian personaI names have been arranged alphabeticaIly according to the last element of the name. === [PDF page 440] === 430 Bibliography Amar, Djen 1963 Bandung lautan api, Jakarta: Dhiwantara. Amin, S.M. 1953 Peristiwa tgk Daud Beureueh: (Laporan oleh - J, n.p. (unp.). 1956 Sekitar peristiwa berdarah di Atjeh, Jakarta: Soeroengan. 1972 lndonesia dibawah rezim Demokrasi Terpimpin, Jakarta: Bulan Bintang. 1975 Kenang-kenang dari massa lamp au, n.p. (unp.). 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Wajong,J. 1972 Kedudukan dan tugas pamong pradja dalam rangka penjerahan pemerintah umum· atas dasar Undang2 nomor 6-1959, Jakarta: Ichtiar. 1975 Azas dan tujuan pemerintah daerah, Jakarta: Djambatan. Wawer, W. 1974 Muslime und Christen in der Republik Indonesia, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag. === [PDF page 459] === Bibliography 449 Wertheim, W.F. 1959 Indonesian society in transition: A study of social change, 2nd rev. ed., The Hague: W. van Hoeve. Wesseling, J.J. 1939 'Grondenrechten der inlandsche bevolking van de Wanoea Belawa', Koloniaal Tijdschrift 28:399-466. Westerling, R.P.P. 1952 Mijn mémoires, Amsterdam and Antwerpen: P. Vink. Wirodihardjo, Saroso 1956 Masalah perdagangan dan politik ekonomi Indonesia, Jakarta: Djakarta Press. Wolf, E.R. 1969 Peasant wars of the twentieth century, New Vork, Evanston and London: Harper and Row. Wowor, B. 1977 Sulawesi Utara bergolak: Peristiwa patriotik 14 Februari 1946, Jakarta: Badan Penerbit Alda. Wulfften Palthe, P.M. van 1949 Over het bende wezen op Java, Amsterdam: F. van Rossen. Yamin, Muhammad 1951 Proklamasi dan Konstitusi Republik Indonesia, Jakarta and Amsterdam: Djambatan. 1958 Sistema·falsafah Pantja Sila: Pidato merayakan hari lahirnja Pantja Sila (1 Djuni 1945) pada tanggal 5 Djuni 1958 didepan rakjat rakjat diruangan istana negara Djakarta jang dihadiri oleh P.J.M. Presiden Republik Indonesia dan para menteri serta para sardjana diutjapkan oleh Prof. mr. - anggota Dewan Nasional, 2nd. ed., Jakarta: Kementerian Penerangan, Penerbitan Chusus no. 20. 1959-1960 Naskah persiapan Undang-undang Dasar 1945: Disiarkan dan dibubuhi tjatatan oleh -, Jakarta: J ajasan Prapantja. Yong Mun Cheong 1973 Conflicts within the Prijaji world of the Parahyangan in West Java 1914-1927, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Field _Report Series vol. 1. Yunus, Bachtiar 1955 Lapuran penindjauan politik kedaerah Atjeh oleh - penindjau politik Kantor Gubernur Propinsi Sumatera Utara, Medan (unp.). Zagoria, D.S. 1974 'Asian tenancy systems and communist mobilization of the peasantry', in: L.W. Lewis (ed.), Peasant rebellion and Communist revolution in Asia, pp. 29-61, Stanford: Stanford University Press. Government Regulations, Statutes, etc. Keputusan Pemerintah Darurat Republik Indonesia, 16 Mei 1949, no. 21/Pem/PDRI. Keputusan Pemerintah Darurat Republik Indonesia, 17 Mei 1949, no. 22/Pem/PDRI. Keputusan Perdana Menteri Republik Indonesia, no. I/Missi/1959. Keputusan Presiden no. 150 tahun 1959, mengenai Dekrit Presiden Repu- === [PDF page 460] === 450 Bibliography blik Indonesia/Panglima Tertinggi Angkatan Perang ten tang kembali kepada Undang-undang Dasar 1945. Keputusan Presiden no. 180 tahun 1959, tentang pemberian amnesti dan abolisi. Keputusan Presiden no. 303 tahun 1959, tentang pemberian amnesti dan abolisi kepada orang-orang jang tersangkut dengan pemberontakan DJ./T.I.I. Kahar Muzakkar di Sulawesi Selatan, jang telah melapor kan dan menjediakan diri kepada Negara dihadapan Penguasa Perang Daerah Sulawesi Selatan sebelum ditetapkan Keputusan ini. Keputusan Wakil Perdana Menteri Republik Indonesia, no. 14/Keh/Wkpm. Ketetapan Residen Atjeh tanggal 13 Agustus 1946, no. 59/NRI. Makloemat no. 2/1948/GSO. Peraturan Daerah Keresidenan Republik Indonesia Daerah Atjeh, no. 1, 24-6-1946, tentang menguasai atau memiliki harta benda peninggalan penchianat N.R.I. Daerah Atjeh. Peraturan Panglima Tentara dan Territorium III Jawa Barat no. 20. Peraturan Panglima Tentara dan Territorium III Jawa Barat no. 21. Peraturan Panglima Tentara dan Territorium 111 Jawa Barat no. 25. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 32 tahun 1949, ten tang penghargaan pemerintah terhadap peladjar jang telah berbakti. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 3 tahun 1950, tentang pengangkatan, penaikan pangkat, pemberhentikan, pernjataan non actief dan sebagai anggauta Angkatan Darat R.I.S. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 6 tahun 1950, tentang peraturan sementara tentang pemberian tundjangan kepada anggauta T.N.I. jang pada waktu penjerahan kedaulatan tidak masuk Angkatan Perang Republik Indonesia Serikat. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 15 tahun 1950, tentang Biro Demobilisasi Nasio· nal dan instruksi mengenai tugas dan tjara berkerdjanja. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 21 tahun 1950, tentang pembentukan daerah propinsi. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 12 tahun 1951, tentang tugas Dewan dan Biro Rekonstruksi NasionaI. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 20 tahun 1951, tentang mengubah Peraturan Pemerintah no. 12 tahun 1951, tentang tugas Dewan dan Biro Rekonstruksi Nasional. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 1 tahun 1952, tentang susunan dan tugas Dewan serta Biro Rekonstruksi Nasional. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 6 tahun 1954, tentang penampungan bekas anggauta Angkatan Perang dan pemulihan mereka kedalam masjarakat. Peraturan Pemerintah no. 16 tahun 1954 tentang urusan rekonstruksi nasionaI. Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang no. 5 tahun 1950, ten tang pembentukan Propinsi Sumatera Utara. Peraturan Presiden Republik Indonesia no. 13 tahun 1961, tentang garis kebidjaksanaan terhadap pemberontak dan gerombolan jang menjerah tanpa sjarat dan kembali kepada kepangkuan Republik Indonesia. Peraturan Wa kil Perdana Menteri pengganti Peraturan Pemerintah no. 8/Des/WKPM tahun 1949 tentang pembentukan Propinsi Atjeh. === [PDF page 461] === Bibliography 451 Undang-undang no. 10 tahun 1948, tentang pemerintahan Sumatera. Undang-undang no. 2 tahun 1949, tentang kedudukan dan kekuasaan Wakil Perdana Menteri jang berkedudukan di Sumatera. Undang-undang no. 12 tahun 1953, tentang penetapan Undang-undang Darurat no. 4 tahun 1950 tentang penerimaan anggauta Angkatan Perang R.I.S. sebagai undang-undang. Undang-undang no. 14 tahun 1953, tentang perlakuan terhadap anggauta Angkatan Perang jang diperhentikan dari dinas ketentaraan karena tidak memperbaharui ikatan dinas. Undang-undang no. 24 tahun 1956, tentang pembentukan Daerah Otonom Propinsi Atjeh dan perubahan peraturan ten tang pembentukan Propinsi Sumatera Utara. Undang-undang Darurat no. 4 tahun 1950, ten tang penerimaan anggauta Angkatan Perang R.I.S. Undang-undang Darurat no. 10 tahun 1950, tentang penjelenggaraan tugaspemerintahan daerah Negara Pasundan ol eh Republik Indonesia Serikat. Undang-undang Dasar 1945. Newspapers and Press Summaries Angkatan Bersenjata Berita Buana Minggu Berita Indonesia Djakarta Dispatches Duta Masjarakat Indonesia Indonesia Berdjuang Indonesia Merdeka Indonesië van Maand tot Maand Indonesische Documentatie Dienst van A.N.P.-Aneta 's-Gravenhage Kalimantan Berdjuang Merdeka Nusantara Pikiran Rakjat PRRI Information Siasat Weekoverzicht Overzeese Gebiedsdelen === [PDF page 462] === * In this index personal names are arranged according to the same TUles as are applicd in the bibliography. For organizations the initials or acronyms are incIuded in the index as weil as the full name with rcference from the first to the second. INDEX A-Troops, see Pasukan A 234, 235, 416 n4, n5, n9, 417 Abbas, Abdul 62 n19 Abbas, H. Siradjuddin 41 2 n 24 Amawidjaja, Suparman, see Hidajat, Abduh, Teungku Muhamad 276 Ijet Abduldjalil 142,409 n19 Amelz 296, 305, 322, 327, 421 Abdullah 161 n12, 425 n34, 426 n46 Abdullah, Abas 138, 139 Amin, Hasjim 416 n3 Abdullah, Agus 126 Amin, Ishak 333, 423 n26 Aberani 223, 224 Amin, S.M. 277, 284, 285, 299, Abidin, Zainal 85, 126 308, 327-329, 425 n35 Abidin, Zainul 75 Amin, T.M. 317,423 n28 Abidin [Muhammad Tiro], Zainul, Amin, Teuku Mohammad 270,281 see Tiro, Zainul Abidin Muham- Amin, Teungku Abdul Djalil 276 mad Aminuddin (Aceh) 422 n17 Abubakar 418 n30 Aminuddin (Sulawesi) 413 n29 Abubakar, Teungku Said 270, 272, AMKA, see Angkatan Muda Kereta 282, 299, 300, 310, 318, 328, Api 388, 389 AMRI, see Angkatan Muda Repu- Achmadi 427 n14 blik Indonesia Adjai, A. 264 AMRIS, see Angkatan Muda Repu- Adnan, R.H. 152 blik Indonesia Sulawesi Adri, Saleh 423 n26 Amuntai speech 256-258, 303, 311 Affandi (Centraijava) 410 n23 Anderson, B.R.O'G. 12, 129, 408 Affandi (West Java) 103 n12, 409 n13 Alamsjah, Teuku Chik Djohan 270 Angkatan Lasykar Rakyat 411 n12 Ali, Aminuddin 307 Angkatan Laut Republik lndonesia Ali, Teuku Panglima Polim Moham- Divisi IV 221-242, 250, 260,416 mad 272, 274, 279 nl, n6, nl0, 417 n13, n19, 418 Alimin 24 n21, 419 n32 Alip (Centraljava) 151 Angkatan Muda Kereta Api 129, Alip (West Java) 107 134,135 ALR, see Angkatan Lasykar Rakyat Angkatan Muda Republik Indonesia AL RI Div IV, see Angkatan Laut 135 Republik Indonesia Divisi IV Angkatan Muda Republik lndonesia Alsaqaf, Sajid Ali 284-286 Sulawesi411 n12 Aly, Hasan 276, 300, 316, 317, Angkatan Pemuda Indonesia (Aceh) 328-333, 336, 422 n 17, 423 n26 274-276 Aman 265 Angkatan Pemuda lndonesia Aman, Gusti 219, 223, 224, 231, (Ambon) 157 === [PDF page 463] === Index 453 Angkatan Pemuda Indonesia (Cen- Bachri, Samsul 75 tralJava) 129, 135 Bachri, Sjamsul 179, 183, 184, 187, Angkatan Pemuda Indonesia Sula- 196-198,200,206,212,215,416 we si 156 n55 Angkatan Perang (Negara) Islam In- Bachri, Zainul 75 donesia 90, 94 Bachrin, Muh. 139 Angkatan Perang Ratu Adil 100, Bachrun 152 101,111,406 n32, 407 n42 Bachtiar 421 n7 Angkatan Perang Tentara Islam Badan Keamanan Negara 87 263-266 Badan Keamanan Rakyat 67 Angkatan Umat Islam 112, Badan Keinsyafan Rakyat 293, 145-149,410 n23 294,296 Anshary, M. Isa 257 Badan Kontak Pribadi Peristiwa API, see Angkatan Pemuda Indone- Aceh 321,424 n31 sia Badan Pekerja T(fIa Daerah 408 n9 APIS, see Angkatan Pemuda Indo- Badan Pembantu Pembelaan 401 nesia Sulawesi n48 APRA, see Angkatan Perang Ratu Badan Pembantu Prajurit 401 n48 Adil Badan Penolong Keluarga Korban APTI, see Angkatan Perang Tentara Perang 67, 401 n48 Islam Badan Penyelenggara Urusan Re- Ardiwisastra 28 konstruksi Nasional 350 Arends Battalion, see Batalyon Badawi 76 Arends Bahranu 265 Arief, A 417 n14 Bakri, Samaun 403 n12 Arief, M. 197 Bakri, Zainy 303, 304 Arief Rate Battalion, see Batalyon Balhum 265 Arief Rate Balo, Usman (Aceh) 425 n37 Arif, Abdullah 329, 330 Balo, Usman (Sulawesi) 183, 184, Arif, Teuku Nja' 272, 279, 280 196-201,205,414 n34 Arifin, Zainal 412 n24 Bambu Runcing 103, 107, 108, Arifin, Zainul 73- 7 5 111,405 n31. 407 n42 Arsjad, Toha 86, 104, 115, 404 Bangsawan, Abbas 171 n21,n24 Banteng Indonesia 220, 222 Arya, P. 223, 224, 229, 233, 235, Banteng!tam 418 n23 236,250,416 n6, 417 n19 Banteng Raiders 153 Asmanu 183 BARIS, see Barisan Rakyat Indone- Asmuni, see Kartoio Sla Assaat 292 Barisan Banteng 404 nl 7 Astrawinata 403 n12 Barisan Banteng Republik Indone- August razzia 294, 295 sia 80,404 n15 AUI, see Angkatan Umat Islam Barisan Berani Mati (Sulawesi) 160 Autonomous Area of Banjar, see Barisan Berani Mati (West Java) UI Daerah Banjar Barisan Cap Bintang 421 n5 Autonomous Area of South-East Barisan Cap Saud 421 n5 Kalimantan, see Daerah Kaliman- Barisan Cap Tumbak 421 n5 tan Tenggara Barisan Kemajuan Indonesia, see Azis, Andi Abdul 120, 164, 165, Batalyon Kesatuan Indonesia 170,412n18 Barisan Pelopor 130, 132-135 Azis, Usman 304 Barisan Pemberontak lndonesia 411 Aziz, T. 422 nl 7 n12 === [PDF page 464] === 454 Index Barisan Pemberontak Republik In- Batalyon Pauke 411 nl:-I donesia 80, 347, 404 nl 7 Batalyon Panglima Batur 239 Barisan Pcmberontak Republik In- Batalyon RanleMario 197,198 donesia (Sulawesi) 160 Batalyon Syarzf lIidayat Wziayaku- Barisan Pemberontakan Rakyat In- suma 142 donesia 134-138,409 nl7 Batalyon Taruna Jaya 404 n 15 Barisan Pemberontakan Republik Batalyon Wolta Mongisidi 179, Indonesia 411 nl2 195, 197,413 n32 Barisan Pemuda Indonesia 275, 279 Batèë Kurëng Charter 316-318 Barisan Pemuda Republik Indonesia Batu Putih Battalion, sec Batalyon 275,421 n2 Batu Putih Barisan Penjaga Keamanan 277, Bau Mas.H·pe Battalion, sec Ba tal- 278, 279, 421 n5 yOI! Bau Mass('pl' Barisan Penyedar PSII 32,33 Bauti, ]usuf 174, 178 Barisan Rakyat Indonesz-a 87, 404 BBRI, sec Barisan Banteng Repu- Barisan Sakit Hati 107,407 n42 blik Indon('sia Basirun, R. 132 Bekas Perjuang Aceh, sec Persatuan Basry, Hassan 219-226, 230-247, Bekas Perjuang Islam Aceh 267,268,417 nl7, n19 Benda, H.]. 398 n29 Basuki, Ilasnan 224 Benteng group 360, 361 Basuni, Achmad 228 Besar 130,408 n5, nl2 Batalyon 423 149-153 Beureu'eh, Teungku Mohammad Batalyon 426149-153,410 n26 Daud 269-338 passim, 423 n24, Batalyon 427 151 425 n37 Batalyon 711415 n48 BFO, see Bz)"eenkomst voor Fede- Batalyon 719196,415 n48 raai Overleg Batalyon 720 197 Bindruk, Pak 418 n23 Batalyon 722 197 Biro Bekas Angkatan Perang 300 Batalyon 723 197 Biro Demobilisasi Nasional 349 Batalyon 40,000179,195-197,413 Biro Penampungan Bekas Angkatan n32, 415 n47 Perang 350 Batalyon Arl'nds 112, 407 n38 Biro Perjuangan 160, 344, 345, 426 Batalyon Arief Ratl' 179, 195, 197, n2 413 n32 Biro Rekonstruksi Nasional 349, Batalyon Batu Putih 179, 183, 195, 350 197,413 n32, 415 n47 BKR, see Badan Keamanan Rakyat Batalyon Bau Massl'pe 179, 182, BKR, see Badan Keinsyafan Rakyat 195,196,413 n32 Blangpadang Charter 338 Batalyon Garuda Hitam 404 nl5 Boland, B.]. 48, 61, 192, 305, 398 Batalyon Garuda Putih 265 n25, 399 n35 Batalyon Kemajuan Indonesia, sec BPA, see Persatuan Bekas Perjuang Batalyon Kesatuan Indonesia Islam Aceh Batalyon Kesatuan Indonesia 157, BPI, see Barisan Pemberontak Indo- 411 n7 nesia Batalyon Khimayatul Islam 147, BPI, see Barisan Pemuda Indonesia 148, 149 BPRI, see Barisan Pemberontak Re- Batalyon Kinibalu 239,418 n24 publik Indonesia Batalyon Latumojang 197, 198 BPRI, sec Barisan Pemberontakan Batalyon Lemflh Lanang 146, 147 Rakyat Indonesia Batalyon Lereng Cinta 197, 198 BPRI, see Barisan Pemberontakan === [PDF page 465] === Index 455 Republik Indonesia Dahler 55 Brata Yudha Operation, see Operasi Dalam, Teuku Jusuf Muda 285 Brata Yudha Dam, H. ten 373 Bratamenggala, K. Sukanda 236, Damanhuri 223, 240 237,241,243,247,348 Danubroto, R.M. 293 Brawijaya Division, see Divisi Bra- Darda, Dede Mohammad 126, 408 wijaya n50 Brigade l.X 161 Dardiansjah 255, 265, 267, 268 Brigade II.X 160, 161 Daris, Sanusi 197 Brigade XVI 161, 164, 167, 239, Darman, Gusti 417 n14 240,411 n14 Darmansjah 219, 220 Brigade CC 298, 299 Darul Salam 14 Brigade Citarum 107, 108, lIl, Daud, Amin 413 n29 406 n35, 407 n42 Daud, Hasballah 329,423 n28 Brigade F 245, 418 n29 Daud, Salawati 174,178,179, 184, Brigade Guntur 79 196,413 n29 Br~ftade Hasanuddin 169, 173-181, Daud, Teungku Sulaiman 295, 300, 195 304,423 n26 Brigade Joko Untung 136 Daudsjah, Teuku Mohammad 274, Brigade Mataram 165,171 281, 289, 290, 421 n8, 422 n13 Brigade Pragolo 150 daulat actions 129,344 BRN, see Biro Rekonstruksi Nasio- Deelman, A.G. 233, 234, 417 n20 nal Dewan Banjar 227-229, 233, 238 BSH, see Barisan Sakit Hati Dewan Dayak Besar 228, 229 Buchari 187 Dewan Fatwa 89, 93-96 Budi Utomo 25 Dewan Imamah 89,93-97,404 n24 Budjanab, Guru 265 Dewan Kalimantan Tenggara 228 Buka 411 n12 Dewan Lambung Mangkurat 268 Bung Tomo, see Sutomo Dewan Mi/iter 315 Burhanuddin (Aceh) 422 n1 7 Dewan Pembelaan Masyumi Pusat Burhanuddin (Kalimantan) 228, 138 235,267,417 n12, n19 Dewan Pertahanan Ummat Islam Bijeenkomst voor Federaal Overleg 84, 86 230, 231 Dewan Pertimbangan RevO'(usi 334 Dewan Pimpinan Ekspedisi he Kali- Chairullah, Banda 324 mantan 220 Chalid, Idham 267 Dewan Pimpinan Sementara' TNI Citarum Brigade, see Br(ftade Cita- (Aceh) 298 rum Dewan Rekonstruksi Nasional 350 Constitution of 1945, see Undang- Dewan Revolusi (Negara Bagian undang Dasar 1945 Acek) 334-336 Council of Review, see Majelis Pe- Dewan Syura 315, 316,423 n24 nimbang Dewan Syuro 93, 94, 405 n27 Culik Hitam 418 n23 Dewantara, Ki Hadjar 63 Dimar, Muhammad, see Muham- Daerak Banjar 223, 226-230, 232, madsjah 238 Dimjati 410 n21 Daerak Istimewa Aceh 335 Diponpgoro Vivision, sec Divüi Daerak Kalimantan Tenggara 223, Diponegoro 226, 232 Divisi IV, see Divisi Senopati Dahlan 254 Divisi V 279, 280, 297, 421 n 7 === [PDF page 466] === 456 Index Diuisi X 297,298,422 n13 Djuned, D.M. 322, 424 n31 Diuisi X Teungku Chik di Tiro 298 Djuweni 135 Diuisi 17 Agustus 404 nl 7 Dodo, see Darda, Dede Mohammad Diuisi 40,000212 Diuisi Brawijaya 124, 125, 143, 183 Effendi, Uchjan 118, 123 Diuisi Diponegoro 124, 125, 136, Engkar, Haji 123 143,149-154,165 Engles, E. 98, 99 Diuisi Gajah I 297 Enoch 85 Diuisi Gajah /I 297 Diuisi Hasanuddin (TIl) 122, 187, F Brigade, see Brigade F 212,213 F -Organization, see Fujiwara-Orga- Diuisi Hasanuddin (TNI) 158 nization Diuisi Heru Cokro 122 Fadlan, M. 417 n14 Diuisi Lambung Mangkurat Fatah, Abdul188 237-242,418 n22 Fatah, Amir 138-145,404 n17, 409 Diuisi Maulana lshak 122 n18,n20 Diuisi Panglima Batur" 262, 418 n24 Firmansjah 219, 220, 239, 241, Diuisi Rencong 122 267,418 n25 Diuisi Rencong Kesatria Pesindo 40,000 Battalion, see Batalyon 275, 297 40,000 Diuisi Senopa ti 347 40,000 Division, see Diuisi 40,000 Diuisi Siliwangi 19, 20, 77-81, Front Demokrasi Rakyat 347, 426 124,125, 143,345,346,405 n26 Front Pemuda Aceh 327 Diuisi Sunan Gunung Jati 135, 136 Front Pemuda Sunda 355 Diuisi Sunan Rakhmat 122 Fujiwara-Organization 271, 272 Diuisi Syarif Hidayat 122 Diuisi Tengkorak Putih 225, 232, Gabungan Badan Perjuangan Tiga 239,241,418 n23 Daerah 132, 133,408 n9 Diuisi Teungku Chik Ditiro 315, Gabungan Buruh Kalimantan 229, 316, 333, 334 417 n16 Diuisi Teungku Chik Paya Bakong Gabungan Politik lndonesia 35 298 Gabungan Usaha Kemajuan Rakyat Djahri bin Bako, see Djohansjah lndonesia 178,191 Djaja, Raden Mochtar 254, 265, Gaharu, Sjammaun 274, 279-281, 267 332-334,418 n29, 426 n40 Djajadiningrat, Husein 49 Gajah I Division, see Divisi Gajah I Djamaluddin, Achmad, see Kartosu- Gajah /I Division, see Divisi Gajah Djamhuri 403 n12 Gali, Hamid 183, 184, 196-201, Djarman 265 203, 205 Djarung, Makaraeng Daeng 413 n29 Gambiro 235,417 n19 Djenggot 265 Gandhi, Mahatma 30 Djohan 142 Gani, Teungku Abdul 276 Djohan, A.M. 425 n34 Gani, A.K. 420 nl Djohansjah 265,420 n37 Gani, Kaso 179 Djokosujono 426 n2 Gani [Mutiara), Abdul, see Mutiara, Djuanda 333-335 Abdul Gani Djumberi 254, 265, 266 GAPI, see Gabungan Politik lndo- Djunadi, Muhammad 73 nesia Djunadi, R.H.O. 73 Garbie 422 n17 === [PDF page 467] === Index 457 GARI, see Gerakan An(an)tareja Haderi, see Hadjar, Ibnu Republik Indonesia Hadikusumo, Ki Bagus 51, 53,54, Garuda Hitam Battalion, see Batal- 57,58,61,399 n34 yon Garuda Hitam Hadjar, Ibnu 223, 242-249, 254, Garuda Putih Battalion, see Batal- 255,259,260,263-265,268 yon Garuda Putih Hadjat, A.R. 422 n17 Gawis, Budy 222, 224, 416 n8 Hadji, Saleh 423 n26 GBN, see Gerakan Banteng Nasio- Ha kim, Abdul 292, 296, 304, 328, nal 356,425 n35 GEPIS, see Gerakan Pemuda Indo- Halilintar Operation, see Operasi nesia Sulawesi Halilintar Gerakan An(an)tareja Republik In- Halim, A. 174 donesia 137, 138 Hamdi 416 n8 Gerakan Banteng Nasional143 Hamengkubuwono IX 237,347 Gerakan Keamanan Rakyat Mus- Hamid, Abdul 397 n6 limin Daerah Aceh 321 Hamid, Ajah, see Hamid, Teungku Gerakan Muda Bajeng 159 Sjeh Abdul Gerakan Pemuda Arab Indonesia Hamid, Teungku Sjeh Abdul 423 Gerakan Pemuda Indonesia Sula- Hamidjaja, Dodong 92 wesi 156 Hamsjah, Husin 219, 220 Gerakan Pemuda Islam Indonesia Hamy, M. 224 84, 86, 135, 187, 257,300,425 Hamzah, Teuku 333, 335 n35 Hanafiah, A.R. 300, 423.n26 Gerakan Putera Indonesia Sulawesi Hanafiah, Moh. 228, 235,237,417 Selatan 410 n4 n13 Gerakan Rahasia (ALRI Div IV) Hanafiah, Teungku Hasan 276, 295 222 Hanifah, Abu 404 n14 Gerakan Repolusi Rakyat Indonesia Harahap, Burhanuddin 331, 337, 225,416 nl0 425 n36 Gerakan Revolusioner Islam Indo- Hardi 335 nesia 334 Hardjadinata, Sanusi 84 Gerilya Republik Indonesia 137, Harimau 418 n23 138 Harimau Hitam 419 n33 Gerungan 212, 214, 215, 217 Harimau Indonesia 411 n12 Go Teng Po 417 nll Haris bin Suhaemi 101 Godjim 102, 123 Harjowardojo, R. Suhardjo 232, Gondosuwito, Rachim 135 233,235, 236, 348, 421 nl GPAI, see Gerakan Pemuda Arab Harun, Waki 284-286 Indonesia Hasan, Abdul Patah 54, 55 GPII, see Gerakan Pemuda Islam In- Hasan, A.R. 307, 422 n20 donesia Hasan, Danu Mohammad 126 GRI, see Gerilya Republik Indone- Hasan, T.A. 304, 317, 334, 423 sia n26 GRRI, see Gerakan Repolusi Rak- Hasan, Teuku Muhammad 61, 274, yat Indonesia 356 GUKRINDO, see Gabungan Usaha Hasanuddin (Captain) 336,426 n41 Kemajuan Rakyat Indonesia Hasanuddin (Haji) 334, 423 n26, Guntur Brigade, see Brigade Guntur 425 n38 Gyu Gun 67,274,275 Hasanuddin Brigade, see Brigade Hasanuddin === [PDF page 468] === 458 Hasanuddin Division, see Divisi Hasanuddin Hasanuddin Regiment, see Resimen Hasanuddin Hasjim 225 Hasjim, A.R. 423 n26 Hasjim, H. 76 Hasjim, Wachid 47-49, 55, 61, 113, 148 Hasjmy, A. 275, 331-333, 426 n40 Hatta, Mohammad 11, 45-47, 54, 59-64, 103, 110, 134, 292, 302-306, 329, 332, 345, 346, 400 n38 Heiho 68, 130, 159, 275 Heru Cokro Division, Heru Cokro HI, see Harimau Indonesia Hidajat, Gusti 228 Hidajat, Ijet 113, 117, 118, 407 n40 Hidajat, Sjarif 141, 142 hijrah 19, 30-37, 59, 93, 321 Hile, Moh. Junus 413 n29 Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam 257 Hizbul Wathon 156 Hizbullah 19, 20, 43-45, 71-81, 84-88, 134-141, 146, 150, 151, 403 n6, n9, 404 n16, n17, 409 HMI, see Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam Holmann, A.R. 233 Horikoshi, Hiroko 13, 29, 36, 37, 370, 398 n25 Hudari, Achmad 417 n15 Husein, Achmad 338, 426 n45 Huseinsjah 75, 79 Husin, Moh. 422 n18 Husin al Mudjahid, Teungku Amir 270, 275, 280, 281, 290, 298-300, 303, 310, 315-317, 331, 334, 357, 421 n8, 423 n24 see Divisi lakandutju, Mazdjono 209 Ibak 418 n30 Ibrahim, H. 423 n26 Idjun 264 Idris, Chazali 306, 307 Idris, Iskandar 130, 132, 135, 408 Index Idris, Ismail 134 Idris, T.R. 334, 423 n26 Idrus 178, 182 Ikatan Pemuda Indonesia 275 Ikatan Perjuangan Kalimantan 220, 221 Iljas 102 Indonesian Independence Preparatory Committee 59-64, 401 n45, n46 Indonesian Islamic Army, see Tentara Islam Indonesia Indrapuri, Teungku Hasbullah 282, 285, 317 infag 97, 405 n30 Insja, M. 333 IPI, see Ikatan Pemuda Indonesia Ipul 254 Iskandardinata, Otto 51 Islamic Kingdom, see Kerajaan Islam Islamic State of Indonesia, see Negara Islam Indonesia Ismail, Teungku 321 Israel, A. 424n29 Istana Agama Islam Agung 263 Istana Islam Merdeka 263 Item, Haji 107 Jackson, K.D. 373-381, 394, 395, 427 n10-12 Jacub, Teungku Ismail 270 Jahja, T.M. 424 n31 Jakarta Charter 47-61, 335, 399 Jamiatul Wasliah 407 n40 Jawa Hokokai 43 jihad 34 Joko Untung Brigade, see Brigade Joko Untung Jong Islamieten Bond 25-27, 397 n13, n14 Jong Java 25, 26, 397 n12 Jungschlager, L.N.H. 101, 406 n34 Junus, Muh. 129, 136 Junus, Teungku Zakaria 423 n26 Jusran, M. 228 Jusuf, Abdullah 296 Jusuf, Achmad 416 n3 Jusuf, Husin 270, 281, 297-300, 315, 328, 331, 334, 425 n37 [re-OCR’d Oct 18 2026: tesseract 200 dpi, replaces text-layer text for this page] === [PDF page 469] === Index Jusuf, M. 215-217 Kabur, Pak 108 Kadarman 130 Kaderi 418 n30 Kafa, Saleh 423 n26 Kahin, G. McTurnan 371, 372 Kamar, Samsul 413 n30 Kamarullah, Imbran 262, 263, 419 n35 Kamil, Mustafa 398 n16 Kampono 260 Kamran 35, 59, 75, 78-80, 89, 91, 122, 139, 141, 144, 404n13, n24 Kanaefi, Aang 91 Kardjah 418 n30 Kartamihardja, Dede 103 Kartasasmita, Didi 351 Kartawinata, Arudji 33, 35, 83, 345 Kartohadikusumo, M. Sutardjo 62, 327 Kartolo 254 Kartosuwirjo, Sekarmadji Maridjan 13-44 passim, 65, 71, 79-93, 101, 113-115, 118-120, 122, 125, 126, 187, 188, 300, 391, 392, 397 n4, 404 n19, n24, 406 n33, 425 n36 Kasim, M. Ali 318 Kasimin 409 n19 Kawilarang 116, 165-169, 172, 175, 181-185, 298, 338, 347, 348, 412 n23 Kebaktian Rakyat Indonesia Sulawesi 156, 157, 404 n17, 411 n6 Kebaktian Rakyat Indonesia Sulawesi Muda 160, 411 n12 Kebaktian Rakyat Palangga 411 n12 kepercayaan 50, 51, 401 n42 Kerajaan Islam 263 Kerap, see Kebaktian Rakyat Palangga Kesatria Dipisi Rencong, see Divisi Rencong Kesatria Pesindo Kesatuan Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan 166-178, 195, 412 n19, n21 Kesatuan Pemberontakan 88 112 Kesatuan Rakyat Indonesia Yang 459 Tertindas 242, 248-268, 418 n27, n30 Kesatuan Rakyat Yang Tertindas 418 n27 Kesatuan Reserve Umum 160, 346 KGSS, see Kesatuan Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan Khimayatul Islam Battalion, see Batalyon Khimayatul Islam Kinibalu Battalion, see Batalyon Kinibalu Kleef,...van 405 n24, 406 n34 KoDPSST, see Komando Pengamanan Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara Koiso 45, 72 Kokasih 172, 177 Komando Angkatan Perang Republik Indonesia Serikat Territorium Indonesia Timur 412 n17 Komandemen Tertinggi Angkatan Perang NII 97, 122 Komando Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan, see Kesatuan Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan Komando Grup Kalimantan 239 Komando Grup Seberang 161, 167 Komando Jihad 427 n14 Komando Pengamanan Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara 208, 415 n52 Komando Penyelesaian Hulusungai 244, 245 Komando Petak Pertahanan Utara 245 Komando Tentara & Territorium I/ Bukit Barisan 298 Komando Tentara & Territorium 1/Sumatera Utara 298 Komando Tentara & Territorium Aceh 298 Komisi Militer Territorial Indonesia Timur 412 n17 Komite Jasa Baik dalam Masalah Gerilya Sulawesi Selatan 174, 412 n23 Komite Nasib Rakyat 116 Komite Nasional Indonesia Pusat 63, 81, 397 nil [re-OCR’d Oct 18 2026: tesseract 200 dpi, replaces text-layer text for this page] === [PDF page 470] === 460 Index Komite Pertahanan Kebenaran PSlI 138,140,404 n17 35-42 Lasykar Rakyat Murba 225, 417 Konsepsi prinsipiel dan bijaksana nIl 333 Lasykar Salfullah 219,220 Korps Cadangan Nasional176, 177, Lasykar Sulawesi 160 351 Lasykar Wanita 189 Korps Cadangan Nasional/Persiapan Latang 208 Brigade Hasanuddin 177-184, Latief 171 195,196,413 n31 Latuharhary, j. 48, 55,62,63,356 KPKPSII, see Komite Pertahanan Latuk 418 n30 Kebenaran PSlI Latumahina,jozef 178, 413 n29 KRIS, see Kebaktian Rakyat Indo- Latumojang Battalion, see Batalyon nesia Sulawesi Latumojang KRIYT, see Kesatuan Rakyat Indo- Laung Kuning 266 nesia Yang Tertindas Lebai, Iljas 331, 388, 423 n26 KRU, see Kesatuan Reserve Umum Lemah Lanang Battalion, see Batal- Krueng Kale, Teungku Hasan 282 yon Lemah Lanang KRYT, see Kesatuan Rakyat Yang Leman 107 Tertindas Leman, Pawang 326 Kuc'ing Itam 418 n23 Lembong 411 n14 Kumis 419 n30 Lereng Cinta Battalion, see Ba tal- Kurdi 254 yon Lereng Cinta Kurnia 85, 125,126,408 n50 Lintang, Mochtar 211 Kusumah 124 Lipang Bajeng 159, 197,411 n12 Kusumanegara, R. 416 nl0 Lubis, Zulkifli 157, 220,329,337, Kusumasumantri, Raden Iwa 62, 63 425 n36 Macan Citarum Regiment, see Re- Ladjida, Daeng 222-224 simen Macan Citarum Lahade, Mohammad Saleh 158, Macan Ketawa 418 n23 168, 182, 208, 210,211,411 n9, Machfud 123 412n17,n23 Machfudz 145-149, 392, 410 n23, Lalo, Bebasa Daeng 207, 412 n24 n25 Lambung Mangkurat Council, see Madiun affair 66, 148, 150, 341, Dewan Lambung Mangkurat 426 n1 Lambung Mangkurat Division, see Mahdiyin 87 Divisi Lambung Mangkurat Mahmud 246 Lamjati, Maksin, see Arya, P. Mahmud, Tuanku 274 Langkay, Evert 404 n17 Majelis Dewan Perjuangan Priangan, LAPRIS, see Lasykar Pemberontak- see Markas Dewan Pimpinan an Republik Indonesia Perjuangan Laptur, see Lasykar Pemberontak Majelis Islam 86, 113, 138, 139, Turatea 141 Lasykar Buruh 80 Majelis Penimbang 282, 283, 294, Lasykar Harimau Indonesia 160, 295,421 n9, nlO 411 n13 Majelis Persatuan Perjuangan Lasykar Pemberontak Turatea 411 Priangan, see Markas Pimpinan n12,n13 Perjuangan Priangan Lasykar Pemberontakan Republik Majelis Ummat Islam 86 Indonesia 159 Majelis Ummat Islam Indonesia 84, Lasykar Rakyat 80, 81, 107, 135, 86 === [PDF page 471] === Index 461 Majlis I[ta 31 7 Maulana Ishak Majlis Syura 315-317,423 n24 Mawardi 254, 255, 265 Majlis Syuro 93-96, 405 n27, n29 Mayor Polak,j.B.A.F. 425 n34 Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia MBR, see Mobile Battalion Ratu- 19, 43-45, 73, 76, 81-86, 112, langie 114, 117, 138, 146, 148, 153, MDPP, see Markas Dewan Pimpinan 257, 282, 296, 300, 303, 314, Perjuangan 322,323,331,404 n18, 407 n40, Melik, Sajuti 61,132 425 n35 Merapi-Merbabu Complex 152,407 Majlisul Islamil a 'laa Indonesia 39, n42, 410 n26 44 Merdeka Operation, see Operasi Mer- Makalua Charter 190-193, 415 n43 deka Malaka, Tan 108 MIAI, see Majlisul Islamil a 'laa In- Malawa, Abas Daeng 413 n29 donesia Malik, Abdul 120, 407 n45, 411 MMC, see Merapi-Merbabu Comn15 plex Malik, Imam 407 n45 M. N. 1001, see Mohammad Noor Mandau Telabang Kalimantan Indo- 1001 nesia 222,225 Mobile Battalion Ratulangie 171 Mangkusasmito, Prawoto 73, 117, Mobile Brigade Jeneponto 197 153 Mobile Brigade Ratulangie 411 n13 Mangunpuspito, Sunarjo 73 Mochtar 182,413 n29 Manoppo, A.C. 425 n34 Mohammad Noor 1001 220,222 Mansjur 129 Mokoginta, A.j. 163, 164, 167, Mansur, Mas 399 n34 168,412 n17 Mappandjuki, Andi 158 Moment Mobile Kommando 206 Maramis 47, 48, 400 n40 Momok, see Moment Mobile Kom- Mardjajana 249, 254 mando Markas Besar Rakyat Umum 279 Momok Ansharullah 212-214 Markas Dewan Pimpinan Perjuang- Mongisidi, Robert Wolter 159,413 an 78,403 nll n32 Markas Pimpinan Perjuangan Mortimer, R.A. 364 Priangan 78, 79,404 n13 MPPP, see Markas Pimpinan Per- Martinus 416 n9 juangan Priangan Masjhudi 73 MTKI, see Mandau Telabang Kali- Masjkur 56, 57, 60, 76 mantan Indonesia Masri 255 Muchsin 410 n21 Masse, Andi 206 Mughny 145 Massepe, Andi Abdullah Bau 413 Muhammad, Djuir 323 n32 Muhammadiyah 25, 39, 82, 113, Mastur 418 n30 155,271,407 n40, 425 n35 Masyumi, see Majlis Syuro Mus- Muhammadsjah 160 limin Indonesia Muis 418 n30 Mataram Brigade, see Brigade Mata- Muis, Chairul 254 ram Muis, Gusti H. 220,416 n3 Matinri, Saleh Daeng 413 n30 Mujahidin (Aceh) 275, 280, 282, Mattalatta, Andi 158,167,411 n9 298 Mattaliu, Bahar 162, 166, 190, 192, Mujahidin (Centra! java) 138-140 194,197,212-215,412n20 Mujahidin (Sulawesi) 192 Mattiro, Alinuddin Daeng 413 n30 Mukti, H. 345 Maulana Ishak Division, see Divisi Muljono 416 n9 === [PDF page 472] === 462 Munawar 150, 151 Munsi, A.K. 254 Murba 118, 417 nl1 Murdjani, M. 247, 252, 253, 259, 267, 356 Murthadla, al, see Husin al Mudjahid, Teungku Amir Murtopo, Ali 408 nl1 Muslich (Central Java) 144 Muslich (West Java) 114 Musso 24 Mustapha 412 n24 Mustopa, Irfan 142 Musyawarah Kerukunan Aceh 338 Mutiara, Abdul Gani 302, 318, 324, 334, 423 n26, 424n28 Muzakkar, Abdul Kahar 120, 155-158, 160, 161, 165, 167-217, 353, 410 nl-3, 411 n6, n14, 412 n41 Muzakkar, Corry 189, 215 Muzakkir, Abdul Kahar 47, 57, 60, 74, 399 n34 Rakyat Nachrowi, Kosim 136, 410 n21 Nafiah 253 Nahdatul Ulama 25, 39, 82, 357, Nainggolan, Bojke 426 n41 Nanlohy 163 Nasuhi 98, 99 Nasution, A.H. 77-79, 124, 160, 299, 332, 336, 345-348, 351, 352, 404 n14, 422 n15 Natsir 224, 416 n8 Natsir, Mohammad 883, 110, 111, 113, 114, 117, 144, 175, 176, 180, 292, 337 Nawawi, Mohammed Ansori 354, 355 NDI, see Negara Demokrasi Indonesia Neals,... 233 Nederlandsch-Indische Artsen School 22, 23 Nederlandsch Indische Gerilja Organizatie 407 n38 Negara Demokrasi Indonesia 426 n42 Index Negara Indonesia Timur 160, 162-166 Negara Islam Indonesia 1, 14, 89-97 Negara Pasundan 70, 87, 88, 97-101 Neh, Njak 282, 299 Ngalle, Pajonga Daeng 159 NIAS, see Nederlandsch-Indische Artsen School NICOI, see Nihilis Communisme Indonesia Nieuwenhuijze, C.A.O. van 13, 43, 395 Nihilis Communisme Indonesia 276 NIGO, see Nederlandsch Indische Gerilja Organizatie NII, see Negara Islam Indonesia Noor, Kadri 417 n14 Noor, Kamaruddin 239 Noor, Moh. 108 Noor, Mohammad 220, 221, 248, 356, 416 n3 Notosusanto, Nugroho 399 n35 Nukman 403 n12 Nukum 336, 426 n41 Nur, Mohammad 421 nl Nur el Ibrahim, Teungku Mohammad 270, 296, 322, 326 Nursidik 146-149 Oni 85-89, 115, 122, 124, 398 n16, Operasi Brata Yudha 125 Operasi Halilintar 201, 203 Operasi Kilat 216 Operasi Merdeka 117, 185-187, 249 Operasi Sabang Merauke 426 n41 Operasi Tumpas 216 OSM, see Operasi Sabang Merauke Overdijkink, G.W. 409 n13 Paceke Paceke PADI, see Pahlawan Darul Islam pagar betis 124, 125 Pahlawan Darul Islam 87, 404 n22 Pakasi, G. 411 n6 Pakpahan 403 n12 Palemewen, F. 411 n6 Pancasila 45-61, 399 n35 Pandu Islam 302 Battalion, see Batalyon [re-OCR’d Oct 18 2026: tesseract 200 dpi, replaces text-layer text for this page] === [PDF page 473] === Index 463 Pane, Ibrahim 277 Pasukan Islam 263 Pangeran Diponegoro Division, see Pasukan Istimewa 403 n12 Divisi Diponegoro Pasukan Pemuda 404 n21 Panglima Batur Battalion, see Ba tal- Pasukan Seberang 160 yon Panglima Batur Pasukan Semiaji 112,406 n35 Panglima Batur Division, see Divisi Pasukan Surengpati 146, 410 n24 Panglima Batur Pasukan Surya Kencana 111 Panitia Badan Penyelesaian Peristi- Pasundan, see Negara Pasundan wa Aceh 424 n31 Pattawari 206 Panitya Penbantu Tentara Nasional Pelupessy 404 n15 Indonesia 236,418 n21 Pembangunan Indonesia 277 Panitya Penyelenggara Keamanan Pembela Tanah Air 45, 67, 72-75, 235 128,130,403 n7 Panitya Penyelenggara Persatuan Pemerintah Darurat Militer 338 Pencegah Perpecahan 241 Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Panitya Penyelesaian Masalah Indonesia / Perjuangan Semesta Gerilya 177,178,413 n29,n30 209-212, 336, 337 Panitya Rehabilitasi Bekas Gerilya Pemerintahan Gubernur Tentera 413 n26 ALRI Div IV Kalimantan Selatan Panrenregi, Andi 415 n46 223-236 passim, 250, 260 Parkindo, see Partai Kristen Indone- Pemuda Islam Jihad 189 sia Pemuda Muhammadiyah 155 Partai Buruh 118,426 n4, n6 Pemuda Pusa 270, 275, 302 Partai Islam Indonesia 113 Pemuda Republik Indonesia (Aceh) Partai Komunis Indonesia 24, 40, 275 84,114,117,118,262,279,282, Pemuda Republik Indonesia (Kali- 295, 296, 303, 305, 314, 321, mantan) 219, 220 323,327,414 n37, 415 n43, 419 Pemuda Republik Indonesia (West n33, 425 n35, 426 n4, n6 Java) 403 n12 Partai Kristen Indonesia 84 Pemudá Sosialis Indonesia 78, 80, Partai Nasional Indonesia 81, 84, 82, 88, 134, 135,345,347,403 114, 117, 118, 262, 266, 279, n12, 404 n15, 421 n3, 422 n14, 294,296,314,321,323,327 426 n4, n6 Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia (Aceh) 23-26, 29-40, 42, 74, 82, 83, 113, 276-279, 282 114, 397 nl0-15, 398 n18, Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia Kalimann20-24, n26, 399 n30, 404 n18, tan 220, 221,416 n2 n19 Pendidikan Politik Tentara 345 Partai Sosialis 426 n4, n6 Penerjang Penjajah Indonesia 411 Partai Sosialis Indonesia 279, 282, n12 322 Penyelidik Militer Khusus 157, 220 Partawidjaja, Sanusi 86, 116, 117, Pepolit, see Pendidikan Poli tik Ten- 122,263,404 n24, 407 n41 tara Parwoto 408 n6 Perguruan Islam 155 Pasukan A 183,414 n35 Perguruan Normal Islam 270 Pasukan Angling Darma 112 Perintah Perang Semesta 125 Pasukan Banteng Wulung 112 Perjuangan Pembelaan Nasional 84 Pasukan Bebas 164 Perkumpulan Banteng Borneo 245 Pasukan Harimau Indone sia 160 PERMA, see Persatuan Masyarakat Pasukan Indonesia Maluku 157 Aceh === [PDF page 474] === 464 Index Permufakatan Perhimpunan-per- gara Persatuan Pencegah PI'TPehimpunan Politik Kebangsaan In- cahan donesia 398 n22 PPTNI, see Panitya Pembantu Ten- Persatuan Bekas Perjuang Islam tara Nasionallndonesia Aceh 300, 302 Pragolo Brigade, see Brigade Pra- Persatuan Indonesia Raya 253, 425 golo n34 Pratalykrama 55, 56 Persatuan Kaum Perawat Indonesia Prawiranegara, Sjafruddin 288, 337 417 n16 Prawoto 141,409 n20 Persatuan Masyarakat Aceh 424 PRI, see Pemuda Republik Indonen31 sia Persatuan Pangreh Praja 229 PRIK, see Pemuda Republik Indo- Persatuan Pegawai Indonesia 229, nesia Kalimantan 417 n16 PRRI/Permesta, see Pemerintah Persatuan Pekerja Indonesia 417 Revolusioner Republik Indonesial n16 Perjuangan Semesta Persatuan Pemuda Nasionallndone- PSI, see Partai Sosialis Indonesia sia 411 n12 PSU see Partai Sarekat islam Indo- Persatuan Pemuda Pelajar Indonesia nesia 403 n12 Purbohadidjojo, Wiwoho 26, 113 Persatuan Tarbiyah Islamiyah 327 PUSA, see Persatuan Ulama-ulama Persatuan Ulama-ulama Se/uruh In- Seluruh Indonesia donesia 270-273, 275, 281-285, Pusponegoro Regiment, see Resi- 293-297,301,302,305 men Pusponegoro Persiapan B(rigad)e Hasanuddin, Putuhena 163 see Korps Cadangan Nasional/ Persiapan Brigade Hasanuddin Rachman, A. Abd. 411 n6 Perti, see Persatuan Tarbiyah Rachmani, Tjek Mat 285 Islamiyah Raden, H. 228 Pesindo, see Pemuda Sosialis Indo- Rahasia 203, 204 nesia Rahman, Baharudin 411 n6 Peta, see Pembe/a Tanah Air Rahmat 129 Peureula, Teungku Usman 276 Raliby, Usman 328 PIl, see Partai Islam Indonesia Ramlan 417 nl4 PIM, see Pasukan Indonesia Maluku Ramli 398 nl6 PIR, see Persatuan Indonesia Raya Rangkap,j.C. 417 n10 Pitojo 408 n6 Rani, Abdul 422 n17 PK.I, see Partai Komunis Indonesia Rante Mario Battalion, see Ba tal- Pluvier,j.M. 25,26 yon Rante Mario PMC, see Penyelidikan Militer Ranuwihardjo, Dachlan 257 Khusus RAPI, see Ratu Adil Persatuan In- PNI, see Partai Nasional Indonesia donesia Polisi Islam Indonesia 87, 118 Rappart, j. 411 n6 PPI, see Penerjang Penjajah Indone- Rasid, Samsudin 412 n22 sla Rasjaidi 249, 254 PPNI, see Persatuan Pemuda Nasio- Rasjid, Mustafa 300 nallndonesia Rate, Arief 171,413 n32 PPPK.I, see Permufakatan Perhim- Ratu Adil Persatuan Indonesia 112 punan-perhimpunan Po/itik Ke- Ratulangi, A. 411 n6 bangsaan Indonesia Ratulangi, G.S.S.j. 356 PPPPP (P5), see Panitya Penyeieng- Rede 418 n23 === [PDF page 475] === Index 465 Reksoatmodjo, Raden Sungeb 130, Salamun 152 408 n5 Saleh, Chaerul 107 Reksodihardjo, S. Parman 290 Saleh, Hasan 308, 324, 333, 334, Rencong Division, see Divisi Ren- 423 n26, 425 n37 cong Saleh, lbrahim 324, 334, 423 n26 Republican Military Government of Salim, Agus 26, 31-33, 35, 47-49, South Kalimantan, see Peme- 55, 60, 83, 398 n18, 399 n34, rintahan Gubernur Tentera ALRI 400 n40 Div IV Kalimantan Selatan Samsi 265 Republik Islam Aceh 337 Samsuardi, see Samsi Republik Maluku Selatan 112, 120, Sani, Teungku 321 208,407 n42 Sanusi, Achmad 57, 58, 60, 399 Republik Persatuan Indonesia 212, n34, 401 n43 336-338,426 n42 Sardjio 132,408 n12, 409 n13 Resimen Hasanuddin 160 Sarekat Islam, see Partai Sarekat Resimen Macan Citarum 107, 404 Islam Indonesia n17 Sarekat Muslimin Indonesia 407 Resimen Pusponegoro 135, 136 n40 Resimen Tentara Perjuangan 79, 80 Sastrastopo, Radimum 410 n21 Resimen Tharmihim 316 Sastroamidjojo, Ali 314, 331 Rezekan 416 n3 Saunari 410 n23 RIA, see Republik Islam Aceh Sayap Kiri 345, 347,426 n4, n6 Ribut, Pak 108 Schelterna, A.M.P.A. 370 Ridhwan, Affandi 115-117, 407 Schiphorst,... 424 n29 n41 Schmidt, H.C.J.G. 101,406 n34 Rivai 404 nl 5 Sedar, lbrahim 425 n34 Rivai, Mohammad 91 Seinendan 159 Riwut, Tjilik 220 Selle, Andi 179, 182, 196, 199, RMS, see Republik Maluku Selatan 216,217,411 n8, 413 n32 Romo, Ranggong Daeng 159 Seman, Mursjid 222 Romo Pusat, see Machfudz Senopati Division, see Divisi Seno- RPI, see Republik Persatuan Indo- pati neslU Sentral Organisasi Buruh Seluruh Rukman 405 n25 Indonesia 84, 118, 426 n6 Rukun Pertukangan Indonesia 417 Serikat Guru Indonesia 417 n 16 n16 Serikat Kerakyatan Indonesia 322 Roem, Mohamad 73, 82, 83, 399 Serikat Pos 417 n16 n35 Setiawan, Djaelani 126, 405 n24 Ruslan, A. 417 n15 17 August Division, see Divisi 17 Rustam 416 n9 Agustus SHWK Battalion, see Batalyon Saat, Teuku 425 n38 Syarif Hidayat Wz)"ayakusuma Sab, Husin 281 Sidik, Machfudz 255 Sa'ban, R. 417 n15 Siliwangi Division, sec Divisi Sili- Sabili'llah 19, 20,43,71,72,76-80, wangi 84-87,403 n9, 404 n16 Simatupang, Tahi Bonar 19, 299, Sabili'llah Kalimantan 220 347,422 n15 Sachjani, see Kutil Simbolon, Maludin 299, 309, 332, Sachroni 410 n21 337,338,422 n15 Sadikin 113,247,407 n39 Singgih 400 n40 Sakirman 426 n2, n3 Singodimedjo, M. Kasman 62 === [PDF page 476] === 466 Sitompul, H.T. 245, 247, 249, 297, 298, 418 n29 Sjafei, Moh. 410 n23 Sjahban, Saleh 161, 166, 177, 179, 188 Sjahrir, Sutan 134 Sjahrul 417 n14 Sjamsuri 410 n21 Sjarifuddin, Amir 18, 83, 344-347, 426 n6 Sjarkawi 253 Sjatori 132, 133 SKI, see Serikat Kerakyatan Indonesia Slamet 410 n21 Smail, J.R.W. 15, 77, 403 n6, n9 Sobsi, see Sentral Organisasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia Sofjan 150, 151 Solihat, Kadar 123 Solihin 216 Sose, Andi 169, 179, 183, 184, 190, 197, 215, 216 Soshby, Abdullah Riau 187 Sospati, Halinis 126 S.P. 88, see Kesatuan Pemberontakan 88 Study Committee for the Preparation of Independence 45-58, 63, 399 n32-35, 400 n36-40, 401 n43, n44 Sub Wehrkreise Slamet III 140-142, Subandi 234 Subardjo 47, 48, 62, 400 n40 Subchi, Solihin 410 n21 Subrata, see Kurdi Subrata, Tjetje 108 Subroto, Gatot 144, 148, 185, 335 Subroto, Ibnu 183 Sudarman 404 n15 Sudirman 19, 86, 134, 139, 185, 225 Sudirman, R. 208 Sudiro 356 Sudjadi, Imam 142 Sudjai, Abu 132, 133, 408 n8 Sudjono 73 Sueb 91 Suffah Institute 39, 42, 43, 398 Index Sufi, Nurdin 421 n7 Sugiono 408 n6 Suharsono 237 Soeharto 150, 161, 165, 168, 171 Sukardi 277 Sukardy, Eddy 418 n29 Soekarno 11, 23-25, 45-62, 126, 134, 156, 164, 199, 203-205, 255-258, 267, 294, 301, 303, 311, 399 n35, 401 n43, 415 n49 Sukawati 164 Sukiman 49, 117, 184, 294, 399 Sukowati 414 n35 Sulaeman, Rachmat 404 n15 Sulaiman, Anang 261, 419 n34 Sumadipradja, Makmun 113, 176, 407 n39, 413 n25 Sumantri, E. 412 n24 Sumardi 408 n6 Sumarjo, Mas 417 n19 Sumarto, Sutikno P. 299 Sumohardjo, Urip 220 Sumolangu, see Machfudz Sumual, H.N. Ventje 161, 415 n53 Sunan Gunung Jati Division, see Divisi Sunan Gunung Jati Sunan Rakhmat Division, see Divisi Sunan Rakhmat Sunari, S. 413 n29 Sunarjo 174 Sunarjo, Raden M. Slamet 130, 131 Sungkawa, Achmad 103, 108, 116, 123 Sunnah wal Jama'ah 123, 407 n47 Supangat, R. 132 Supardan, Hutomo 412 n24 Supit, I.B. 413 n30 Supomo 46, 47, 52-56, 400 n40 Supradja 86 Suprajogi 335 Suprapto 408 n12, 409 n13 Suprapto (Lieutenant-Colonel) 118 Suprapto, R.M. Bambang 142 Suranto 417 n15 Surengpati Troops, Surengpati Surjah, Gusti 254 Surjo, R.M.T.A. 356 Surjosurarso, R.M.S. 297, 298 Suromihardjo, Suadi 247, 418 n29 see Pasukan [re-OCR’d Oct 18 2026: tesseract 200 dpi, replaces text-layer text for this page] === [PDF page 477] === Index 467 Suroso, R.P. 356 Tentara Pelajar 405 n25, 413 n27 Suroto 417 n15 Tentara Pelajar P. 18418 n23 Surowijono, S. 73 Tentara Pemberontak Republik In- Susman, Muh. 135, 136 donesia 411 n12 Sutardjo, Sarwono S. 296 Tentara Perjuangan Rakyat 280 Sutoko 78, 86, 139,404 n13 Tentara Persatuan Indonesia 426 Sutomo 81, 347,404 n17 n42 Sutrisno, B. 183,413 n31 Tentara Rakyat 405 n31, 407 n42 Suwirjo 186 Tentara Rakyat Indonesia 112 swadeshi 30, 31 Tentara Republik Indonesia 134 Swier,... van 277 Tentara Republik Indonesia Per- SWKS-III, see Sub Wehrkreise siapan Sulawesi 157, 160 Slamet III Teungku Chik Ditiro Division, see Syarif Hidayat Division, see Divisi Divisi Teungku Chik Ditiro Syarif Hidayat Tharmihim Regiment, see Resimen Syarif Hidayat Wijayakusuma Bat- Tharmihim talion, see Ba taly on Syarif Tiga Daerah affair 127-134, 408 Hidayat Wijayakusuma n4-12, 409 n13-16 TIl, see Tentara Islam Indonesia Taba, Azis 179,183,184,196,216 Times, Agust 418 n23 Tamberani 254 Tiro, Hasan Muhammad 318-320, Tardiatul Islam 407 n40 338, 353, 426 n44 Taruna Jaya Battalion, see Batalyon Tiro, Zainul Abidin Muhammad TarunaJaya 318,424 n28 Tauziri, Jusuf 13-16, 35, 85, 87, Tirtapradja, Adah Djaelani 126, 397 n4 408 n50 TDI, see Tentara Demokrasi Indo- Tirtoprodjo, Susanto 290 nesia Tjilik, Utuh 254 Tengkorak Putih 413 n31 Tjinaby 267 Tengkorak Putih Division, see Divisi Tjitrosatmoko 132 Tengkorak Putih Tjokroaminoto, Anwar 73, 117, Tenriadjeng, Andi 183, 197, 415 345 n46 Tjokroaminoto, Oemar Said 23, 24, Tentara Demokrasi Inäonesia 426 32 n42 Tjokroaminoto, Utarjo Anwar 406 Tentara Islam Indonesia 18,35,81, n33 87, 90, 94, 102, 105, 106, 111, Tjokrodiningrat 253 118, 122, 123, 142, 144, 151, Tjokrosujoso, Abikusno 32-35, 187 40-51 passim, 60, 83, 398 n18, Tentara Keamanan Rakyat 12, 134, n29, 399 n34, 406 n33 275,279, see also Tentara Kemer- Tjumbok, Teuku Daud 277-279 dekaan Rakyat Tjut, Nja' 316 Tentara Kemerdekaan Rakyat 188, TKR, see Tentara Keamanan 198·201,206,207, 209,414 n38 Rakyat Tentara Keselamatan Rakyat 134 TKR, see Tentara Kemerdekaan Tentara Kucing /tam 225 Rakyat Tentara Lawung 225, 417 nl0 TKR, see Tentara Keselamatan Tentara Nasional lndonesia 135, Rakyat 343-353 TNI, see Tentara Nasional Indone- Tentara Nasional Indonesia (bagian) sla Masyarakat 345, 346, 426 n3, n5 TNI (bagian) Masyarakat, see === [PDF page 478] === 468 Index Ten ta ra Nasional lndonesia Arends (bagian) Masyarakat Wibisono, Jusuf 73, 323 Toba, Daeng 418 n23 Wilopo 303 Tokubetsu Keisatsutai 275 Wira, Tasik 114 Tompo, T.I.A. Daeng 178 Wiranatakusumah 406 n33 TPI, see Tentara Persatuan lndone- Wiranatakusumah, Achmad 98, 99 sia Wiranatakusumah, Male 403 n12 TPRI, see Tentara Pemberontak Wiriadinata, Lukman 412 n24 Republik lndonesia Wolf, E.R. 365, 366 TRI, see Tentara Republik Indone- Wolter Mongisidi Battalion, see Sta Batalyon Wo/ter Mongisidi TRI Persiapan Sulawesi, see Tentara Wondoamiseno, W. 76, 83 Republik lndonesia Persiapan Wongsoatmodjo 140,409 n20 Sulawesi Wongsonegoro 49-51, 55, 60, 205, TRIP(E)S, see Tentara Republik ln- 400 n40 donesia Persiapan Sulawesi Worang, B.V. 164,167,412 n16 Trisila 188 Tusi, Abdul Kudus Gozali 86, 124, Yamin, Muhammad 45,47,53, 54, 398 n16, 405 n24 60, 399 n35, 400 n36, n40 Yanagawa 74 ulèëbalang 270-283, 295, 296, Yayasan Kopra 362 386-388,421 n6 Umar, Nja' 304, 421 n10 Zaidi, A. 222 UNCI, see United Nations Commis- Zainuddin (Aceh) 289 sion for Indonesia Zainuddin (West Java) 114 Undang-u ndang Dasar 1945 47-62 Zakaria, Achmad 222, 240 United Nations Commission for In- Zamzam, Zafry 245, 248, 262 donesia 231-233 Zarkasji, K.J. 73 Usaha Rahasia Khusus Organisasi Zuchry, Asli 222 193 Usman, Abdul Gani 334 Utji 123 Veenendaal, H.J. 234 Vink, G.J. 366 Wachid 143 Wahab, Abdullah 423 n26 Wahab, Teungku A. 298 Wahab, Wahib 75 Wali al-Fatah, Raden 113-115 Warouw, J.F. 161, 164, 165, 167, 181,183·185,202-205,210,338, 414 n35, 415 n53 Wawer, W. 95 Waworuntu, J.M. 411 n6 Wediodiningrat, Radjiman 45, 51, 53, 56-58, 60 Westerling, R.P.P. 16, 100, 158, 161,406 n32 White Eagle Battalion, see Batalyon === [PDF page 479] === SUMATERA ]AWA BARAT LAUT JAWA SELAT SUNDA -_~bon I Lebak XI Purwakarta II Serang XII Bandung III Pandeglang XIII Sumedang IV Tangerang XIV Indramayu VI Karawang XVI Majalengka VII Subang XVII Kuningan VIII Bogor XVIII Ciamis IX Sukabumi XIX Garut X Cianjur XX Tas ikma laya SAMUDERA INDONESIA REGENCY BOUNDARY ----- o 100 hb81 === [PDF page 480] === o 100 LAUT JAWA Rembang [Unreadable] I Brebes XI Kebumen XXI Pati II Cilacap XII purworejo XXII Rembang i III Banyumas XIII Temanggung XXIII Blora IV Tegal XIV Kendal XXIV Grobogan VI Purbolinggo XVI Magelang XXVI Klaten VII Banjarnegara XVII Sukoharjo XXVII Sujoharjo PROVo BOUNDARY --.--.- VIII Pekalongan XVIII Demak XXVIII Karanganyar REGENCY BOUNDARY ----- IX Batang XIX Jepara XXIX Wonogiri hb81 === [PDF page 481] === SULAWESI SELATAN [Unreadable] DANAU TELUK BONE I Mamuju I! Luwu V Tana Toraja VI Pinrang VII Enrekang VIII Sidenreng Rapang IX Wajo X Barru XI Soppeng XII Bone XIII Pangkajene XIV Maros XV Sinjai XVI Bulukumba XVI! Gowa XVIII Takalar XIX Jeneponto XX Bonthain XXI Selayar XXII Kodya Ujungpandang XXIII Kodya Pare Pare PROVo BOUNDARY --.--.- REGENCY BOUNDARY ----- LAUT FLORES ROAD hb81 === [PDF page 482] === KALIMANTAN I Kotarnadya Banjarrnasin SELATAN II Banjar III Tanah Laut IV Tapin V Hulu Sungai Selatan VI Hulu Sungai Tengah VII Hulu Sungai Utara VIII Tanjung IX Barito Kuala X Kota Baru REGENCY BOUNDARY ----- ROAD PROP KALIMANTAN TENGAH SE LAT MAKASSAR Kotabaru 111 LAUT JAWA oI 100 hb81 === [PDF page 483] === P.WEH ~Sabang D.I. ACEH LAUT ANDAMAN SAMUDERA INDONESIA I Aceh Besar II Pidie III Aceh Utara IV Aceh Barat Aceh Tengah Aceh Timur VII Aceh Tenggara VIII Aceh Selatan PROVo BOUNDARY --0--0- --_.-.,; REGENCY BOUNDARY ----- o 100 hb81

=== [Page 3] === TREATISES OF THE ROYAL INSTITUTE FOR LANGUAGE, LAND AND ETHNOLOGY 94 C. VAN DIJK REBELLION UNDER THE BANNER OF ISLAM THE DARUL ISLAM IN INDONESIA THE HAGUE - MARTINUS NIJHOFF 1981 === [Page 8] === [Unreadable OCR – not translated] === [Page 442] === [Unreadable OCR – not translated] === [Page 448] === [Unreadable OCR – not translated] === [Page 479] === [Unreadable OCR – not translated] === [Page 480] === [Unreadable OCR – not translated] === [Page 483] === [Unreadable OCR – not translated]